Executive summary Introduction CTA works primarily through intermediary organisations and partners (non-governmental organisations, farmers' organisations, regional organisations) to promote agriculture and rural development and to deliver its various information products and capacity building services. By partnering with these organisations, CTA seeks to increase the number of ACP organisations capable of generating and managing information and developing their own information and communication management strategies. This study is one of six country assessment studies of needs for agricultural information needs in countries emerging from prolonged conflict situations in Africa. Objectives The objectives of this study are to develop a strategy for CTA's approach to post-conflict countries, to improve the effectiveness of CTA's support for post-conflict countries and to compile baseline data on the status of ICM and ICTs in agriculture and rural development in Angola. Methodology The country profile was produced through a desktop study that relied heavily on information available on the Internet. Additional information was obtained from informants through e-mail contacts. Using the desktop study we compiled a list of key institutions to interview. This list was discussed via e-mail with CTA and informants in Angola. Informants of nine key institutions were then interviewed face-to-face. Expected results This study will provide: 1) an inventory of the status of agricultural information services, institutions and other actors and their needs as their relate to physical infrastructure, information availability and access and human capacity development; 2) an assessment of the current and / or planned interventions of the government and bi- or multilateral agencies in the field of information for agriculture and rural development; 3) an overview of the needs of potential partners for CTA activities and services in terms of building capacity for information and communication management; 4) a short-list of potential partners / beneficiaries for CTA activities and services; 5) baseline data to facilitate subsequent monitoring activities. The study will also provide a framework for CTA to develop a framework for action and fashion a strategy aimed at institutions in countries emerging from conflict situations and provide input into its 2006 – 2010 strategic plan. Findings During the civil war between UNITA and the Angolan Government that lasted until 2002, the infrastructure in Angola, especially in rural areas, was almost completely destroyed. Since 2002, up to 4.5 million displaced people were resettled in their area of origin or preference and received emergency support. About 2.2 million households (75% of the population) are engaged in subsistence agriculture. Agricultural production is still low but growing rapidly. Since 2002 the area under cultivation has increased with 50 % to 3.2 million hectare but that represents still only 5% of all arable land and Angola still imports about half of its cereal requirements. The main export crops are coffee and palm oil. Livestock numbers are also increasing rapidly since 2002. The production is concentrated in the southern provinces. Access to water is the main constraint for livestock holders in these areas. Fisheries are an important sector, providing direct employment to 35,000 people. Firewood and charcoal are an important source of income for up to 18% of the rural households and the only source of energy to almost all rural households. Timber production is concentrated in Cabinda province. Agriculture, forestry and fisheries contribute 8% to the GNP. Because of the weak infrastructure and the focus on emergency projects, which spent only the minimum on obtaining information and ICM, there is limited information available about the situation in rural areas. The information that is available is fragmented and scattered in many project evaluation reports. To cope with this situation, an informal network of information exchange has developed between NGOs, GoA and bi- and multilateral agencies in Angola over the last four years. The language barrier and outdated libraries are the main obstacles encountered by organisations searching for technical information on agriculture. Limited access to mass media and weak infrastructure are the main obstacles encountered in extension activities. There is currently no national strategy on information management and none of the organisations interviewed had an organisational strategy on information management. Organisations working in the area of agriculture and rural development are now changing to development activities and this change is accompanied by some important changes in information demands. Firstly, there is an increased need for active participation in the planning and implementation of activities by the target group. Secondly, new actors are coming in, while present ones are leaving. Thirdly, it is expected that rural households in Angola will increase production above subsistence level in the near future and will be looking for opportunities to market excess production or divert resources to cash crops. Fourthly, the government is relaxing media controls, allowing freer communication between all stakeholders and a potential increase in the use of media by NGOs. Conclusions Most respondents need information on the actual situation on the ground. Existing information produced between 2002 and 2006 is scattered over many organisations and reports. This information must be consolidated in a data-base before the main implementers leave Angola. Respondents also need information about developments in thinking on food security, rural livelihoods, participatory approaches to resource management and rural development preferably in the form of reference books. Furthermore, information is needed on micro credit and support to associations. This information should be in the form of manuals and exchange visits to successful projects, preferably in Portuguese speaking and/or African countries. Finally, technical information on food crops and fisheries is needed. Respondents need capacity building in information management to increase the effectiveness of the organisation. Especially government officials requested training in the analysis of socio-economic data. Training in the design of questionnaires and in training the interviewers is also necessary. Furthermore, respondents wanted training in the use of the Internet to obtain information and in the design and development of websites, in effective writing and the development of extension materials, in the use of participatory methods and in demand driven extension. Finally, some respondents wanted training in the use of mass media, especially radio and in the production and use of audio-visual training material. Recommendations We recommend that CTA support IDA with the development of a national IMC strategy for agricultural information that will encourage a pro-poor and gender sensitive development strategy. CTA should also supports IDA, FONGA and ADRA with the establishment of an institutional ICM. This would include building a data-base with all information produced to date. Additionally CTA should support a policy for the use of mass media, especially community radio in extension programmes. Simultaneously, the most needed information will have to be made available at central level for ongoing work. Small libraries can be set up for this at IDA and FONGA. Second, a programme of capacity building is needed to enable all actors to implement the policies formulated in the first phase. This programme should be accompanied by a limited provision of resources (Internet access, increased libraries). Trained personnel musts have the resources to use their new skills to implement activities. Successful approaches used at central level can be replicated at provincial level during this stage. Care must be taken that the information system remains pro-poor and gender sensitive. Possibly, specific actions to help prevent the spread of HIV and mitigate its effects should be taken during this phase. Finally, in the long term, specific technical information will need to be supplied for specific target groups such as fish breeders and farmers specialising in niche markets. ; The objectives of this study are to develop a strategy for CTA's approach to post-conflict countries, to improve the effectiveness of CTA's support for post-conflict countries and to compile baseline data on the status of ICM and ICTs in agriculture.
En el marco de investigación a nivel país sobre competitividad sectorial la Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga en convenio con el Tecnológico de Monterrey –México dentro del Programa de Maestría en Administración de empresas, realizó el estudio de análisis competitivo del sector avícola en el departamento de Santander con el objetivo general de determinar el nivel de competitividad internacional del sector avícola de Santander y proponer las estrategias a implementar para mejorar su posición competitiva a escala mundial. En el capitulo I se presenta un análisis del tema y la importancia del entorno del sector avícola en los últimos años y la coyuntura económica teniendo en cuenta el comercio mundial, mas detalle de Santander (ver anteproyecto) y se explica en detalle cada uno de los objetivos del desarrollo del presente estudio y el alcance. Posteriormente en el capitulo II Marco teórico se presenta una breve descripción del sector estudiado y la revisión de los antecedentes investigativos del sector avícola y luego se describe la literatura consultada de teoría de la ventaja competitiva de las naciones propuesta por el Prof. Michael Porter, el modelo de las cinco fuerzas competitivas de Porter y la teoría acerca de estrategia corporativa. Luego en el capitulo III se describe los pasos que se desarrollaron para alcanzar la presente investigación. Siguiendo la metodología en el capitulo IV se realiza un análisis de teoría de la ventaja competitiva de las naciones propuesta por el Prof. Michael Porter, con la información recolectada acerca de la competitividad del sector avícola en Santander que incluye las condiciones de los factores, de la demanda, la estructura, estrategia y rivalidad de las empresas y finalmente, las interrelaciones entre las industrias de apoyo. En cuanto a las condiciones de los factores se destaca avances en las ventajas comparativas como consecuencia del abastecimiento interno de granos a partir de la producción agrícola en el departamento de Santander. Las condiciones de la demanda demuestran un potencial importante de crecimiento de la oferta a partir de la consolidación del mercado interno, teniendo en cuenta las amenazas que impone el tratado de Libre Comercio con Estados Unidos y la oferta de países vecinos como Brasil y Venezuela. La rivalidad y estrategia de las empresas santandereanas han permitido consolidar mercados geográficos internos tanto en la producción de pollo y huevo comercial a lo largo de todo el territorio nacional, sin embargo existe ausencia de economías de escala a través de la integración vertical que permitan hacer una mejor utilización de los recursos. Finalmente, las interrelaciones más importantes del sector avicultor están dadas con todo el eslabón agrícola y también con aquellas dependencias del Estado como los Gobiernos Municipales. ; Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey (ITESM) ; 1. INTRODUCCION 1 2. MARCO TEORICO 4 Descripción del Sector 4 Estudios del Sector 6 Diamante de Porter 7 Condiciones de los Factores 8 Factores Básicos 8 Recursos Físicos 8 Situación Geográfica 9 Clima 9 Mano de Obra 9 Capital 9 Factores Avanzados 9 Personal 9 Convenios con Instituciones de Investigación 10 Tecnología de Producción 10 Infraestructura Tecnológica 10 Condiciones de la Demanda 10 Estructura Segmentada de la Demanda 10 Compradores Entendidos y Exigentes 11 Tamaño de la Demanda Interior 11 Numero de Compradores Independientes 11 Tasa de Crecimiento de la Demanda Interior 11 Temprana Demanda Interior 11 Sectores Conexos y de Apoyo 12 Estrategia, Estructura y Rivalidad de las Empresas Domesticas 12 La Estrategia y la Estructura de las Empresas Domesticas 13 Metas 13 Rivalidad Domestica 13 Formación de Nuevas Empresas 13 Cinco Fuerzas Competitivas de Porter 14 El Ingreso Potencial de Nuevos Competidores 15 La Intensidad de la Rivalidad Entre los Competidores Actuales 18 La Presión de Productos Sustitutos 20 El Poder de Negociación que Ejercen los Proveedores 21 El Poder de Negociación que Ejercen los Clientes o Compradores 21 Estrategia Corporativa 22 3. METODOLOGIA DE LA INVESTIGACION 28 Alcance de la Investigación 29 Selección de la Muestra 29 Recolección de los Datos 30 Análisis de los Datos 30 Análisis Cualitativo de los Datos 30 Análisis Cuantitativo de los Datos 31 Fuentes de Información 31 Fuentes Primarias 31 Fuentes Secundarias 32 4. RESULTADOS DE LA INVESTIGACION 32 Diamante de Porter 32 Características Empresariales 34 Condiciones de los Factores 35 Condiciones de la Demanda 38 Sectores Conexos y de Apoyo 40 Estrategia, Estructura y Rivalidad de las Empresas Domésticas 40 Cinco Fuerzas de Porter 41 Amenaza de Nuevos Competidores 43 Invasión Alada 44 ¿Defensa de corto vuelo? 45 Rivalidad de las empresas del sector 46 Cuestión de escala 47 Poder de negociación de los proveedores 52 Poder negociador de los clientes 55 Comparación del Sector Avícola de Santander con Estándares Internacionales de Competitividad 61 Generalidades 61 Entorno Competitivo Internacional 62 América Latina 62 Estados Unidos 62 Brasil 63 México 64 Argentina 64 Venezuela 65 Colombia 65 Factores Claves de Exito para el Sector Avícola en el Departamento de Santander 74 Inversión Constante de Capital y Acceso al Capital 74 Sistemas de Producción Eficaz. 74 Canales de Distribución a Bajo Costo 75 Rígido Control de Costos, Disminución de Desperdicio, Control Fitosanitario 76 Utilización de un Alto Grado de Tecnología 76 Estrategias y Recomendaciones para Mejorar la Competitividad del Sector Avícola en Santander 77 Estrategias Según Diamante de Porter 77 Estrategias Según las Cinco Fuerzas Competitivas de Porter para el Sector Avícola en Santander 79 Estrategias para Competir a Nivel Internacional 80 Elección de las Estrategias 82 5. CONCLUSIONES 87 6. RECOMENDACIONES Y TRABAJOS FUTUROS 90 BIBLIOGRAFIA 92 ; Maestría ; In the framework of research at the country level on sectoral competitiveness, the Autonomous University of Bucaramanga in an agreement with the Tecnológico de Monterrey-Mexico within the Master's Program in Business Administration, carried out the study of competitive analysis of the poultry sector in the department of Santander with the general objective of determining the level of international competitiveness of Santander's poultry sector and proposing the strategies to be implemented to improve its competitive position on a global scale. Chapter I presents an analysis of the issue and the importance of the environment of the poultry sector in recent years and the economic situation taking into account world trade, more detail of Santander (see preliminary draft) and explains in detail each of the Development objectives of this study and scope. Later, in Chapter II Theoretical framework, a brief description of the studied sector and a review of the investigative background of the poultry sector are presented, and then the consulted literature on the theory of competitive advantage of nations proposed by Prof. Michael Porter, the Porter's Five Competitive Forces Model and Theory of Corporate Strategy. Then in chapter III the steps that were developed to achieve the present investigation are described. Following the methodology in chapter IV, an analysis of the theory of competitive advantage of nations proposed by Prof. Michael Porter is carried out, with the information collected about the competitiveness of the poultry sector in Santander, which includes the conditions of the factors, from the demand, the structure, strategy and rivalry of the companies and finally, the interrelationships between the supporting industries. Regarding the conditions of the factors, advances in comparative advantages are highlighted as a consequence of the internal supply of grains from agricultural production in the department of Santander. Demand conditions demonstrate an important potential for supply growth from the consolidation of the domestic market, taking into account the threats posed by the Free Trade Agreement with the United States and the supply from neighboring countries such as Brazil and Venezuela. The rivalry and strategy of Santander companies have made it possible to consolidate internal geographic markets in both commercial chicken and egg production throughout the national territory, however there is an absence of economies of scale through vertical integration that allow making a better use of resources. Finally, the most important interrelationships in the poultry sector are given with the entire agricultural link and also with those dependencies of the State such as the Municipal Governments.
