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Siamo più razzisti? Certo è che l'impressionante escalation di atti e provocazioni razziste in Italia non può in alcun modo essere sottostimata. Atti gravissimi da parte di gruppi di estrema destra, come quelli di Casal Bruciato di inizio maggio, che si configurano come vere e proprie persecuzioni sistematiche. Ma anche violenza diffusa, nella vita quotidiana, nei mezzi pubblici e in strada. Eventi profondamente discriminatori a scuola e nei luoghi di lavoro: basti pensare, ad esempio, agli insulti espressi da un maestro elementare contro un bambino nigeriano in una scuola di Foligno, che hanno colpito profondamente l'opinione pubblica, ben al di là delle cerchie di attivisti anti-razzisti e militanti della solidarietà organizzata. Il quadro è assai preoccupante, e gli episodi di cronaca si susseguono con intensità da prima delle elezioni del 4 marzo 2018. Ma sono i fatti e gli attacchi ad essere aumentati, o piuttosto sono i media a parlarne di più e i cittadini ad essere diventati più sensibili all'odio razzista e a parlare e a denunciare più facilmente di un tempo gli atti di intolleranza e odio nei confronti dell'altro da sé e del diverso che avvengono in Italia? In realtà a questa domanda non si può rispondere con esattezza. In Italia manca uno strumento pubblico, imparziale, di rilevazione dell'opinione pubblica sul razzismo che permetta di mostrare come cambia nel tempo, anno dopo anno, la relazione fra etnocentrismo, autoritarismo, razzismo e comportamento politico. Di qui una proposta al sistema pubblico di statistica italiana. È arrivato il momento di un rendere servizio al Paese e dotarsi di un sistema di rilevazione delle attitudini razziste periodico e affidabile. Strumento che, una volta in essere, si rivelerà fondamentale anche per chi il razzismo vorrà combatterlo davvero, al di là degli slogane e delle espressioni di solidarietà sui social.

Siamo più razzisti? Certo è che l'impressionante escalation di atti e provocazioni razziste in Italia non può in alcun modo essere sottostimata. Atti gravissimi da parte di gruppi di estrema destra, come quelli di Casal Bruciato di inizio maggio, che si configurano come vere e proprie persecuzioni sistematiche. Ma anche violenza diffusa, nella vita quotidiana, nei mezzi pubblici e in strada. Eventi profondamente discriminatori a scuola e nei luoghi di lavoro: basti pensare, ad esempio, agli insulti espressi da un maestro elementare contro un bambino nigeriano in una scuola di Foligno, che hanno colpito profondamente l'opinione pubblica, ben al di là delle cerchie di attivisti anti-razzisti e militanti della solidarietà organizzata. Il quadro è assai preoccupante, e gli episodi di cronaca si susseguono con intensità da prima delle elezioni del 4 marzo 2018. Ma sono i fatti e gli attacchi ad essere aumentati, o piuttosto sono i media a parlarne di più e i cittadini ad essere diventati più sensibili all'odio razzista e a parlare e a denunciare più facilmente di un tempo gli atti di intolleranza e odio nei confronti dell'altro da sé e del diverso che avvengono in Italia? In realtà a questa domanda non si può rispondere con esattezza. In Italia manca uno strumento pubblico, imparziale, di rilevazione dell'opinione pubblica sul razzismo che permetta di mostrare come cambia nel tempo, anno dopo anno, la relazione fra etnocentrismo, autoritarismo, razzismo e comportamento politico. Di qui una proposta al sistema pubblico di statistica italiana. È arrivato il momento di un rendere servizio al Paese e dotarsi di un sistema di rilevazione delle attitudini razziste periodico e affidabile. Strumento che, una volta in essere, si rivelerà fondamentale anche per chi il razzismo vorrà combatterlo davvero, al di là degli slogane e delle espressioni di solidarietà sui social.

[Massimo Pavarini and the Urban Security] Urban security, perception of security, Government of public spaces, urban development, lived and consumed city, new citizenship, conflict dislocation, inclusion and exclusion policy, stereotypes, to be in politics: a criminologist life and his social commitment in one of the last interviews of Massimo Pavarini.

Luigi Villari's book Fire and Sword in the Caucasus, published in London in 1906, is widely quoted by scholars working on the history of Transcaucasia, in particular in respect to the Armenian-Tatar war. Yet neither this text nor its author have been so far studied in detail. The Italian Luigi Villari (1876-1959) is a figure of considerable interest; he was a diplomat, traveler, and journalist. His father, Pasquale Villari (1827-1917), was an accomplished historian and politician who played an important role in nineteenth-century Italy; Villari's mother was the British writer Linda White (1836-1915). It is remarkable that the author wrote a book an English at a time when this was not a popular language in Italy. He wrote extensively both in English and Italian about different topics, mainly related to history and international politics. It has been shown that, after the First World War, Villari joined Fascism and contributed actively to the regime's propaganda in Great Britain. The present paper examines Luigi Villari's book on the Caucasus, especially the author's attitude towards the Armenians. I shall demonstrate that in his work, he handles negative stereotypes of the Armenians ("one of the most unpopular races of the East"), which were common in the Russian empire at the beginning of the twentieth century, in a rather interesting way.

