It provides a comprehensive summary of the current status of national health and health systems including; mortality and burden of disease, causes of death, reported infectious diseases, health service coverage, risk factors, health systems resources, health expenditures, inequities and demographic and socioeconomic statistics
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Ben shu an zhao tong ji xue,She hui xue he jing ji xue xiang guan li lun,Gou jian ju min dui jing ji,Zheng zhi,Wen hua,She hui,Sheng tai jian she cheng guo xiang shou cheng du de ce du zhi biao ti xi,Xing cheng fan ying she hui bian qian,Min sheng gai shan he she hui fa zhan de zhi shu;Yi min zhong dui jing ji,Zheng zhi,Wen hua,She hui,Sheng tai jian she cheng guo xiang shou nei rong wei shu ru,Yi min zhong dui jing ji,Zheng zhi,Wen hua,She hui,Sheng tai jian she cheng guo xiang shou cheng du de ping jia wei shu chu,Yan jiu qi zhong de nei zai lian xi,Xing cheng bu duan wan shan de you ji jie gou he li lun ti xi
The study of Chinese labour politics has returned to the centre of scholarly interest as China has increasingly become involved in global production and trade. As the incidence of labour dispute and workers' strikes continued to soar, ubiquitous cases of labour rights abuse have been widely reported by international media and academics. The literature of Marxist international political economy has long predicted the insurgency of the Chinese working class resulting from rising inequality, global capital movement and labour division. In contrast, traditional Chinese labour studies are inconclusive as to whether the Chinese working class has gained enough class consciousness to become a cohesive agent for social and political change. This research examines how rising economic, social and political inequalities have impacted on the Chinese working class's agency. The research shifts the focus from top-down structural analysis to workers' agency itself, with an emphasis on their cognitive strength. The research was undertaken via a two-case comparative study of the Chinese working class in four megacities and four smaller cities. Data came mostly from statistics and field interviews. This two-case comparative study concludes that, overall, the Chinese working class had a weak behavioural strength, as manifested by inconsistent wildcat-style strikes, which had no clear political strategies. This research also concludes that the working class's cognitive agency is weak and conservative, as manifested by a weak class identification, their poor understanding of democracy, their low willingness to participate in collective action, and their weak sense of class solidarity. I argue that inequalities and capital movement do not have a simple and unidirectional relationship with the working class's collective agency. On the one hand, inequalities and capital movement can arouse the working class's behavioural strength quickly. On the other hand, workers' cognitive strength is more inert and does not correspond neatly to these two factors. The research findings show that the megacities are more economically developed, with higher inequalities, but with considerably weaker and more conservative working class agency; whereas the smaller cities are less economically developed, with lower inequalities, but with less weak and conservative working class agency. The addition of cognitive strength as a new dimension of working class study provides a pluralist analytical framework for the study of Chinese labour. The new Chinese working class are better educated and more individualised with three main characteristics - occupation-based, precarious, and conservative - which distinguish them from the older generations of workers who had a clear group identification, such as the SOE workers in the 1990s, and the rural migrant workers in the 2000s. These theoretical and empirical findings open up possibilities of new strategies for effective labour organisation that should be considered by labour NGOs, civil society and the government. These players not only need to manage the working class action carefully, but also need to better understand the workers' complex cognitive situations.
For at least a century academics and governmental researchers have been developing measures that would aid them in understanding income distributions, their differences with respect to geographic regions, and changes over time periods. It is a fascinating area due to a number of reasons, one of them being the fact that different measures, or indices, are needed to reveal different features of income distributions. The existing indices, the Gini index, the Bonferroni index and the Zenga index are intrinsically linked each other, whereas their emphasis are laid differently. One of the limitations of the existing indices is that they provide an overall measurement for the whole society and cannot distinguish the distributions with the same index value. This thesis works on the extension of the three indices and proposes a new index which can make comparison between any groups with different income level, for example, the richest group and the poorest group. The new index satisfies the axioms of inequality measures. The statistical inferential results of the new index are derived and their performance are tested by a simulation study and the results are used to analyze the income data of Hong Kong from Census and Statistics Department, HKSAR. ; 近一個世紀學術界和政府間的研究人員一直致力於創造和發展可以幫助理解不同國家地區收入分布和差異的測度。很多原因使之成為令人感興趣的研究領域,需要不同測度或指數用以理解收入分布的不同特征便是原因之一。Gini指數,Bonferroni 指數和Zenga指數等現有指數在本質上相互聯系,但側重點各有不同。可以對整個社會有一個整體測度而不能對具有相同指數的收入分布進行區分是現有指數的共同缺陷。本論文基於以上三種指數提出一種新的指數可以在不同收入水平間進行比較,例如,最富有階層和最貧困階層。新指數滿足收入不均測度的相關性質。本論文推導出新指數的相關統計推理結果並用數值模擬實驗進行了測試,最終用其結果對香港政府統計處的人口普查數據進行了分析。 ; Chen, Teng. ; Thesis M.Phil. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2015. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 59-61). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Title from PDF title page (viewed on 05, October, 2016). ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only.