An unambiguous assessment of the results of changes in the post-communist political regime of Ukraine is hardly possible. The political system of this country has experienced both periods of democratic expectations & democratic setbacks during the last fifteen years. For example, in 1990-1994, before the first competitive parliamentary elections, there was a clear fragmentation among the old (communist) political elite in Ukraine; the country's first democratic constitution was adopted in 1996. However, after Leonid Kuchma was elected President in 1994, authoritarian tendencies gradually recrudesced, "oligarchic" clans took hold of the country's political system, & the elections were increasingly blatantly manipulated & rigged to the advantage of the ruling elite. This cycle of political development recurred ten years later. Manipulations of the results of the 2004 presidential election raised a massive protest among the inhabitants of Ukraine, which was symbolically dubbed the "Orange Revolution." A new influx of democratic expectations forced the ruling elite to concede to re-running the second round of Ukraine's presidential election, which was won by the opposition. However, the political crisis which struck the new government in September 2005 & the mutual accusations of corruption raised by the former "revolutionary" comrades-in-arms -- President Viktor Yushchenko & former Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko -- raised new questions regarding the vitality of the democratic processes in Ukraine. The main question examined in this article is therefore whether the vacillation of Ukraine's political regime is not a regular, permanent condition. Having two main aims -- (1) to construct a theory of Ukraine's post-soviet political transformation, & (2) to disclose the possibilities of democracy consolidation in this country -- the article starts with making some "corrections" to the transitologist approach to regime change. Firstly, it is argued that political transformation theories should have a shared concept of democracy, irrespective of the number or type of the stages of democratization distinguished. The experience of post-communist countries shows that formal procedural democratic criteria are insufficient in order to characterize a political system as democratic. Secondly, traditional theories of regime change focus mostly on the analysis of the behavior of the main political actors (the political elite) & their decisions (agreements). The structural conditions (eg., the characteristics of socio-economic development) should be also included into theoretical thinking about regime change. Thirdly, the analysis of elites & their agreements is sufficiently developed to explain how & when the transition to democracy occurs. However, the democratic consolidation stage has remained somewhat mystified by 'transitologists.' The article argues that an assumption should probably be made that the behavior of political elite factions competing in the political system is always rational & self-interested, ie., democracy (or any other form of political regime) becomes "the only game in town" only if & when it is mostly advantageous for the political elite functioning in that system. Taking into account the above mentioned "corrections" to the transitologist approach, in the article, there is produced a model for analyzing post-soviet regime transformations. The model consists of three main explanatory variables: (1) the structure of political elite, (2) the 'rules of game' prevalent in the system, & (3) the strategies of political elite aiming at gaining business and/or mass support. Consequently, various interrelations of these variables may produce four possible ideal-type outcomes of regime change -- (1) democracy, (2) 'democracy with adjectives,' (3) zero-sum game (a very unstable option when political regime may be temporarily democratic but is at a huge risk of downfall), (4) authoritarianism. In post-soviet countries, it is not enough to examine the structure of political elite & the institutions in order to predict the consolidation of one or another form of political regime. 'Building politicians' "alliances" with business & (or) mobilizing mass support may negate any such predictions & produce additional (regressive, in terms of democratization) impulses to further regime change. The very possibilities of the political elite to form "alliances" with business & (or) to mobilize the masses are mostly determined by the structural characteristics of the country. Thus, the analysis of the latter may not also be omitted in examining post-soviet transitions. Political regime in Ukraine, which beginning of 1990s started evolving as a probable liberal democracy or at least 'democracy with adjectives,' after 1998 Verkhovna Rada elections moved to the situation of the zero-sum game. Such transition was conditioned by two factors. First, the changes within political elite structure -- the communist camp, which occupied an important, although not the most important place in the pluralist political elite structure in 1994-1998, became an anti-systemic political force after the adoption of the 1996 Constitution. For these reasons, only two opposing elite factions (oligarchs-"centrists" vs. national democrats) remained in the political system of Ukraine after the 1998 elections, the ideological confrontation of which was constantly increasing & became particularly acute at the outset of the "Orange Revolution" in 2004. Second, the fact that the business class in Ukraine was forming with the "assistance" of politicians allowed the political elite to build an alliance with business community already in 1994-1996 & maintain these tight clientelist relations even after the privatization period was over. When at the end of 2004 the national democrats gathered mass support & became virtually equal or even more influential than the so-called "centrists," who traditionally draw support from business structures, the zero-sum game in Ukraine became especially acute. Such it remains by now, even after the Orange revolution is over. In more than ten years of independence the business community of Ukraine has consolidated its positions in the Verkhovna Rada & accumulated control over almost all national TV channels & other media outlets, as well as separate industrial regions. Therefore even anti-oligarchically disposed government cannot ignore this power. The ruling elite that cares about its survival & political success is forced to co-ordinate its decisions with the interests of various business clans. On the other hand, since Ukraine's business class consists of several competing clans, any government decisions that seek to limit the political influence of business groups immediately affect the interests of competing business clans. The government cannot remain neutral in principal. Any attempts of the supposed "deoligarchisation" will only result in provoking sharper disagreements between business groups because the curtailment of the positions of one clan will open new prospects for the strengthening of the influence of its competitors. It may be argued that for these reasons there will always be at least one (and, most likely, the strongest one) oligarchic political camp supported by an "alliance" with business. In other words, Ukraine's political regime does not have any chance to be consolidated in the liberal democracy perspective. Another structural characteristic of Ukraine is the politically unorganized working class. At least several competing political forces claim to represent the workers' interests -- the Communist Party of Ukraine, the Socialist Party of Ukraine, & the Progressive Socialist Party of Ukraine. The internal competition among the left-wing forces encourages at least one of them (the Communist Party of Ukraine, the Progressive Socialist Party) to take a radical, anti-systemic position in order that potential supporters may distinguish it from other leftist parties. Therefore, it is likely that the political system of Ukraine will preserve a left-wing segment that will not wield much power but will propagate an anti-systemic ideology without "communicating" with other political forces. Due to its anti-systemic nature it will not be able to participate in the government of the state & the votes of the left-wing voters (comprising the basis for mass support) will probably be collected by the national democrats. This circumstance enables predicting that the zero-sum game will remain very intensive in Ukraine in the future as well. Thus, the permanent instability of the state & both -- democracy & authoritarianism -- in Ukraine (a zero-sum game) may actually be considered to be its consolidated political regime form. Adapted from the source document.
Inhaltsangabe:Zusammenfassung: In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird eine erstmalige Entwicklung in der Gesellschaft des Menschen betrachtet: die gesellschaftliche Überalterung und deren Folgen und Konsequenzen für die Zukunftsfähigkeit der Städte. Der gesellschaftliche Alterungsprozess vollzieht sich in Deutschland seit Jahrzehnten unaufhaltsam – und geht in vielen strukturschwachen ostdeutschen Regionen einher mit einer kontinuierlich anhaltenden Abwanderung der Jungen und Leistungsträger. Beide Prozesse parallel exponieren die Zukunft der betroffenen Städte, Gemeinden und Regionen. Abwanderung und Überalterung bezeichnen Prozesse, die von den betroffenen Kommunen zumeist als Stigmatisierung empfunden werden. Eine offene und konstruktive Begleitung dieser Entwicklungen steckt noch in den Anfängen, häufig erfolgt die Fokussierung auf die Bedürfnisse der Abwandernden, nicht auf die der Bleibenden. Finanzierungen in soziale und technische Infrastrukturmaßnahmen erfolgen nach den jeweiligen Möglichkeiten der kommunalen Haushalte und der EU-, Bundes- und Landesförderprogramme und nicht immer nachhaltig im Sinne einer antizipativen baulichen Bestandsanpassung. Noch ist unsere Gesellschaft in vielen Bereichen auf die wachsende Langlebigkeit ihrer Mitglieder wenig vorbereitet. Solange die Themen Alter und Altern auch in der raumrelevanten Politik nicht entstigmatisiert werden, können keine zukunftsfähigen Strategien und Lösungen für die sich ändernden Anforderungen an Lebensraum, Sozialsystem und gesellschaftliches Miteinander entwickelt werden. Folgende Fragestellungen wurden vertiefend untersucht: - Wie zeichnet sich die wirtschaftliche und soziale Zukunft "alternder" und "schrumpfender" deutscher Klein- und Mittelstädte ab? - Welche Handlungsbedarfe bestehen? - Welche Potenziale liegen noch brach? Wie können diese aktiviert werden? - Leid: "Vergreiste Stadt" oder Leitbild: "Stadt für Alte"? – Wo liegen die beiderseitigen Chancen in der bewussten und gesteuerten Profilierung zur Stadt für Alte? - Wie begegnet man dem mentalen Problem des Entwicklungszieles "Stadt für Alte"? Gang der Untersuchung: Die vorliegende Arbeit gliedert sich in acht Kapitel. Kapitel 1: Der demografische Wandel in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland Die derzeitige Lebenssituation Älterer in der Bundesrepublik, die zunehmende Heterogenität der Lebensstile in der dritten Generation und die sich schlussfolgernd ergebenden Veränderungen der Lebens- und Wohnansprüche sind Gegenstand des ersten Kapitels. Zunehmende Langlebigkeit und wachsende Anteile von Altersarmut werden die Leistungsfähigkeit der ökonomischen und sozialen Netze zukünftig verändern. Einige Ursachen der disparaten räumlichen Verteilung der gesellschaftlichen