Optimal Extraction and Taxation of Strategic Natural Resources: A Differential Game Approach
In: Journal of Energy Markets, Band 13, Heft 2
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In: Journal of Energy Markets, Band 13, Heft 2
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In: Strategic Natural Resource Governance / La gouvernance des ressources naturelles stratégiques
In: Regional integration and social cohesion 10
During the last decade, there has been a reconfiguration of a new geopolitical scenario. This new scenario focus on the assessment about strategic natural resources (oil, gas and water, and less important, biodiversity, food and fertile land) and its spatial condition (the resources are in a territory which is politically defined by boundaries or zone of influence). The scenario in South America is not far from that international dynamic, which affects in different levels the strategic lines of national defense policies in Brazil, Venezuela and (in less degree) Argentina. In that way, competence and confluence scenarios are defined, which may have variability in the conflict level, such as a military confrontation or cooperation mechanisms (as the South America Defense Council). These scenarios are geographically located in: oil and gas basins, Amazonas, water resources, Antarctica, Atlantic Ocean and fertile land. The defense strategies set parameters for the design of the armed forces, as far as the hypothesis of conflicts above-mentioned applied. Thus, the defense administration reconfigured the capabilities of the Armed Forces (logistic, personnel, doctrine, resources, surveillance), in order to achieve the mission of control the regions where availability of natural resources exists. ; A nivel global, se viene reconfigurando durante la última década un nuevo escenario geopolítico, que tiene como criterio ordenador la valoración de recursos naturales estratégicos (especialmente hidrocarburos y agua, y en menor medida biodiversidad, alimentos y tierra fértil) y su espacialidad (en tanto, dichos recursos están en un territorio determinado política y territorialmente). El escenario sudamericano no escapa a esta lógica internacional, la cual influye, con diferentes niveles de intensidad, en la determinación de líneas estratégicas de defensa nacional en Brasil, Venezuela y (en menor medida) la Argentina. Se definen de esta manera escenarios de competencia y de confluencia, los cuales pueden adquirir ...
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Are we close to face what some researchers and politicians call a "war for water as a resource"? The ideas around this topic are divided. We think that external factors, such as climate change and unequal distribution of the resource, will create conditions and pressures that are pressing perceptions and will be eventually affecting political behavior that will lead to war. Others agree that there are changes in the political landscape. However, when we look at different resources, we have to consider that they present a different dynamic affecting in alternative form the political behavior of the actor related to specific resources. War is not a consequence of the resource necessity and access problem. Resource wars are related to external factors like opportunity and power asymmetries, among others. In the case of water, if we consider the scarcity problem, the technological change and the capacity to create institutional ways to regulate its use, we can avoid the worst consequences of the resources race. As far as the previous sentence establishes, access and necessity could be the channeling cause of conflict. However, we will find the root of it in another part of the rivalry dynamic as the conflict for the Golan Heights shows. The present work tries to put in perspective the preceding discussion to clarify the current dynamics around different types of natural resources. To do that, we must start discussing what "Strategic Natural Resources (SNR)" are and also their role in geopolitical terms, to understand how they affect the political calculus around them. Resource discussions about policies, conflicts, and politics use mainly a realist approach, because it is all about use, availability, and scarcity. Security is an essential topic around them, but in the case of water, perspectives are a little bit different. We should consider Hydropolitics as a topic within the geopolitical field of studies. In that sense, it shows how different is the dynamics around water, and even if many conflicts of interest are around it, political action most of the time is not to fight over it in the sense of going to war. We will see tensions but no war. A war over water is considered awful for everyone, so it is more useful to try to channel the conflict to a more productive arena. In that sense, the creation of regimes, norms, and treaties around a shared river, underground water deposit, sustainable use, and others will be the most critical aspects of policy coordination around those who have a dispute over it. Moreover, we will see others trying to assist major partners in managing the problems that its uses generate. Policymakers look at social and economic considerations about to ignite a war over water, so that they are able to prevent it, because acts as a political barrier most of the time. The objectives of the present article are twofold, and they are interrelated. The first one is to advance in the discussion around which ones and how natural resources become a problem that could lead to war. Geopolitics and Realist Theory are the best tools to have a comprehensive picture of the resources play as a factor in war. It is doing that we can tackle the issue of war for water, which is a