Suchergebnisse

Examines research on, and importance of, state courts, including dissimilitude of US state high courts; focuses on the case of abortion and judicial review of restrictive abortion legislation. Assesses factors associated with the duration of time between legislative enactment of a restrictive statute and the court docketing a case in which a constitutional challenge is made, and the forces affecting the individual justices' votes to invalidate or uphold that legislation.

The impacts of the Bilateral Campaign Reform Act (BCRA) on state & local elections are discussed in this chapter of Life after Reform: When Bipartisan Campaign Reform Meets Politics. Predictions of experimentation, decentralization & shifting power among partisan elites are discussed in the context of federal & nonfederal categories of party activities created by BCRA. States with election laws that differ greatly from BCRA are predicted to be the greatest experimenters as local parties reaggregate resources to bypass limits on the use of nonfederal monies. BCRA decentralization to local parties will lead to increases in certain types of local parties as state parties are distanced from federal candidates. The interdependencies of organizations in a resource dependent analysis points to state & local parties competing for funds that pre BCRA were used at the federal level. The authors conclude that the lasting impact of BCRA will be changes in intraparty relations as the lines since the line between state & federal campaign funds has been clarified. 2 Tables, 2 Figures. J. Harwell

Examines to what extent political geography can help understand a state's politics, using a geographic statistic to identify regional nodes in four states for 1928-35 and 1988-2000 presidential elections.

A measure of pol'al party strength based on stage legislative seats & governorships won was used to classify the American states as `one party', 'weak minority party', & `2 party'. As an extension of the scope & methods of earlier studies 15 variable: were selected for statistical investigation to determine whether the party strength classification discriminated states which differed in a wider range of variables than the classification bases. Interest was restricted to 'one party' & '2 party' states. Statistical comparisons demonstrated that states in these 2 party strength categories were characterized by differential possession of 10-variables. These included: density, mobility, color & country of birth of the pop; Md- income & educ; & an index of manufacturing vs farming. 5 measures of state pop growth & size did not discriminate between the party strength categories. Further res, esp the test of derived hypo's on the country level, is necessary to substantiate & exploit the finding AA-IPSA.

Despite volumes of research, there is little agreement on which states to include in the modern political South. In this paper, we analyze state-level demographic, political, public opinion, & policy outcome data to evaluate the distinctiveness of the eleven states of the old Confederacy. Next, we combine the public opinion & policy outcomes unique to the old Confederacy states to create an index of political southernness. Our scale of southernness suggests that the traditional definitions of the region need to be reevaluated. For example, we find that Oklahoma & Kentucky score high on our scale, while Tennessee, Virginia, & especially Texas are much less politically southern. 5 Tables, 1 Appendix, 36 References. Adapted from the source document.

For decades, scholars have debated the relative explanatory power of economic & political factors in determining policy outputs. In addition, I introduce a new concept, "systematic determinants," which includes incrementalism & proportionalism. Policy spending is likely to change only marginally, or incrementally, from previous spending levels. Also, the relative sizes of policy programs in a government are likely to remain similar, or proportional. In my study of the elementary & secondary educational spending by the state governments of the United States in 2000, I found that the systematic determinants, such as incrementalism & proportionalism, have a greater influence on the educational spending. Also, my finding shows that Democratic-majority legislative chambers are likely to increase educational spending. 3 Tables, 5 Figures, 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

The right to access (& ultimately spend) public sector savings is determined by the party which can control the political outcome. This implies that anticipated future changes in the state's controlling political party may systematically adversely affect current savings. Extending the Life Cycle/Permanent Income model, I show that a representative legislator will opt to forgo current saving in favor of spending when his prospects for future political control diminish. Estimating a panel data model of 39 states from 1973-1995, I find that an actual future change in the controlling party of a state's Lower House significantly reduces current saving. 2 Tables, 38 References. Adapted from the source document.

Examines role of political parties in elections, using survey data from seven states in 1994; includes party, candidate, district, and state contextual factors; Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Oregon, South Carolina, Texas, and Wyoming.

Discusses conflicts between small & large countries in debates about the structure of the European Union (EU) & the ability of small member states to influence European politics. Special attention is given to public perceptions in Austria & other smaller EU member states about sanctions used in 2000 to boycott Austria's conservative coalition government. Citizens of smaller EU members, especially Denmark, interpreted the sanctions as an example of the dominance of large members over smaller ones, claiming the same measures would not have been imposed on larger nations if they had formed a similar radical right-wing coalition government. Differences between "big" & "small" are explored, & the conflict is illustrated by looking at the positions of large & small members on the extension of qualified majority voting, weighting Council votes, Commission size, enhanced cooperation, & the Charter of Fundamental Rights. The conflict's role in the debate on a new European constitution is discussed, maintaining that constitutionalization of the EU might restrain open power struggles & impair the bullying ability of larger states. 31 References. J. Lindroth