Alterung in der Bundesrepublik werden aufgezeigt. Kapitel 2: Lebens- und Wohnbedürfnisse der dritten Generation Die heutige dritte Generation stellt sich wesentlich heterogener dar, als die Generationen der eigenen Eltern und Großeltern. Der Wandel der Familien- und sozialen Beziehungen, veränderte Ansprüche an die eigene Mobilität, Freizeitgestaltung und hat Auswirkungen auf die Gestaltung des Lebens- und Wohnumfeldes. Um Handlungsfelder anzuregen, wird die Entwicklung des Altenwohnens in der Bundesrepublik seit dem II. Weltkrieg dargestellt. Kapitel 3: Stadträumliche, funktionale und soziale Folgen der demografischen Überalterung Die Herausbildung der verschiedenen Seniorentypologien hat zunehmend Auswirkungen auf die sozialen und gesellschaftlichen Rahmenbedingungen ihres Lebensumfeldes. Auch aus städtischer Sicht muss sowohl ökonomisch als auch wohnungspolitisch und stadtstrukturell auf den demografischen Wandel und die parallelen Individualisierungs- und Singularisierungstrends der dritten Generation reagiert werden. Eine Alterungsfähigkeit verschiedener Stadtquartierstypen wird untersucht. Kapitel 4: Seniorenstädte in den USA In den USA sind die Retirement Communities ein Erfolgsmodell – und werden in den deutschen Veröffentlichungen immer wieder als "Altenghetto" diffamiert. Eine ausgesprochen hohe Wohnzufriedenheit und überdurchschnittliche Identifikation mit ihrer "Stadt" steht dem gegenüber. Vor- und Nachteile des Lebens unter Gleichaltrigen, die Integrations- und sozialen Angebote der Retirement Communities und ein bewährtes Marketingkonzept offerieren – bei aller Kritik – auch durchaus nachahmenswerte Handlungsfelder für bundesdeutsche Klein- und Mittelstädte. Kapitel 5: Profilierungsmöglichkeiten deutscher Mittel- und Kleinstädte als seniorengerechte Städte Übertragbare Muster der Retirement communities und daraus resultierend sektorale und integrale Handlungsansätze für deutsche Bestandsstädte zur Profilierung als seniorenfreundlich werden dargestellt. Stadträumliche Voraussetzungen und die Entwicklungsfähigkeit bisher vorrangig unbegleiteter mehrdimensionaler Prozesse wird dabei berücksichtig und Vorschläge bewusster Steuerung und Begleitung überalternder Städte zu modernen Städten mit vielseitigen alters- und alterungsspezifischen Angeboten unterbreitet. Kapitel 6: Von der Makro- zur Mikroebene: Wohnen in seniorengerechten Städten Bauliche und soziale Ansprüche an das alterungsgerechte Wohnen – von den tradierten und neuen Wohnformen über die vielseitigen Möglichen der Wohnraumanpassung bis zu den komplementären Angeboten und Bedarfen in Wohnumfeld und Stadtstruktur – werden mit den jeweiligen Wirkungen – Aktivierung, Mobilisierung, Integration, ... – dargestellt. Kapitel 7: Freizeit-; Kultur- und Bildungsangebote Mit der Ausbildung der zahlreichen Lebensstile in der dritten Generation wurden Senioren einerseits als ertragsbringende Zielgruppen für Kultur, Tourismus, Sport und Bildung erkannt und erschlossen, andererseits werden die gesellschaftlichen und sozialen Potenziale der dritten Generation in Deutschland noch absolut unzureichend aktiviert. Der Reichtum der fast freien Zeitverfügbarkeit der dritten Generation setzt nach dem Austritt aus der Erwerbstätig- keit ein enormes soziales Kapital frei, das gesellschaftlich bislang nur rudimentär genutzt wird. Im siebenten Kapitel werden Vorschläge unterbreitet, wie durch die Aktivierung des ehrenamtlichen Engagements Städte "weiche" Standortvorteile und Alleinstellungsmerkmale erringen können, die zumal für beide beteiligten Seiten durchaus gewinnbringend wäre. Kapitel 8: Zusammenfassung und Fazit "Stadt für Alte" Abschließend erfolgt eine Kurzfassung der Trends und der sich aus der demografischen Entwicklung ergebenden Chancen und Vorteile für die Profilierung deutscher Bestands- Klein- und Mittelstädte als alterungs- und altengerechte Städte. Die sich im Rahmen der Arbeit ergebenen offen gebliebenen Fragen können und sollen zur Weiterarbeit an dem Thema anregen, das abschließende Fazit unterstreicht die Machbarkeit der derzeitigen Vision einer modernen, sozialen und lebendigen "Stadt für Alte". Inhaltsverzeichnis: 1.DER DEMOGRAFISCHE WANDEL IN DER BUNDESREPUBLIK DEUTSCHLAND10 1.1DIE DEMOGRAFISCHE ENTWICKLUNG10 1.1.1Natürliche Bevölkerungsentwicklung11 Überalterung der Bevölkerung12 Verschiebung der Jugendlast- und Alterslastquotienten12 1.1.2Die räumliche Dimension des demografischen Wandels13 Verteilung der gesellschaftlichen Alterung13 Transformationsprozesse in Klein- und Mittelstädten und ländlichen Regionen der neuen Bundesländer14 Überalterung und regionale Schrumpfungsprozesse16 1.1.3Lebenserwartung - Rückblick und derzeitiger Stand16 1.1.4Grunddaten zur dritten Generation in der Bundesrepublik17 Bildungs- und Ausbildungsstand17 Eintrittsalter in den Ruhestand18 Finanzielle - und Eigentumssituation der Senioren18 Gesundheit im Alter21 Was ist neu am Altern heute?22 1.2RÄUMLICHE BEVÖLKERUNGSBEWEGUNGEN23 1.2.1Internationale Wanderungsbewegungen23 Internationale Wanderungsbewegungen der dritten Generation23 1.2.2Binnenwanderungen24 Alten- oder Altenruhesitzwanderungen innerhalb der Bundesrepublik25 Innerstädtische und innerregionale Wanderungsbewegungen25 1.2.3Notwendigkeit und Bereitschaft des Wohnortwechsels in den einzelnen Generationen26 2.LEBENS- UND WOHNBEDÜRFNISSE DER DRITTEN GENERATION27 2.1JUNG, ERWACHSEN, ALT?27 2.1.1Seniorentypologien nach Lebensstilen28 2.1.2Die drei Altersphasen der dritten Generation29 Die "Jungen Alten", Jungsenioren, Second Careers, Best Ager30 Die "Mittleren Alten", Senioren, Good Timers31 Die Hochbetagten, Hochaltrigen, Langlebigen31 2.2DIE INTEGRATION DER DRITTEN GENERATION32 2.2.1Familien- und Generationenbeziehungen im Wandel32 Bedeutung innerfamiliärer Beziehungen32 Die Ehe oder Lebenspartnerschaft33 Freunde34 2.2.2Die gesellschaftliche Integration34 Politische Integration34 "Altenhilfe" in der Bundesrepublik – eine langsame Metamorphose34 "Gewachsene" Integration von Senioren in die Gesellschaft35 Ein Ausblick35 2.3MOBILITÄT IN DER DRITTEN GENERATION36 2.3.1Aspekte der Mobilität für Ältere36 Häusliche Mobilität36 Alltagsmobilität und außerhäusliche Mobilität37 Freizeit- und Reisemobilität37 Mobilität und Gesundheit37 2.4DIE VERÄNDERUNG DES TAGESABLAUFES IN DER DRITTEN GENERATION39 2.4.1Schlüsselfaktor Zeit39 Verschiebung der Zeitanteile der Tagesgestaltung39 2.4.2Sinnsetzung und Lebensgestaltung nach der Erwerbstätigkeit40 Freizeitgestaltung und Freizeitkultur der dritten Generation40 Sozialzeiten der dritten Generation – Potenziale für tragfähige Netzwerke41 2.5VERÄNDERUNG DER ANSPRÜCHE AN WOHNUNG UND WOHNUMFELD IN DER GENERATIONENFOLGE42 2.5.1Wohnansprüche und Wohnverhalten42 Haushaltsstrukturen43 Aspekte der Wohnungsgröße und Ausstattung43 Frauenspezifische Belange43 2.5.2Sicherheitsaspekte der Wohnung und des Wohnumfeldes44 Sicherheitsgewährleistung in der Wohnung44 2.6WOHNANGEBOTE FÜR SENIOREN IN DER BUNDESREPUBLIK45 2.6.1Wo wohnt die dritte Generation?45 2.6.2Wohnen im eigenständigen Haushalt46 Seniorengerechte Einzelwohnungen46 Wohnen im Eigentum46 2.6.3Wohngruppen und "neue Wohnmodelle"46 "Neue Wohnmodelle" für Senioren47 Betreutes Einzelwohnen und betreute Wohngruppen47 Altendörfer bzw. Altenwohnsiedlungen48 Fazit48 2.6.4Pflegeheime, Altenwohnheime, Seniorenheime49 Die Entwicklung der Altenwohn- und Pflegeheime in der Bundesrepublik49 Altenpflegeheime50 Altenstifte, Altenheime und Seniorenheime50 Seniorenwohnanlagen, -häuser, -residenzen51 2.6.5Schlussbemerkung51 3.STADTRÄUMLICHE, FUNKTIONALE UND SOZIALE FOLGEN DERDEMOGRAFISCHEN ÜBERALTERUNG52 3.1VERÄNDERTE NUTZUNG DES WOHNUMFELDS, DES ÖFFENTLICHEN RAUMES UND DER SOZIALEN UND TECHNISCHEN INFRASTRUKTUR52 3.1.1Direktes Wohnumfeld53 3.1.2Öffentlicher Raum53 Transiträume53 Kommunikationsräume und Ruhezonen54 Saisonale Aspekte54 3.1.3Halböffentliche Räume54 Anpassung der Funktionsansprüche der städtischen sozialen Infrastruktur54 3.2DIE AUSWIRKUNGEN AUF DIE NACHBARSCHAFTLICHEN BEZIEHUNGEN UND SOZIALEN NETZE DER STÄDTE56 Bewahrung, Integration und Herstellung stabiler Nachbarschaften56 3.2.1Bewertung ausgewählter Wohnquartiers- und Stadtraumtypen hinsichtlich der Anpassungsfähigkeit alternder Bewohnerstrukturen56 Großsiedlungen des komplexen Wohnungsbaus57 Gründerzeitviertel59 Innenstadt- bzw. Altstadtbereiche61 Wohnsiedlungen in Einfamilien- und Doppelhausbauweise61 Wohnquartierstypen und Alterungsfähigkeit – Fazit63 4.EXKURS: SENIORENSTÄDTE IN DEN USA64 4.1DIE RÄUMLICHE UND SOZIALE FRAGMENTIERUNG AMERIKANISCHER STÄDTE64 4.2SENIORENSTÄDTE IN DEN USA66 4.2.1Rückblick – Das Entstehen der Winterwohnorte und Altersruhesitze in den USA66 4.2.2Marketing der Retirement communities66 4.2.3Zielgruppen und Organisationsstrukturen67 Bewohnerstrukturen67 Städtische Organisation67 4.2.4Bautypen und Gliederung der Retirement Communities68 Stadtgrundrisse und Baumerkmale68 Angebote und Ausstattung der Haustypen68 Ausstattung mit Infrastruktureinrichtungen und betreuten Wohnformen69 Bewohnerintegration und Bewohneraktivierung69 Freizeiteinrichtungen und -angebote69 4.2.5Zusammenfassung/ Fazit70 5.PROFILIERUNGSMÖGLICHKEITEN DEUTSCHER MITTEL- UND KLEINSTÄDTE ALSSENIORENGERECHTE STÄDTE71 5.1HANDLUNGSFELDER UND KRITERIEN AUF DEM WEG ZUR SENIORENGERECHTEN STADT72 5.1.1Kommunalpolitische Umorientierung72 Klares Entwicklungsleitbild72 Ausschöpfung der klein- und mittelstädtischen Potenziale72 Kommunale Altenplanung73 Neue Organisationsstrukturen74 Infrastrukturanalysen und Entwicklungsszenarien74 5.1.2Entspannter Wohnungsmarkt74 5.1.3Stadt(teil)- Seniorenmanagement – räumliche Schwerpunktsetzung75 5.1.4Integration in die Gemeinschaft75 Partizipations- und Netzwerkförderung75 5.1.5Ausbau städtischer Strukturen und Potenziale75 Stärkung des Stadt- bzw. Ortszentrums75 Versorgungsstrukturen76 Funktionsmischungen77 5.1.6Öffentlichkeitsarbeit77 Stadt(teil)zeitung77 Bewohnerberatung77 Anlaufstellen für Externe77 5.1.7Bewohnerwerbung78 Der "Schnupperkurs" Seniorenstadt: temporäres und saisonales Wohnen für Alte78 5.2AKTIVIERUNG UND PARTIZIPATION DER DRITTEN GENERATION79 5.2.1Methoden der Beteiligungsverfahren79 Bürgerbefragungen79 Öffentliche Anhörungen, Foren und Diskussionen80 Aktivierende Workshops80 Over Wonen van Ouderen Gesproken (OWOG)81 5.2.2Partizipation und Leitbild82 Bürgerjury und Bürgerbudget82 5.2.3Institutionen82 Seniorenbüros82 Seniorenreferate/ bzw. -beiräte, Seniorenbeauftragte und Interessenvertretungen84 5.2.4Fazit und Übersicht84 6.VON DER MIKRO- ZUR MAKROEBENE: WOHNEN IN SENIORENGERECHTENSTÄDTEN86 6.1WOHNUNG, WOHNBERATUNG, WOHNANPASSUNG UND WOHNFORMEN86 6.1.1Sozialverträgliche Mieten und Wohnsicherheit87 6.1.2Bauliche Voraussetzungen und Komponenten für differenzierte und alternative Angebote an altengerechtem Wohnraum87 Altengerechter Neubau87 Strukturelle Wohnraumanpassung87 Private Wohnraumanpassung88 Finanzierung von Wohnraumanpassungsmaßnahmen89 Das smart home89 6.1.3"Traditionelle" Wohnformen für Senioren89 Miet- und Eigentumswohnungen für Einzelhaushalte89 Service-Wohnen89 6.1.4"Neue" Wohnformen für Senioren90 Räumliche Voraussetzungen und individuelle Hindernisse90 Selbstbestimmte Wohnprojekte, selbstverwaltete Wohn- und Hausgemeinschaften91 Betreute Wohngruppen92 Beratung und Begleitung92 6.1.5Komplementäre Angebote zum Wohnen92 Wohnberatungsstellen und Wohnungstauschbörsen92 Hauswirtschaftliche Dienstleistungen93 6.1.6Medizinische Dienstleistungen93 Hausnotruf93 Tages- und Kurzzeitpflegeeinrichtungen93 Mobile Pflegedienste93 Häusliche Sterbebegleitung und Hospize94 6.2BEDARFE UND ANGEBOTE IN WOHNUMFELD UND STADTSTRUKTUR95 6.2.1Öffentlicher