The South Pacific is a region still unimportant in the world scene, where there are islands which are extremely variable in size and are often gathered in archipelagos. Since it was long neglected by the processes of colonialism, the region has managed to preserve a rich environmental and cultural heritage, abundant and unusual in the European hetero-perception. The region was first considered as a far and wild paradise to tame and exploit in the name of geopolitics and the economy, and is now divided into two linguistic areas, English and French. This situation has not prevented the creation of narratives, representations and stereotypes around this idyllic region and its elements of wilderness, mystery, remoteness, exoticism, isolation.This article focuses on the French islands in the South Pacific: New Caledonia, Polynesia and Wallis and Futuna. Beyond their stereotypes and hetero images (tropical paradises, smiling populations), such islands present some extremely varied forms of spatial organization and land management, depending on physical realities, cultural heritage, social, political and economical processes. While traditional tourism promotes the image of tropical paradise, their self-representations are trying to show a different vision, which increases the differences between the three French archipelagos of the South Pacific.

Der Band hinterfragt den Nutzen des Begriffs "Orientalismus" zur Erforschung der vielfältigen deutsch-jüdischen kulturellen Beziehungen im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert. Dabei wird Orientalismus einerseits als postkolonialer Diskurs verstanden, der Identitätskonflikte und Sprachprobleme der jüdischen Diaspora in den Blick nimmt, andererseits als philologische Wissenschaft vom Orient. Die Beiträge behandeln folgende Fragen: In welchem Maße wurden deutsche Juden vom zeitgenössischen wissenschaftlichen Diskurs über den "Orient" und den "Orientalen" beeinflusst bzw. gestalteten ihn mit? Wie tief verinnerlichten Juden die stereotypen Bilder ihrer Umgebung und inwiefern konnten die deutsch-jüdischen Orientalisten diese Vorurteile und deren philosophische Legitimierung wissenschaftlich widerlegen? Wie veränderte sich das Bild des Orients, als viele emigrierte deutsche Juden sich in Palästina mit dem "wahren" Orient konfrontiert sahen?

This volume aims to provide an overview of equal opportunities, particularly in the areas of higher and university education and the labor market. It is composed of different contributions and the result of an interdisciplinary reflection gained during the drafting of the Gender Report of the "Gabriele d'Annunzio" University (Chieti-Pescara, Italy). The text is proposed as a useful tool for training in this sector and as a sociological reflection on culture and the processes of construction of gender stereotypes.

The contribution aims at discussing the word "Resistenza" in the framework of the life of the communities sinti and rom, between present and past decades. On one side the paper aims at highlighting the contribution rom and sinti gave to Resistance and ti-fascist movement, on the other side it shows sinti and rom's resistance against prejudices and stereotypes which determine their present. The riappropriation of their communitarian history as their national history can be considered as a powerful tool for building people's identity as citizens and it marks a path toward sharing and inclusion.

none ; In her 2013 La Sapienza doctoral dissertation on the second half of the nineteenth century notes and diaries of Italian Navy mariners, Dr Dimpflmeier developed a framework for looking at how the representation of otherness is presented in Italian travel accounts. The time frame of her research has been chosen on the basis of the fact that during the second half of the nineteenth century, shortly after the reunification of Italy, a period of Italian presence on the international seas began: it was geared to building diplomatic contacts, helping to find countrymen and Italian explorers missing in different parts of the world, and looking for potential colonies. For the first time after the Maritime Republics, Italy started to project again her dreams on the sea, slowly igniting the possibility of building a maritime power on the Mediterranean Sea that could support her new presence in the European and international contest for territory and influence. A particular 'sea mystic' that silently influenced the empowerment of the Italian Navy, playing a strategic part in the Italian nation building process and early intermingling with Italian colonial ambitions. During these voyages, amounting to eleven circumnavigations of the globe and twenty-one oceanic campaigns from 1866 to 1890, Italian naval officers had the chance to come into contact directly and for the first time with the most diverse populations: from the Japanese to the Chinese, from the aborigines of Tierra del Fuego and Patagonia to the inhabitants of Papua-New Guinea. In her dissertation, Dr Dimpflmeier considered Italian mariners' travel notes and diaries, partly available in the 'Rivista Marittima', the official journal of the Italian Royal Navy, or published as independent volumes, as travel narratives influenced by the new Italian politics of navalism, which was focusing on building a strong and powerful image of the Navy on the seas and of Italy as a civilized nation. In particular, she studied how Italian Navy officers used to picture ...

'Going beyond the challenge' means looking at the phenomenon of migration in its complexity, through a multi and interdisciplinary approach. The chapters that make up the first part offer an over-view of the phenomenon, with a reflection on the numbers of migrations in Italy followed by an in-depth examination of its international dimension. The second part focuses on the Italian case, and on the Italian foreign policy towards some African countries. The third part of the book adopts a sociological perspective, including the reconfiguration of the 'border' in Italian legislation and the analysis of the reception model promoted in Tuscany. The fourth part analyses public communication, from hate speech to stereotypes, up to the politicization of the migration issue in some European countries.

This volume collects a series of writings by Renzo Rastrelli (1948-2008), a long-time professor of Political and diplomatic history of East Asia at the Faculty of Political Sciences "Cesare Alfieri" of the University of Florence. This textual anthology highlights some of the main aspects of the author's scientific work: the analysis on Chinese immigration to Italy, going beyond common stereotypes; the internal dynamics regarding the associative modalities and the forms of dialogue which the Chinese communities have with Italian society; finally, the broader social context which Chinese immigrants find themselves in, drawing attention to the interlacement of restrictive immigration regulations and the facilitation of illegal practices, involving both Chinese and Italian citizens.