different thing than a conflict over water. When we look at security considerations, realism think that resources are a contributing factor to the balance of power, but do not affect the security dilemma. When we look at the accumulative power of water as a resource, we will find "neutral" in the sense that does not affect the fragile balance of power among potential rivals. On the other hand, the second objective of the article is different but associated. Water is a slightly different kind of SNR. Not only does it create conflict, but it also creates rivalries among those who perceive that they are going to face access problems to the resource; while at the same time, it does not push to resolve the situation violently, primarily in interstate conflict. A little bit more intense is the conflict around the resource when we look specific countries, but the difference in how they are solved is looking at the state capacity. If in interstate conflict, its accumulation is neutral, in an internal conflict, the accumulation power could be positive or negative, affecting the internal balance, creating more space for internal war. As a methodology, we use a descriptive and qualitative analysis of previously published works with the recent data around the issue to create a bright and differentiated view when we discuss war for water resources. Water is not the best case to argue in favor of views that emphasize a world prone to war. Moreover, we can say that there are fewer incentives to go to war for water than other resources. But the reader should be aware that the kind of insight we extract should not lead to develop a liberal approach to water governance. A realist approach to finite cooperation it is more useful to maintain stability. Water is strategic and related to territoriality, so identity considerations apply to hydropolitics, so states are important stakeholders in this issue. Nevertheless, we can think that some tension could arise between neighbors who share it. Much more difficult is a Great power taking steps into war for water. If they need it, they can buy their access to it. Even so, internally, the states could face conflicts around it. This difference is significant because we put too much time to talk and think about the international dimension of the problem when we should look at the internal dimension of it. With these in mind, the international discussion around water will be different and possibly better. consider, for example, the water contamination as a result of corporate activities. Neighbor states create a regime to overlook how, when and in which degree they pollute the shared resource. They establish limits around the river and coastal activities, they enforce it, and they get in around the table to deal with previous unconsidered situations. Furthermore, when differences arise, they stick to their commitments, even when the military balance is in favor of one part. We will divide the following article into three short and related discussions. The first part sets out to put in perspective the discussion around conflict and resources, giving water the specific place that it deserves. The second part turns around the geopolitics due location, availability, and scarcity are at the center of the discussion. Within this section, we will put the hydropolitics view to talk about the use of water. That is important because we will end our discussion looking at the differences between this resource and the others, for example, energy. With that in mind, this article serves as an introductory reading around how we think, act, and develop policy related to natural resources, showing that war is not the only possible result in resource competition. ; La idea del agua como recurso natural estratégico de la política internacional no es nueva, sin embargo desde la primera decada del presente siglo, el acceso a la misma ha cobrado especial intensidad. El presente paper pone en valor la idea de agua como recurso mediante el concepto de "Hidropolítica", al separar el mito de las llamadas "guerras por el agua" de la realidad geopolitica que trasunta al recurso. Al enfatizar en la dinámica conflictiva y en especial en la aspiración de las grandes potencias para hacerse del recurso, dejan marginada la discusion al entender del autor mas apremiante, que es identificar como el recurso afecta los procesos de la politica regional y global de manera diferenciada a partir de ponderaciones completamente distintas entre los actores alrededor del recurso. Al mirar al agua, y siguiendo las premisas del realismo, existe una mayor probabilidad que se produzcan conflictos en torno a la misma a partir del uso compartido, que por la intervención directa de un actor extraregional para tomar el control de la misma. El presente trabajo tiene por objetivo, discutir cuando un RNE es considerado factor de conflicto armado ya sea inter o intraestratal, para luego trasladar esa dinamica a la hidropolitica a los efectos si su importancia relativa hace o no que la dinamica en torno a ella sea diferente a la que existe alrededor de otros recursos. En este sentido esperamos demostrar al menos en las discusiones existentes y con la evidencia que muestra el relevamiento sobre lo reflexionado al respecto, es que en relación al agua, la potencialidad existente por los juegos de suma cero, parecen ceder su lugar a construir regimenes internacionales que administren o encapsulen el conflicto. Si en un período determinado aparecen lecturas o percepciones que hacen temer por un futuro donde la escaces provoque conflictos, el cambio tecnológico y la arquitectura institucional permite contemplar un espacio para la resolución de las divergencias que puedan surgir, sin que "la sangre llegue al rio".