Raum, Grün- und Freiflächen, städtische Plätze und Möglichkeiten auf städtischen Verfügungsflächen95 Stadtplätze95 Grünflächen und Spielplätze96 Gedeckte und ungedeckte Sportanlagen96 Gemeinschaftsgärten, Mietergärten, Generationengärten und Seniorengärten97 Dog-runs97 6.2.2Mobilitätsgerechte städtische Strukturen98 Straßenraumgestaltung und Querungshilfen98 Motorisierter Individualverkehr (MIV)100 ÖPNV – Anforderungen an die Verkehrsmittel und Bahnhöfe101 Schutz vor Vandalismus und Kriminalität – Unterstützung des Sicherheitsempfindens101 Besondere Mobilitätsmodelle und gewährleistete Anbindung an die private Mobilität101 7.FREIZEIT-, KULTUR- UND BILDUNGSANGEBOTE102 7.1EHRENAMTLICHES ENGAGEMENT IN SENIORENGERECHTEN STÄDTEN102 7.1.1Die Aspekte ehrenamtlicher Arbeit103 Zielsetzung ehrenamtlicher soziale Arbeit und Selbsthilfe104 Wohlfahrt im Alter: wer wird sie sich zukünftig leisten können?105 7.1.2Organisationsformen und Zielsetzungen ehrenamtlicher Arbeit105 Offene Altenhilfe106 Seniorenselbsthilfeorganisationen und -selbsthilfegruppen106 Seniorenmentoring, Seniorenexpertenservice und Senior-Partners106 Freiwilligen- und Tauschzentralen106 Wissens-, Kontakt-, Zeit- und Hobbybörsen107 Weitere Engagementbereiche ehrenamtlicher Tätigkeiten107 Schaffung engagementfördernder Rahmenbedingungen108 7.2KULTURVERANSTALTUNGEN UND BILDUNGSMÖGLICHKEITEN IN SENIORENGERECHTEN STÄDTEN109 7.2.1Einzelkulturevents und saisonale Veranstaltungen109 7.2.2Kontinuierliche Angebote109 Vereine109 Quartiersbezogene Seniorentreffpunkte im Wohngebiet109 7.2.3Bildungs- und Weiterbildungsangebote110 Neue Medien und Kommunikation110 Internetkurse und Internetcafé111 Kurse und Vortragsreihen und Weiterbildungsmöglichkeiten111 7.3SENIORENTOURISMUS112 7.3.1Warum Tourismus in seniorengerechte Städte?113 Besonderheiten des Segments Seniorentourismus113 7.3.2Alternative Reise- und Ausflugsformen113 Angebote wie "Ferienlager" und "Klassentreffen" in seniorengerechten Städte114 Urlaub mit der Familie oder Urlaub mit Enkeln114 Urlaub und Bildung114 Vereinsreisen115 Tagesausflüge für Bewohner von Seniorenstädten115 Aufgaben eines lokalen Reisevereins115 8.ZUSAMMENFASSUNG UND FAZIT "STADT FÜR ALTE"116 8.1DIE TRENDS116 8.2DIE CHANCEN UND VORTEILE116 8.3DIE OFFENEN FRAGEN119 8.4FAZIT UND AUSBLICK122 ANHANG123 ABBILDUNGEN123 TABELLEN123 FOTOS124 LITERATURVERZEICHNIS125 INTERVIEWS129 INTERNETQUELLEN130
This thesis has for object the evolution of the economic optimum in the electric industry under spatial equity constraint that present a strong spatial heterogeneity of its supply conditions. One analyses the evolution of the rural electrification regime in France both in terms of economic and social efficiency. We examine the rationality of extending the sectoral optimization under equity constraint to the rationalization of electricity end-uses in the the heterogeneous space of rural electricity supply. To this question are given two responses. The firsts pertains to modify the incentives in the institutional regime of rural electrification so the MDE may be integrated in the strategies of rural electrification syndicates. One inspire from incentives mechanisms of the anglo-saxon DSM practice. The second is statistical zoning method of demand and distribution grid whose object is to localize action basins for large scale MDE projects. ; Cette thèse a pour objet l'évolution de l'optimum économique sous contrainte d'équité territoriale de l'industrie électrique, industrie de réseau fixe présentant une hétérogénéité spatiale forte de ses conditions d'offre. Cette problématique porte sur l'analyse de l'évolution du régime de l'électrification rurale en France en termes d'efficacité économique et sociale. Il s'agit de prolonger une longue tradition de recherche du CIRED initiée au début des années 1980 par Louis Puiseux, dont les principaux développements ont été la thèse de Colombier (1992) puis l'évaluation des écarts entre coûts de développement des réseaux ruraux et tarifs par De Gouvello (1996). Ce programme de recherche met en lumière les contradictions entre équité redistributive et équité territoriale, c'est-à-dire entre les visions aspatiales de l'économie théorique (Ponsard, 1988) et les dynamiques territoriales de développement, notamment en mettant l'accent sur les médiations institutionnelles. Notre question de départ porte donc sur la rationalité de l'élargissement de la démarche de l'optimisation sectorielle sous contrainte d'équité à la rationalisation des usages de l'électricité dans l'espace hétérogène de la fourniture d'électricité en zones rurales. La dérive des besoins de renforcement de réseaux ruraux a conduit ainsi à partir de 1995 le régulateur à encourager les collectivités qui sont les propriétaires et investisseurs en réseaux ruraux à rechercher des alternatives moins coûteuses du côté de la demande pour deux raisons économiques. D'abord les réseaux basse tension ruraux sont généralement très longs et comptent peu de clients desservis, par conséquent, l'optimisation des usages chez les clients peut s'avérer beaucoup moins coûteuse que le simple renforcement du réseau. Ensuite cette optimisation permet de rétablir l'équité de la qualité de fourniture entre les clients par le biais de la baisse des besoins d'investissement mais aussi par la réduction du temps d'attente pour les plus défavorisés, autrement dit, les clients situés sur les réseaux les plus coûteux à renforcer. Cette question conduit à analyser d'abord historiquement les institutions de l'électrification rurale dans le contexte évolutif de consolidation de l'industrie électrique en régime de monopole public pour repérer les structures d'intérêts inhérentes à cette organisation qui conduisent à une inefficience sociale à la fois en termes d'efficacité économique et en termes d'équité. Ce qui mène à un double questionnement : - comment compléter les institutions de l'électrification rurale pour modifier les incitations des propriétaires de réseaux ruraux à investir au-delà du compteur chez l'usager ? - comment, dans une situation de forte hétérogénéité spatiale des fonctions locales d'offre et de demande d'électricité dans l'espace rural, repérer les points de réseaux en sous-optimalité économique ? Dans un chapitre liminaire nous définirons précisément l'objet de la thèse à partir du repérage des difficultés d'application de l'innovation réglementaire que constitue la MDE dans la distribution d'électricité en zones rurales. Ce repérage s'effectue par l'analyse de l'organisation de la distribution rurale et de la place du régime d'électrification dont on peut déduire les intérêts des agents économique et des acteurs politiques qui constituent les barrières à cette innovation réglementaire. Dans la première partie on caractérise dans le premier chapitre la trajectoire institutionnelle de l'électrification rurale à partir du projet initial de solidarité nationale sous l'effet de la dynamique des consommations rurales puis de la diffusion des usages thermiques de l'électricité sur les réseaux ruraux induit par des stratégies de développement commercial totalement extérieures au dispositif de solidarité nationale. L'introduction de la MDE s'inscrit dans une mouvement de correction et d'adaptation de ce régime. Dans la seconde partie d'analyse économique normative, le constat précédent conduit à identifier les défauts d'incitation à la MDE qui sont sous-jacents aux institutions de l'électrification rurale et à la structuration de ses acteurs pour repérer comment contourner cet obstacle. Ce constat conduit aussi à imaginer une méthode de calcul économique permettant de prendre en compte les paramètres d'hétérogénéité spatiale de la demande et des coûts de réseau en développement pour répondre à l'évolution de la fonction de demande spatialisée. Au premier niveau d'analyse, on procède dans le quatrième chapitre à une analyse microéconomique du comportement des différents types d'acteurs de l'électrification rurale en partant de leur fonction : régulateur, propriétaire-investisseur ou exploitant, du type de choix qui relève de leurs fonctions et de leurs contraintes pour analyser la structure d'incitations à l'investissement en réseau et à la MDE. On insiste plus particulièrement sur la nature d'acteur politique de l'agent investisseur que sont les collectivités locales, nature qui éloigne du comportement de l'agent économique rationnel. On examine en particulier la relation d'asymétrie d'information entre propriétaires-investisseurs et le régulateur qui répartit les aides à l'investissement. Cette asymétrie porte sur les coûts ex-ante et ex-post des projets. Dans la relation principal-agent, la structure informationnelle est compliquée dans le cas réel par l'imperfection même de l'information que détiennent les agents sur leurs projets. Ces défauts de la structure informationnelle expliquent la dérive du régime d'électrification rurale et les défauts d'allocation des ressources. A ce même niveau d'analyse, on propose dans le cinquième chapitre des correctifs afin d'améliorer l'allocation des ressources du régime d'électrification rurale. On identifie des règles visant à inciter à la MDE les propriétaires investisseurs en recherche récurrente de subventions. Nous utilisons une méthode de calcul du surplus social des actions de MDE et d'identification de sa répartition en termes d'avantages-coûts entre les différents agents parties prenantes : les consommateurs, les propriétaires investisseurs et l'exploitant vendeur d'électricité (ici EDF). L'idée est de sortir du seul mode d'évaluation en cours qui ne regarde que l'avantage net pour les collectivités qui investissent alors que les autres agents bénéficient des actions de MDE. Ceci conduit à définir un mode de réallocation d'une partie des externalités positives des actions de MDE sur l'agent investisseur. On teste ainsi le principe de versements incitatifs à la MDE sous la forme de dotations supplémentaires sous réserve de certification des gains en investissement dégagés par les collectivités. Au second niveau d'analyse normative, dans le sixième chapitre, on se confronte à l'obstacle de l'hétérogénéité des actions de MDE dans le but d'éviter le coût administratif très élevé d'une multitude d'actions dispersées spatialement pour définir une méthode d'évaluation des potentiels de MDE par repérage des configurations les plus intéressantes. Le fondement de cette approche propose de dépasser le caractère aspatial de l'analyse économique (Ponsard, 1986, 1988) par le biais d'une articulation entre deux catégories d'hétérogénéités spatiales : d'une part celle du réseau électrique (Juricic, 1975) et d'autre part celle des déterminants de la demande. Nous supposons que les lieux sont porteurs de sens sur le plan économique, au travers des caractéristiques du réseau et de la demande, ce qui nous conduit à construire un zonage géographique comme moyen de faire apparaître simultanément les attributs économiques pertinents associés aux lieux (Beguin et Thisse, 1979). L'objectif de cette méthode est de permettre de concevoir des projets de MDE d'ampleur significative à l'échelle d'un département. Il s'agit donc d'une méthodologie de recherche des potentiels économiques de MDE qui repose sur une approche d'analyse statistique spatialisée dont le but est de produire un zonage de l'espace pertinent sur le plan des projets de MDE. Le zonage est ensuite mobilisé pour proposer des paniers d'actions et sélectionner des zones d'intervention de MDE dont le montant des économies d'investissement en renforcement de réseaux est calculé.
This thesis has for object the evolution of the economic optimum in the electric industry under spatial equity constraint that present a strong spatial heterogeneity of its supply conditions. One analyses the evolution of the rural electrification regime in France both in terms of economic and social efficiency. We examine the rationality of extending the sectoral optimization under equity constraint to the rationalization of electricity end-uses in the the heterogeneous space of rural electricity supply. To this question are given two responses. The firsts pertains to modify the incentives in the institutional regime of rural electrification so the MDE may be integrated in the strategies of rural electrification syndicates. One inspire from incentives mechanisms of the anglo-saxon DSM practice. The second is statistical zoning method of demand and distribution grid whose object is to localize action basins for large scale MDE projects. ; Cette thèse a pour objet l'évolution de l'optimum économique sous contrainte d'équité territoriale de l'industrie électrique, industrie de réseau fixe présentant une hétérogénéité spatiale forte de ses conditions d'offre. Cette problématique porte sur l'analyse de l'évolution du régime de l'électrification rurale en France en termes d'efficacité économique et sociale. Il s'agit de prolonger une longue tradition de recherche du CIRED initiée au début des années 1980 par Louis Puiseux, dont les principaux développements ont été la thèse de Colombier (1992) puis l'évaluation des écarts entre coûts de développement des réseaux ruraux et tarifs par De Gouvello (1996). Ce programme de recherche met en lumière les contradictions entre équité redistributive et équité territoriale, c'est-à-dire entre les visions aspatiales de l'économie théorique (Ponsard, 1988) et les dynamiques territoriales de développement, notamment en mettant l'accent sur les médiations institutionnelles. Notre question de départ porte donc sur la rationalité de l'élargissement de la démarche de l'optimisation sectorielle sous contrainte d'équité à la rationalisation des usages de l'électricité dans l'espace hétérogène de la fourniture d'électricité en zones rurales. La dérive des besoins de renforcement de réseaux ruraux a conduit ainsi à partir de 1995 le régulateur à encourager les collectivités qui sont les propriétaires et investisseurs en réseaux ruraux à rechercher des alternatives moins coûteuses du côté de la demande pour deux raisons économiques. D'abord les réseaux basse tension ruraux sont généralement très longs et comptent peu de clients desservis, par conséquent, l'optimisation des usages chez les clients peut s'avérer beaucoup moins coûteuse que le simple renforcement du réseau. Ensuite cette optimisation permet de rétablir l'équité de la qualité de fourniture entre les clients par le biais de la baisse des besoins d'investissement mais aussi par la réduction du temps d'attente pour les plus défavorisés, autrement dit, les clients situés sur les réseaux les plus coûteux à renforcer. Cette question conduit à analyser d'abord historiquement les institutions de l'électrification rurale dans le contexte évolutif de consolidation de l'industrie électrique en régime de monopole public pour repérer les structures d'intérêts inhérentes à cette organisation qui conduisent à une inefficience sociale à la fois en termes d'efficacité économique et en termes d'équité. Ce qui mène à un double questionnement : - comment compléter les institutions de l'électrification rurale pour modifier les incitations des propriétaires de réseaux ruraux à investir au-delà du compteur chez l'usager ? - comment, dans une situation de forte hétérogénéité spatiale des fonctions locales d'offre et de demande d'électricité dans l'espace rural, repérer les points de réseaux en sous-optimalité économique ? Dans un chapitre liminaire nous définirons précisément l'objet de la thèse à partir du repérage des difficultés d'application de l'innovation réglementaire que constitue la MDE dans la distribution d'électricité en zones rurales. Ce repérage s'effectue par l'analyse de l'organisation de la distribution rurale et de la place du régime d'électrification dont on peut déduire les intérêts des agents économique et des acteurs politiques qui constituent les barrières à cette innovation réglementaire. Dans la première partie on caractérise dans le premier chapitre la trajectoire institutionnelle de l'électrification rurale à partir du projet initial de solidarité nationale sous l'effet de la dynamique des consommations rurales puis de la diffusion des usages thermiques de l'électricité sur les réseaux ruraux induit par des stratégies de développement commercial totalement extérieures au dispositif de solidarité nationale. L'introduction de la MDE s'inscrit dans une mouvement de correction et d'adaptation de ce régime. Dans la seconde partie d'analyse économique normative, le constat précédent conduit à identifier les défauts d'incitation à la MDE qui sont sous-jacents aux institutions de l'électrification rurale et à la structuration de ses acteurs pour repérer comment contourner cet obstacle. Ce constat conduit aussi à imaginer une méthode de calcul économique permettant de prendre en compte les paramètres d'hétérogénéité spatiale de la demande et des coûts de réseau en développement pour répondre à l'évolution de la fonction de demande spatialisée. Au premier niveau d'analyse, on procède dans le quatrième chapitre à une analyse microéconomique du comportement des différents types d'acteurs de l'électrification rurale en partant de leur fonction : régulateur, propriétaire-investisseur ou exploitant, du type de choix qui relève de leurs fonctions et de leurs contraintes pour analyser la structure d'incitations à l'investissement en réseau et à la MDE. On insiste plus particulièrement sur la nature d'acteur politique de l'agent investisseur que sont les collectivités locales, nature qui éloigne du comportement de l'agent économique rationnel. On examine en particulier la relation d'asymétrie d'information entre propriétaires-investisseurs et le régulateur qui répartit les aides à l'investissement. Cette asymétrie porte sur les coûts ex-ante et ex-post des projets. Dans la relation principal-agent, la structure informationnelle est compliquée dans le cas réel par l'imperfection même de l'information que détiennent les agents sur leurs projets. Ces défauts de la structure informationnelle expliquent la dérive du régime d'électrification rurale et les défauts d'allocation des ressources. A ce même niveau d'analyse, on propose dans le cinquième chapitre des correctifs afin d'améliorer l'allocation des ressources du régime d'électrification rurale. On identifie des règles visant à inciter à la MDE les propriétaires investisseurs en recherche récurrente de subventions. Nous utilisons une méthode de calcul du surplus social des actions de MDE et d'identification de sa répartition en termes d'avantages-coûts entre les différents agents parties prenantes : les consommateurs, les propriétaires investisseurs et l'exploitant vendeur d'électricité (ici EDF). L'idée est de sortir du seul mode d'évaluation en cours qui ne regarde que l'avantage net pour les collectivités qui investissent alors que les autres agents bénéficient des actions de MDE. Ceci conduit à définir un mode de réallocation d'une partie des externalités positives des actions de MDE sur l'agent investisseur. On teste ainsi le principe de versements incitatifs à la MDE sous la forme de dotations supplémentaires sous réserve de certification des gains en investissement dégagés par les collectivités. Au second niveau d'analyse normative, dans le sixième chapitre, on se confronte à l'obstacle de l'hétérogénéité des actions de MDE dans le but d'éviter le coût administratif très élevé d'une multitude d'actions dispersées spatialement pour définir une méthode d'évaluation des potentiels de MDE par repérage des configurations les plus intéressantes. Le fondement de cette approche propose de dépasser le caractère aspatial de l'analyse économique (Ponsard, 1986, 1988) par le biais d'une articulation entre deux catégories d'hétérogénéités spatiales : d'une part celle du réseau électrique (Juricic, 1975) et d'autre part celle des déterminants de la demande. Nous supposons que les lieux sont porteurs de sens sur le plan économique, au travers des caractéristiques du réseau et de la demande, ce qui nous conduit à construire un zonage géographique comme moyen de faire apparaître simultanément les attributs économiques pertinents associés aux lieux (Beguin et Thisse, 1979). L'objectif de cette méthode est de permettre de concevoir des projets de MDE d'ampleur significative à l'échelle d'un département. Il s'agit donc d'une méthodologie de recherche des potentiels économiques de MDE qui repose sur une approche d'analyse statistique spatialisée dont le but est de produire un zonage de l'espace pertinent sur le plan des projets de MDE. Le zonage est ensuite mobilisé pour proposer des paniers d'actions et sélectionner des zones d'intervention de MDE dont le montant des économies d'investissement en renforcement de réseaux est calculé.