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The rare earth group includes 15 lanthanides along with yttrium and scandium. Although they are not that rare, they are found in different types of deposits and very distinctive places. Because of their exceptional magnetic and conductive properties, they have become increasingly important for both the technology and the military sectors; this makes them a strategic natural resource of geopolitical relevance, which can affect the multidimensional security of states. This article examines the history of the discovery and use of these elements, the strategic factors in their extraction and processing process, and China's dominant geopolitical position in the sector, as well as their illegal exploitation in Colombia and their importance in security studies. ; El grupo de las tierras raras incluye los 15 lantánidos junto con el itrio y el escandio. Aunque no son tan raros, se encuentran en distintos tipos de depósitos y en lugares muy específicos. Por sus excepcionales propiedades magnéticas y conductoras, para las tecnologías y el sector militar son cada vez más importantes. Esto los convierte en un recurso natural estratégico de relevancia geopolítica, que puede afectar la seguridad multidimensional de los Estados. Este artículo analiza, desde la historia del descubrimiento y el uso de estos elementos, cuáles son los factores estratégicos en el proceso de extracción y procesamiento, la posición geopolítica dominante de China en el sector, así como la explotación ilegal en Colombia. Así, este artículo muestra la importancia del tema en los estudios sobre seguridad.
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El estudio se basó en la perspectiva epistemológica y teórica de la crítica de la economía política para proponer un acercamiento a la conceptualización y caracterización de los conictos socioambientales a partir de su especificidad histórica en torno al desarrollo del capitalismo contemporáneo. Para ilustrar lo que se define como una conectividad socioambiental específicamente neoliberal, se presentaron datos sobre la extracción de los recursos naturales estratégicos que forman parte nodal del metabolismo social-natural en México, cuya tasa de explotación se establece como condición de posibilidad necesaria —más no suficiente— para la eventual emergencia de conflictos socioambientales. La investigación se hizo mediante un análisis cualitativo de documentos que permitió dar cuenta de los vacíos y contradicciones en torno a la conceptualización y al abordaje científico de los conflictos socioambientales en México en referencia al extractivismo, el metabolismo social y los recursos naturales estratégicos. Los resultados del estudio permitieron: 1) Definir la especificidad histórica de los conflictos socioambientales como un producto de la sobreexplotación creciente de la naturaleza, de sobreconsumo de materiales y energía, y de excreta inconmensurable de residuos sólidos y de alta toxicidad que caracterizan los procesos productivos y consuntivos en el neoliberalismo. 2) Bajo la lógica de la crítica de la economía política, la emergencia de conflictos socioambientales se caracteriza por la creciente de la devastación ambiental, la degradación del tejido social y la producción social del riesgo y vulnerabilidad múltiple de las condiciones práctico materiales y simbólicas identitarias de la vida de las comunidades agraviadas. 3) Se presentaron datos sobre la extracción de minerales, hidrocarburos, biomasa y agua, que ha tenido lugar en México a lo largo del neoliberalismo, en tanto que estos recursos representan recursos naturales estratégicos para el desarrollo del capital nacional y transnacional; esta información se relaciona con la conguración de conictos socioambientales y la fractura metabólica de los límites ecológicos planetarios que implica. El estudio concluye que los conflictos socioambientales son producto del desarrollo de tecnología capitalista nociva y fuerzas productivas ambientalmente destructivas y degradantes de tejido social que emergen y se consolidan territorialmente bajo un contexto neoliberal. Por lo que la conectividad socioambiental puede ser vista como una forma problemática y contradictoria de las relaciones sociales basadas en escenarios de pugna y confrontación referentes a la apropiación, saqueo y contaminación de los territorios que ponen en riesgo las condiciones para la reproducción de la naturaleza y la sociedad.