This thesis has for object the evolution of the economic optimum in the electric industry under spatial equity constraint that present a strong spatial heterogeneity of its supply conditions. One analyses the evolution of the rural electrification regime in France both in terms of economic and social efficiency. We examine the rationality of extending the sectoral optimization under equity constraint to the rationalization of electricity end-uses in the the heterogeneous space of rural electricity supply. To this question are given two responses. The firsts pertains to modify the incentives in the institutional regime of rural electrification so the MDE may be integrated in the strategies of rural electrification syndicates. One inspire from incentives mechanisms of the anglo-saxon DSM practice. The second is statistical zoning method of demand and distribution grid whose object is to localize action basins for large scale MDE projects. ; Cette thèse a pour objet l'évolution de l'optimum économique sous contrainte d'équité territoriale de l'industrie électrique, industrie de réseau fixe présentant une hétérogénéité spatiale forte de ses conditions d'offre. Cette problématique porte sur l'analyse de l'évolution du régime de l'électrification rurale en France en termes d'efficacité économique et sociale. Il s'agit de prolonger une longue tradition de recherche du CIRED initiée au début des années 1980 par Louis Puiseux, dont les principaux développements ont été la thèse de Colombier (1992) puis l'évaluation des écarts entre coûts de développement des réseaux ruraux et tarifs par De Gouvello (1996). Ce programme de recherche met en lumière les contradictions entre équité redistributive et équité territoriale, c'est-à-dire entre les visions aspatiales de l'économie théorique (Ponsard, 1988) et les dynamiques territoriales de développement, notamment en mettant l'accent sur les médiations institutionnelles. Notre question de départ porte donc sur la rationalité de l'élargissement de la démarche de l'optimisation sectorielle sous contrainte d'équité à la rationalisation des usages de l'électricité dans l'espace hétérogène de la fourniture d'électricité en zones rurales. La dérive des besoins de renforcement de réseaux ruraux a conduit ainsi à partir de 1995 le régulateur à encourager les collectivités qui sont les propriétaires et investisseurs en réseaux ruraux à rechercher des alternatives moins coûteuses du côté de la demande pour deux raisons économiques. D'abord les réseaux basse tension ruraux sont généralement très longs et comptent peu de clients desservis, par conséquent, l'optimisation des usages chez les clients peut s'avérer beaucoup moins coûteuse que le simple renforcement du réseau. Ensuite cette optimisation permet de rétablir l'équité de la qualité de fourniture entre les clients par le biais de la baisse des besoins d'investissement mais aussi par la réduction du temps d'attente pour les plus défavorisés, autrement dit, les clients situés sur les réseaux les plus coûteux à renforcer. Cette question conduit à analyser d'abord historiquement les institutions de l'électrification rurale dans le contexte évolutif de consolidation de l'industrie électrique en régime de monopole public pour repérer les structures d'intérêts inhérentes à cette organisation qui conduisent à une inefficience sociale à la fois en termes d'efficacité économique et en termes d'équité. Ce qui mène à un double questionnement : - comment compléter les institutions de l'électrification rurale pour modifier les incitations des propriétaires de réseaux ruraux à investir au-delà du compteur chez l'usager ? - comment, dans une situation de forte hétérogénéité spatiale des fonctions locales d'offre et de demande d'électricité dans l'espace rural, repérer les points de réseaux en sous-optimalité économique ? Dans un chapitre liminaire nous définirons précisément l'objet de la thèse à partir du repérage des difficultés d'application de l'innovation réglementaire que constitue la MDE dans la distribution d'électricité en zones rurales. Ce repérage s'effectue par l'analyse de l'organisation de la distribution rurale et de la place du régime d'électrification dont on peut déduire les intérêts des agents économique et des acteurs politiques qui constituent les barrières à cette innovation réglementaire. Dans la première partie on caractérise dans le premier chapitre la trajectoire institutionnelle de l'électrification rurale à partir du projet initial de solidarité nationale sous l'effet de la dynamique des consommations rurales puis de la diffusion des usages thermiques de l'électricité sur les réseaux ruraux induit par des stratégies de développement commercial totalement extérieures au dispositif de solidarité nationale. L'introduction de la MDE s'inscrit dans une mouvement de correction et d'adaptation de ce régime. Dans la seconde partie d'analyse économique normative, le constat précédent conduit à identifier les défauts d'incitation à la MDE qui sont sous-jacents aux institutions de l'électrification rurale et à la structuration de ses acteurs pour repérer comment contourner cet obstacle. Ce constat conduit aussi à imaginer une méthode de calcul économique permettant de prendre en compte les paramètres d'hétérogénéité spatiale de la demande et des coûts de réseau en développement pour répondre à l'évolution de la fonction de demande spatialisée. Au premier niveau d'analyse, on procède dans le quatrième chapitre à une analyse microéconomique du comportement des différents types d'acteurs de l'électrification rurale en partant de leur fonction : régulateur, propriétaire-investisseur ou exploitant, du type de choix qui relève de leurs fonctions et de leurs contraintes pour analyser la structure d'incitations à l'investissement en réseau et à la MDE. On insiste plus particulièrement sur la nature d'acteur politique de l'agent investisseur que sont les collectivités locales, nature qui éloigne du comportement de l'agent économique rationnel. On examine en particulier la relation d'asymétrie d'information entre propriétaires-investisseurs et le régulateur qui répartit les aides à l'investissement. Cette asymétrie porte sur les coûts ex-ante et ex-post des projets. Dans la relation principal-agent, la structure informationnelle est compliquée dans le cas réel par l'imperfection même de l'information que détiennent les agents sur leurs projets. Ces défauts de la structure informationnelle expliquent la dérive du régime d'électrification rurale et les défauts d'allocation des ressources. A ce même niveau d'analyse, on propose dans le cinquième chapitre des correctifs afin d'améliorer l'allocation des ressources du régime d'électrification rurale. On identifie des règles visant à inciter à la MDE les propriétaires investisseurs en recherche récurrente de subventions. Nous utilisons une méthode de calcul du surplus social des actions de MDE et d'identification de sa répartition en termes d'avantages-coûts entre les différents agents parties prenantes : les consommateurs, les propriétaires investisseurs et l'exploitant vendeur d'électricité (ici EDF). L'idée est de sortir du seul mode d'évaluation en cours qui ne regarde que l'avantage net pour les collectivités qui investissent alors que les autres agents bénéficient des actions de MDE. Ceci conduit à définir un mode de réallocation d'une partie des externalités positives des actions de MDE sur l'agent investisseur. On teste ainsi le principe de versements incitatifs à la MDE sous la forme de dotations supplémentaires sous réserve de certification des gains en investissement dégagés par les collectivités. Au second niveau d'analyse normative, dans le sixième chapitre, on se confronte à l'obstacle de l'hétérogénéité des actions de MDE dans le but d'éviter le coût administratif très élevé d'une multitude d'actions dispersées spatialement pour définir une méthode d'évaluation des potentiels de MDE par repérage des configurations les plus intéressantes. Le fondement de cette approche propose de dépasser le caractère aspatial de l'analyse économique (Ponsard, 1986, 1988) par le biais d'une articulation entre deux catégories d'hétérogénéités spatiales : d'une part celle du réseau électrique (Juricic, 1975) et d'autre part celle des déterminants de la demande. Nous supposons que les lieux sont porteurs de sens sur le plan économique, au travers des caractéristiques du réseau et de la demande, ce qui nous conduit à construire un zonage géographique comme moyen de faire apparaître simultanément les attributs économiques pertinents associés aux lieux (Beguin et Thisse, 1979). L'objectif de cette méthode est de permettre de concevoir des projets de MDE d'ampleur significative à l'échelle d'un département. Il s'agit donc d'une méthodologie de recherche des potentiels économiques de MDE qui repose sur une approche d'analyse statistique spatialisée dont le but est de produire un zonage de l'espace pertinent sur le plan des projets de MDE. Le zonage est ensuite mobilisé pour proposer des paniers d'actions et sélectionner des zones d'intervention de MDE dont le montant des économies d'investissement en renforcement de réseaux est calculé.
Dept. of Public Health/諛뺤궗 ; [�븳湲�] 諛� 寃�: �슦由щ굹�씪�뿉�꽌�뒗 1993�뀈 留먮씪由ъ븘 �솚�옄媛� 理쒖큹濡� 諛쒖깮�븳 �씠�썑, 鍮꾨Т�옣吏����뿉 �뿰�븯�뿬 湲됯꺽�엳 利앷��븯�뒗 留먮씪由ъ븘 �솚�옄�쓽 諛쒖깮�쓣 媛먯냼�떆�궎怨�, 鍮꾩쐞�뿕吏��뿭�쑝濡쒖쓽 留먮씪由ъ븘 �쟾�뙆瑜� 李⑤떒�븯湲� �쐞�빐 1997�뀈遺��꽣 �겢濡쒕Ⅴ��(400mg, 留ㅼ< 1�쉶)怨� �봽由щ쭏��(15mg/�씪, 14�씪媛�)�쓣 �씠�슜�븳 �솕�븰�쟻 �삁諛⑹슂踰뺤쓣 �떆�옉�븯���떎. �솕�븰�쟻 �삁諛⑹슂踰뺤쑝濡� �씤�븯�뿬 2000�뀈�쓣 �젙�젏�쑝濡� 留먮씪由ъ븘 �솚�옄�쓽 諛쒖깮�� 吏��냽�쟻�쑝濡� 媛먯냼�븯�뒗 寃쏀뼢�쓣 蹂댁씠怨� �엳�떎. 洹몃윭�굹, 理쒓렐 �삁諛⑹빟�쓣 �셿�쟾�븯寃� 蹂듭슜�븯怨� �쟾�뿭�븳 �옣蹂묐뱾�뿉�꽌 �옣湲� �옞蹂듯솚�옄媛� 吏��냽�쟻�쑝濡� 諛쒖깮�븯�뒗 寃껋쑝濡� 蹂닿퀬�릺�뼱 �솕�븰�쟻 �삁諛⑹슂踰뺤쓽 �슚怨쇱뿉 ���븳 �룊媛�媛� �븘�슂�븳 寃껋쑝濡� �깮媛곷맂�떎. 紐� �쟻: �옱諛쒖깮 留먮씪由ъ븘�쓽 �뿭�븰�쟻 �듅�꽦�쓣 �뙆�븙�븯怨�, �솕�븰�쟻 �삁諛⑹슂踰뺢낵 �궪�씪�뿴 留먮씪由ъ븘�쓽 �옞蹂듦린���쓽 愿��젴�꽦�쓣 遺꾩꽍�븯怨좎옄 �븯���떎. 諛� 踰�: 1998�뀈 10�썡遺��꽣 2001�뀈 2�썡源뚯� 留먮씪由ъ븘 鍮꾩쐞�뿕�떆湲곗뿉 援곗뿉 �엯���븳 �궗�엺 以묒뿉�꽌 1999�뀈遺��꽣 2001�뀈源뚯� 理쒖큹濡� 留먮씪由ъ븘 �쐞�뿕�뿉 �끂異쒕맂 �궗�엺�쓣 ���긽�쑝濡� 留먮씪由ъ븘 諛쒖깮�뿬遺�瑜� 32媛쒖썡媛� 異붿쟻議곗궗�븯���떎. 留먮씪由ъ븘 �쐞�뿕吏��뿭�뿉 洹쇰Т�븳 援곗씤�쓽 寃쎌슦, 援곕났臾댁쨷 2踰덉쓽 留먮씪由ъ븘 �쐞�뿕�떆湲곗� 2踰덉쓽 �삁諛⑹빟 蹂듭슜�떆湲곕�� 寃쏀뿕�븯���떎. 異붿쟻議곗궗湲곌컙 �룞�븞 諛쒖깮�븳 紐⑤뱺 �솚�옄瑜� �룷�븿�븯���쑝硫�, 理쒖쥌 �뿰援щ��긽�� 1,158紐낆씠�뿀�떎. 寃� 怨�: 珥� 1,158紐낆쓽 �솚�옄媛� �궪�씪�뿴 留먮씪由ъ븘濡� �솗吏꾨릺�뿀�쑝硫�, 援곗씤�� 731紐�, �쟾�뿭�썑 諛쒖깮�븳 �솚�옄�뒗 427紐낆씠�뿀�떎. 援곕났臾댁쨷 �몢 踰덉㎏ �삁諛⑹빟 蹂듭슜�씠 �떆�옉�맂 �떆�젏 �씠�썑�뿉 諛쒖깮�븳 �솚�옄�뒗 963紐낆씠�뿀�쑝硫�, �삁諛⑹빟�쓣 蹂듭슜�븳 寃쎌슦�뒗 598紐낆씠�뿀�떎. �삁諛⑹빟 蹂듭슜 吏묐떒�뿉�꽌 �옣湲� �옞蹂듯솚�옄�뒗 59%(353紐�)媛� 諛쒖깮�븯��吏�留�, �삁諛⑹빟 誘몃났�슜 吏묐떒�뿉�꽌�뒗 365紐낆쨷 80紐�(21.9%)�씠 �옣湲� �옞蹂듯솚�옄濡� 諛쒖깮�븯���떎 (p<0.001). �삁諛⑹빟 蹂듭슜 吏묐떒�뿉�꽌 諛쒖깮�븳 �옣湲� �옞蹂듯솚�옄�쓽 61.9%(218紐�)�뒗 �겢濡쒕Ⅴ�멸낵 �봽由щ쭏�몄쓣 洹쒖튃�쟻�쑝濡� 蹂듭슜�븳 寃껋쑝濡� 議곗궗�릺�뿀�떎. 洹몃윭�굹 �떒湲곗� �옣湲� �옞蹂듯솚�옄�뿉�꽌 �옞蹂듦린�뒗 �삁諛⑹빟 蹂듭슜�뿬遺��� 愿��젴�씠 �뾾�뿀�떎. 寃� 濡�: �삁諛⑹빟 誘몃났�슜 吏묐떒�뿉�꽌 諛쒖깮�븳 �궪�씪�뿴 留먮씪由ъ븘�뒗 ��遺�遺꾩쓽 �솚�옄媛� �떒湲� �옞蹂듯솚�옄濡� 諛쒖깮�븯�뒗 寃쏀뼢�쓣 蹂댁��떎. �삉�븳, �겢濡쒕Ⅴ�� �삁諛⑹슂踰뺤� �궪�씪�뿴 留먮씪由ъ븘�쓽 �엫�긽利앹긽 諛쒗쁽�쓣 �뼲�젣�떆�궡�쑝濡쒖뜥 �옣湲� �옞蹂듯솚�옄�쓽 諛쒖깮�쓣 利앷��떆�궎�뒗 寃껋쑝濡� 議곗궗�릺�뿀�쑝硫�, �슦由щ굹�씪�쓽 寃쎌슦 �봽由щ쭏�� �삁諛⑹슂踰뺤� �옣湲� �옞蹂듯솚�옄瑜� �슚怨쇱쟻�쑝濡� 媛먯냼�떆�궎吏� 紐삵븯���떎. �뵲�씪�꽌 �옣湲� �옞蹂듯솚�옄�쓽 諛쒖깮�쓣 �삁諛⑺븯湲� �쐞�븯�뿬 �솕�븰�쟻 �삁諛⑹슂踰뺤뿉 ���븳 異붽��쟻�씤 �뿰援ш� �븘�슂�븳 寃껋쑝濡� �뙋�떒�맂�떎. [�쁺臾�]Background: The Republic of Korea (ROK) military initiated antimalarial chemoprophylaxis with hydroxychloroquine sulfate (310mg base once weekly) and 14-days primaquine (15mg base once daily) prophylaxis in 1997 to combat the rapid resurgence of malaria along the DMZ and to reduce the potential spread of malaria throughout the Korea. The increase of annual use of antimalarial chemoprophylaxis may have contributed to the stabilization of malaria in 2000, and its decline through 2004. However, doubts have been expressed about the effectiveness of chemoprophylaxis because late-onset cases of malaria are frequently reported in the soldiers who are regularly treated with chloroquine and primaquine. Objective: To investigate the epidemiologic characteristics of re-emergent viviax malaria and the effects of the chemoprophylaxis on latency of vivax malaria. Method: All soldiers and veterans who entered military service in non malaria risk period between Oct 1, 1998 and Feb 1, 2001 and were exposed to malaria risk for the first time between 1999 and 2001 were followed-up for 32 months after the first malaria risk exposure in the military service. Soldiers assigned to malaria risk areas experienced two consecutive malaria risk period and received antimalarial chemoprophylaxis both times during the 26-month mandatory military duty. Among these subjects, all microscopically confirmed 1,158 cases of malaria were included. Results: Of the 1,158 cases, 731 were soldiers and 427 veterans. Ninety hundred sixty three cases occurred after second chemoprophylaxis was started. Of these cases, 353 of 598 cases (59%) in the chemoprophylaxis group are considered late-onset. In the no-chemoprophylaxis group only 80 of 365 cases (21.9%) were late-onset (p<0.001). Of the late-onset cases in the chemoprophylaxis group, 218 of 353 (61.9%) cases had taken both chloroquine and primaquine regularly. The median latency period was not affected by chemoprophylaxis both in early and late-onset cases. Conclusions: Large proportion of re-emergent vivax malaria in no-chemoprophylaxis group has short latency period. Chloroquine prophylaxis increases late-onset vivax malaria due to a delay of symptom onset. In particular, primaquine was found to be inadequate against late-onset vivax malaria in ROK. Further investigations on malaria prevention strategies are needed to ensure the control of late-onset vivax malaria, because of the inadequacies of current chemoprophylaxis ; open
Gedurende de eerste tien jaar na afloop van de oorlog stond de rijstmarkt in Vietnam onder sterke controle van de overheid en werd de handel gedomineerd door overheidsbedrijven. Ongeveer 20 jaar geleden is een proces van liberalisering in gang gezet. De rijstproductie is sterk gestegen. In de 80er jaren kende het land nog rijsttekorten, maar inmiddels is Vietnam uitgegroeid tot de tweede rijstexporteur ter wereld. Deze ontwikkelingen in de rijstmarkt zijn mede mogelijk gemaakt door het overheidsbeleid. Op macro niveau heeft de transitie van een centraal geplande economie naar een markteconomie geleid tot een verandering van instituties, die vervolgens grote invloed hebben gehad op het gedrag van verschillende actoren in de markt. De economische hervormingen hebben het gedrag van handelaren beïnvloed (bijvoorbeeld hun strategie ten aanzien van de aankoop, de verkoop, het transport, de opslag, etc.). Deze studie analyseert het huidige marktsysteem en de organisatie van de binnenlandse handelskanalen voor rijst in Vietnam. In het bijzonder zijn de marktstructuur en de relaties tussen verschillende actoren bestudeerd. Ook is getracht de effectiviteit en de efficiency van de commerciële dienstverlening te beoordelen. Tevens worden enkele aanbevelingen gedaan voor het ontwikkelen van marketing strategieën, handelspolitiek, regulering, instituties en diensten teneinde de private en coöperatieve rijstproductie verder te bevorderen. Beoogd wordt een bijdrage te leveren aan de beleidsdiscussie tussen overheid en private sector en, in het bijzonder, aan het proces van transitie van publieke interventies naar meer markt georiënteerde regels. Voor dit onderzoek is gebruikt gemaakt van de 'Structure, Conduct, Performance (SCP)' en de 'marketing channel' benadering. Ook zijn de inzichten van de economische institutionele theorie toegepast. Deze benaderingen en theorieën zijn als richtsnoer gebruikt om de verschillende aspecten van het probleem te identificeren. Het dynamische SCP model, dat laat zien dat de drie onderscheiden niveaus op elkaar inwerken als de competitie imperfect is, is toegepast. Dit model is een handig instrument om de kluwen van marktkarakteristieken te ontwarren. De studie analyseert de marketing kosten en de marges. Ook is getest op lange en korte termijn marktintegratie tussen verschillende marktplaatsen, teneinde een uitspraak te kunnen doen over de efficiency van de markt. Tenslotte is geprobeerd zicht te krijgen op de aanpassingsprocessen die zich voordoen in de markt om na te gaan in hoeverre er prikkels bestaan om het huidige marktsysteem verder te verbeteren. De data voor deze studie zijn verkregen via primaire en secundaire bronnen. Het secundaire materiaal betreft historische data over de rijstproductie, verhandelde hoeveelheden op de markt, gemiddelde wekelijkse en maandelijkse prijzen op de belangrijkste rijstmarkten in de Mekong River Delta. Primaire data zijn verzameld middels gestructureerde interviews met boeren, handelaren (opkopers, groothandelaren en detaillisten), rijstmolenaars, overheidsbedrijven en enkele experts betrokken bij de rijstmarkt. Het resultaat van de marktstructuur analyse geeft aan dat de binnenlandse rijstmarkt in Vietnam gekarakteriseerd wordt door competitie. Over het algemeen zijn er geen belangrijke toetredingsbarrières tot de rijstmarkt waargenomen; is de mate van concentratie van de handel gering; zijn de verschillende rijstsoorten in sterke mate homogeen; en is informatie over de markt eenvoudig te verkrijgen. Het handelskanaal waarlangs paddy/rijst zijn weg vindt van boer tot finale consument is complex. In totaal acht belangrijke handelskanalen zijn in kaart gebracht. In het binnenlandse handelscircuit spelen private rijsthandelaren, waaronder opkopers, groothandelaren, 'brokers' en kleine molenaars, een belangrijke rol in de rijstdistributie op lokaal en interregionaal niveau. De vrijemarktpolitiek in Vietnam heeft een aantrekkelijk klimaat geschapen voor de private rijsthandel. In tegenstelling tot de internationale transacties zijn de nationale handelsstromen volledig geliberaliseerd. Echter, als gevolg van de regelgeving, controleren een selecte groep grote molenaars ('millers/polishers') en in het bijzonder de staatsbedrijven, de export transacties. Met betrekking tot het marktgedrag laat de studie zien dat de handelaren verschillende functies vervullen: transport, opslag, onderhandelen, verwerking (malen), marktinformatie en financiering. De boot is het meest gebruikte transportmiddel in de Mekong River Delta. Kosten voor transport, laden en lossen, verschillen niet veel tussen de handelaren. Opslag is meer van belang voor de molenaars ('millers/polishers') teneinde aanvoer voor de rijstmolen te garanderen. Opslag voor speculatie is van ondergeschikt belang voor de rijsthandelaren. Handelskrediet speelt een relatief belangrijke rol voor transacties tussen groothandelaren en detaillisten en transacties tussen molenaars en staatsbedrijven. De groothandelaren kunnen handelskrediet geven aan detaillisten middels het toestaan van uitgestelde betalingen. Daarentegen kunnen molenaars vooraf geld ontvangen van staatsbedrijven teneinde de gewenste hoeveelheden op te kopen. In het binnenlandse vrije marktsysteem zijn de handelaren flexibel en maken zij een weloverwogen keuze uit potentiële aanbieders en afnemers. De meeste transacties zijn niet gebaseerd op vaste handelsrelaties. Echter, sommige actoren ontwikkelen meer permanente handelsrelaties, gebaseerd op reputatie en vertrouwen. Deze contacten zijn aangegaan op basis van vrijwilligheid. De analyse van het marktresultaat ('performance') laat zien dat de rijstproducenten en handelaren de juiste rijstkwaliteiten in de markt aanbieden om in de preferenties van de consumenten te voorzien. De handelskanalen voor de binnenlandse markt zijn operationeel en bieden de gewenste commerciële diensten aan. Afhankelijk van het gebruikte criterium zouden opkopers en detaillisten als de meest efficiënte handelaren gezien kunnen worden omdat zij de hoogste winst, uitgedrukt in procenten van de kostprijs, realiseren. Daarentegen lijken molenaars inefficiënt omdat zij een lager winstpercentage op de kostprijs behalen. Echter, als de netto winstmarges over het geïnvesteerde kapitaal worden vergeleken dan is het resultaat geheel anders: molenaars realiseren de hoogste netto winstmarge op het geïnvesteerde kapitaal en detaillisten de laagste winstvoet. De resultaten laten zien dat de laatstgenoemde winstvoeten redelijk zijn en sporen met de door de bank geheven interest op krediet. Dit wordt gezien als een indicatie dat concurrerende krachten in de markt operationeel zijn. Met betrekking tot marktintegratie laten de resultaten van het onderzoek zien dat alle marktplaatsen in de Mekong River Delta in sterke mate geïntegreerd zijn. Rijstprijzen op de binnenlandse markt volgen de prijzen in Ho Chi Minh City en de export prijzen zoals vastgesteld door de overheid. Vanwege de lange afstand zijn de markten in het noorden nauwelijks geïntegreerd met de markten in de Mekong River Delta. Voor wat betreft de internationale transacties wordt geconcludeerd dat de export prijzen, die vastgesteld zijn door de overheid, in sterke mate samenhangen met de wereldmarktprijs voor rijst uit Thailand (de grootste exporteur op de rijstmarkt). Hieruit volgt dat het proces van prijsvorming op de binnenlandse markt samenhangt met de prijsontwikkelingen op de wereldmarkt. Dit betekent ook dat de 'floor-price policy' van de Vietnamese overheid de prijsontwikkelingen op de wereldmarkt volgt. In het algemeen wordt geconcludeerd dat het proces van competitie en de ontwikkeling van instituties in de markt een aantrekkelijke omgeving hebben gecreëerd om barrières voor de verdere verbetering van de efficiëntie van de markt weg te nemen. Dit verklaart waarom de markt in Vietnam, en in het bijzonder in de Mekong River Delta, concurrerend op de wereldmarkt is geworden. De private sector heeft sterk gereageerd op de prikkels die de liberale marktpolitiek hen heeft gegeven. Het huidige marktsysteem wordt gekarakteriseerd door een groot aantal op kleine schaal opererende agenten. Daarnaast zijn het vooral de molenaars en groothandelaren die op grotere schaal opereren en de binnenlandse en internationale markten bevoorraden. Zowel bij de private als bij de door de staatsbedrijven gecontroleerde handelskanalen vindt een proces van verbetering plaats als gevolg van de liberale handelspolitiek. Echter, er zijn nog steeds mogelijkheden om verdere verbeteringen te realiseren in het private marktsysteem. Enkele problemen met betrekking tot toetredingsbarrières; toegang tot krediet; en toegang tot marktinformatie, zijn in de tekst besproken. Van belang is te constateren dat de boerderijen en de voedselbedrijven van de staat nog steeds de exportsector domineren. Tot op de dag van vandaag vindt het grootste deel van de op de markt verhandelde productie zijn weg naar de finale consument via een van deze organisaties (in het bijzonder via de door de staat beheerde molens, de bevoorrading van detaillisten en de controle op export transacties). Dit laat zien dat de privatisering nog een lange weg heeft te gaan. De cruciale vraag voor de toekomst is te weten hoe dit gerealiseerd kan worden zonder een stabiel binnenlands aanbod in gevaar te brengen.