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Publikacja stanowi jedyny na rynku wydawniczym komentarz do tekstu ustawy o zachowaniu narodowego charakteru strategicznych zasobów naturalnych kraju. Autorzy poprzedzają analizę tekstu prawnego obszernym wprowadzeniem odnoszącym się do pojęcia zasobów naturalnych, ich kwalifikacji jako dóbr publicznych oraz znaczenia jakie "strategicznym" zasobom naturalnym nadaje podbudowa aksjologiczna, która legła u podstaw wprowadzenia komentowanej regulacji. W komentarzu poddano także analizie kontekst oceny znaczenia zasobów naturalnych z perspektywy funkcji ekosystemów i usług ekosystemowych. ; The Cmmentary is one and the only commentary of the Act on Maintaining the National Character of the Country's Strategic Natural Resources. The authors precede the analysis of the legal text with an extensive introduction referring to the concept of natural resources, their qualification as public goods and the axiological foundation of the commented regulation. The commentary also analyzes the context of assessing the importance of natural resources from the perspective of ecosystem functions and ecosystem services.
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Publikacja stanowi jedyny na rynku wydawniczym komentarz do tekstu ustawy o zachowaniu narodowego charakteru strategicznych zasobów naturalnych kraju. Autorzy poprzedzają analizę tekstu prawnego obszernym wprowadzeniem odnoszącym się do pojęcia zasobów naturalnych, ich kwalifikacji jako dóbr publicznych oraz znaczenia jakie "strategicznym" zasobom naturalnym nadaje podbudowa aksjologiczna, która legła u podstaw wprowadzenia komentowanej regulacji. W komentarzu poddano także analizie kontekst oceny znaczenia zasobów naturalnych z perspektywy funkcji ekosystemów i usług ekosystemowych. ; The Cmmentary is one and the only commentary of the Act on Maintaining the National Character of the Country's Strategic Natural Resources. The authors precede the analysis of the legal text with an extensive introduction referring to the concept of natural resources, their qualification as public goods and the axiological foundation of the commented regulation. The commentary also analyzes the context of assessing the importance of natural resources from the perspective of ecosystem functions and ecosystem services.
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In: Adelphi paper, 373
A generous endowment of natural resources should favour rapid economic and social development. The experience of countries like Angola and Iraq, however, suggests that resource wealth often proves a curse rather than a blessing. Billions of dollars from resource exploitation benefit repressive regimes and rebel groups, at a massive cost for local populations. This Adelphi Paper analyses the economic and political vulnerability of resource-dependent countries; assesses how resources influence the likelihood and course of conflicts; and discusses current initiatives to improve resource governance in the interest of peace. It concludes that long-term stability in resource-exporting regions will depend on their developmental outcomes, and calls for a broad reform agenda prioritising the basic needs and security of local populations.
In: Europainstitut Wirtschaftsuniversität Wien Schriftenreihe / Europainstitut Wirtschaftsuniversität Wien Publication Series; Russia — Continuity and Change, S. 241-251
- ed. issued in loose-leaf format. ; - ed. issued in 2v. ; v. 2 of 1977 ed. has title: Natural resources rules & orders. ; At head of title: State of Michigan. ; Cumulative supplement issued in 1970 to update 1968 ed. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Compiled by the Dept. of Natural Resources; prepared by the Legislative Service Bureau.
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In: Euro-Asian Studies
In: Springer eBook Collection
PART I. ECONOMY BASED ON RESOURCE SECTOR -- Chapter 1. Institutional reform in Kazakhstan -- Chapter 2. Oil and gas industry development -- Chapter 3. The effects of oil revenues on Kazakhstan's economy -- PART II. KAZAKHSTAN: STRATEGIC OPPORTUNITIES -- Chapter 4. Infrastructure investment and development alongside the Belt and Road -- Chapter 5. Investments in the digital Silk Road -- PART III. KAZAKHSTAN AND CHINA: REGIONAL PERSPECTIVE -- Chapter 6. Chinese investments across the New Silk Road -- Chapter 7. Kazakhstan as a logistic linchpin in the Belt and Road Initiative -- PART IV. KAZAKHSTAN: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES -- Chapter 8. Diversification and local industry development -- Chapter 9. Entrepreneurial ecosystems: effects of economic integration -- Chapter 10. Development of the e-tourism industry in Kazakhstan.
In: Development and cooperation: D+C, Band 39, Heft 6, S. 232-251
ISSN: 0723-6980
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