[eng] Comprising over 70% of the Earth's surface, water is undoubtedly the most precious natural resource that exists on our planet. Without the seemingly invaluable compound comprised of hydrogen and oxygen, life on Earth would be non-existent: it is essential for everything on our planet to grow and prosper. Although we as humans recognize this fact, we disregard it by polluting our rivers, lakes, and oceans. Subsequently, we are slowly but surely harming our planet to the point where organisms are dying at a very alarming rate. In addition to innocent organisms dying off, our drinking water has become greatly affected as is our ability to use water for recreational purposes. In order to combat water pollution, we must understand the problems and become part of the solution. When is compared with other options of processing, biological treatment of residual water is considered a cheap and attractive alternative to eliminate various types of contaminants. The effíciency of the biological process depends on many factors such as the concentration of the contaminants, the chemical structure of the composed, the pH and the presence of inhibitory compounds in wastewater. Although some organic contaminants can be degraded through biological process, many other composed synthetic and natural are not biodegradable. On the hand, several chemical processes as advanced oxidation processes (AOP's) can be use for mineralization of many organic contaminants. The doubt that presents these processes is the use of expensive reagents. A potential viable solution proposed during last two decays is the combination of these processes with biological processing. In these combined processes, the chemical process would be utilized like pre-treatment step to enhance the biodegradability and elimínate the toxicity of the effluents, while the total mineralization would be completed in the biological process. For it, it is interesting to monitor the changes in the biodegradability of the effluents along the chemical process, this may be use to determine the optimum pre-treatment time. In the literature various indicators have been proposed to follow the biodegradability, where the ratios BOD5/COD and BOD5/TOC are the most utilized (BOD: Biological oxygen demand); COD: Chemical oxygen demand; TOC: total organic carbón). In general, are municipal wastewater was taken as reference values. Thus, it is considered that an effluent is biodegradable when the relation BOD5/COD is over 0.4 or BOD5/TOC over 1.0 (Metcalf & Eddy, 1985). The AOP's are defined like those processes that imply the generation of radicals highly reagents (especially radical hidroxilo) in suffícient quantities. Although most organic matter can be degraded by these processes, other compounds as the acetic acids,maleico and oxálico, acetona or cloroformo are not attacked by these radicals (Bigda,1995). The advantage of AOP's comes from the fact that radicals can be formed through different processes. In this study, AOP's based on photo-oxidation well be used for treatment of water contained Phenol and 2,4-dichlorophenol. In the first chapter of this work a general literature review the reactions are presented in which a series of methods for the treating refractory were proposed, among them is found the adsorption in active carbon, humid oxidation, supercritical oxidation, electrochemical oxidation, chemical oxidation in its two parts classics and advanced oxidation. For all, a small bibliographical search as well previous publication in elimination of phenol (POH) and 2,4-dichlorophenol (DCP) are presented. Moreover, it was presented a basic explanation of the characteristics of the biological processing and its operational types. At the end of this chapter, it has been introduced a figure (Figure 3.4) that shows a possible strategy to treat any type of wastewater depending on the organic load and the biodegradability. With respect to the results, the thesis present a framework of the combination of AOP's and biological treatment. In this case, synthetic residual water containing phenol (POH) and 2,4-diclorophenol (DCP) and textile dyes.These compound associates as contaminants in different types of water. They appear in different types of industrial effluents and included among the 130 priority contaminants gives by US EPA and the European Union. A study of the behaviour of these substances for a possible biological degradation showed that all presented low biodegradability, and some as the DCP and textile dyes were inhibited for biomass. Thus, it was necessary to seek alternatives treatment processes. In a first part of this work, the degradation of these composed was studied by means of advanced oxidation processes (AOP's), based on the use of the process of photo oxidation, in this case, direct irradiation with light UV or UVA, and combination these sources of light with; UV(A)/H202, UV(A)/Fe(III),UV(A)/Fe(II)/H202 and the process Fenton. These experiments were performed in four different, two of them are type tubular and the other two are type stirred tank. The followed variables along the process were the concentration of the contaminants, pH, initial concentration of the H202, Conc. Initial of Fe(II), time of irradiation and total organic carbon (TOC). The effect of irradiation time in the degradation of both the POH and DCP was studied. Also, kinetic of the reactions were followed. Results show that direct UV photolysis is not efficient for DCP and POH elimination. First order reaction constant of aprox. 0.0056 min-1 and 0.0066 min-1 was obtained for POH and DCP, respect.) Also the combinations of this process with other hydroxyl radical sours were studied, for e. j., the effect of the quantity of peroxide or Fa(II), or the black light irradiation with UV at (300-420 nm) vs. 254 nm. By means of the combination H202/UV/Fe removals percentages of 100 DCP and POH were achieved. During these reactions, by-products were identified, for POH it was identified caticlos, quinone and hidroquinoin. In the case of DCP, only it was possible to identify the clorobenzoquinona and some carboxylic acids. As it was mentiond above, the hostility that AOP's presents is use of expensive reagents, and a possible alternative is the combination with biological process. In this study also, some strategies for these types of combination have been established, that was possible by means of a study of the improvement in the biodegradability of the treated solutions. In a second part of the work, therefore, the effect of these processes was studied in the biodegradability enhancement of the solutions. The better results were obtained by means of the process photo-Fenton, the ratios BOD5/COD increased from O up to 0.92 and 0.48 for solutions of 100 ppm of POH and DCP respectively. After time of irradiation of 30 min and initial concentrations of H2 02 of 65 ppm and 300 ppm, respectively. Later the improvement of the biodegradability of the treated solutions, was studied the biodegradation of some solutions pre-tried of POH and DCP. Respect the DCP treated, the results have shown that activated sludge of a municipal wastewater plant could be adequate for the treatment of the pre-oxidize solutions and that was possible through co-digestion of the same with a residual water. By means of the combination photo Fenton -biological treatment. It was achieved up to a 89 of organic matter elimination. Continuing this line of investigation, it was developed also a complete combined processes consist of DCP pre-treated via Photo oxidation and aerobic and anaerobio biological reactors type SBR (sequencing batch reactor). By means of this process, elimination of organic matter up to 93 of TOC was obtained in a signifícant cycle time. The same strategy was applied to phenol, in this part a comparison has been established between single and coupled processes, the results have been shown that good improvement in organic matter take place in the combined processes. Finally, the use of the photo oxidation processes was examined to eliminate the colour and improvement the biodegradability of dyes solutions. The results have shown that these processes can be use efficiently for colour elimination and biodegradability improvement of dyes solutions.
La Direction des Ressources Humaines (DRH) est une capacité organisationnelle classée parmi les actifs intangibles et comme telle elle peut se transformer en un appui important dans la construction d'avantage compétitif constant pour l'entreprise. L'étude présente a pour but d'établir jusqu'à quel point la DRH se constitue comme un support de l'entreprise colombienne pour atteindre cet avantage compétitif. La base empirique qui a été prise pour rédiger l'article est une information provenant de la recherche « La Gérance du Talent Humain dans les entreprises Moyennes et Grandes de l'Ouest Colombien » dans laquelle ont été interrogés des gérants de ressources humaines de 257 entreprises. Les variables suivantes ont été prises en compte: degré de développement de la DRH, sa place dans la structure hiérarchique, la taille de l'organisation, le secteur économique, le type de direction, les politiques de personnel, les facteurs clés du succès et les problèmes dans la gestion de RH. Le degré de développement de la DRH a été établi à partir de neuf composantes: perception de l'autonomie du directeur de RH, attribution de budget pour le service, stratégies innovatrices que le service a proposé dans les deux dernières années, temps que le directeur doit dédier à des activités non opératoires ni routinières et indicateurs de gestion employés dans le service de RH. La révision des ouvrages spécialisés permet de conclure que les RH seront une source d'avantage compétitif constant pourvu qu'elles soient précieuses, rares, relativement inimitables et irremplaçables, mais qu'elles ne suffisent pas si l'entreprise manque d'organisation lui permettant de capitaliser la valeur potentielle des personnes, ceci étant une capacité correspondant à la DRH qui devient alors un élément clé pour donner aux RH sa caractéristique d'avantage compétitif constant. Les découvertes démontrent que le degré de développement de la DRH est associée à la taille de l'entreprise, du secteur, du genre d'organisation, de la philosophie administrative de l'entreprise et dans une moindre mesure de sa place dans la structure. En conclusion, l'on peut affirmer que dans les entreprises étudiées il existe deux groupes: le premier avec la DRH située à un niveau stratégique et qui peut en général être catalogué avec un niveau de développement supérieur ou élevé (46.8% du total étudié); ce groupe possède une DRH qui a la possibilité de servir de support à l'entreprise pour atteindre l'avantage compétitif; mais il existe un deuxième groupe (53.2%) qui à cause de son faible développement, son dévouement à des fonctions opératrices et routinières, son peu d'autonomie et de leadership n'est pas une source d'avantage compétitif pour les organisations. ; La Dirección de Recursos Humanos (DRH) es una capacidad organizacional clasificada dentro de los activos intangibles y como tal puede convertirse en apoyo importante en la construcción de ventaja competitiva sostenida para la empresa. El presente estudio tiene el propósito de establecer hasta qué punto la DRH se constituye en soporte de la empresa colombiana para alcanzar dicha ventaja competitiva. La base empírica para la elaboración del artículo es información proveniente de la investigación "La gerencia de talento humano en las empresas medianas y grandes del occidente colombiano", en la que se encuestaron gerentes de recursos humanos de 257 empresas. Se consideraron las variables: grado de desarrollo de la DRH, ubicación del área en la estructura jerárquica, tamaño de la organización, sector económico, tipo de dirección, políticas de personal, factores claves de éxito y problemas en la gestión de RH. El grado de desarrollo de la DRH se estableció a partir de nueve componentes: percepción de autonomía del director de RH, asignación presupuestal al área, nivel educativo del director, nivel de liderazgo del director, existencia de plan estratégico en el área, estrategias innovadoras que el área ha propuesto en los últimos dos años, tiempo que el director debe dedicar a actividades no operativas ni rutinarias e indicadores de gestión que emplea el área de RH. La revisión de la literatura especializada permite concluir que los RH serán una fuente de ventaja competitiva sostenida siempre y cuando sean valiosos, escasos, relativamente inimitables e insustituibles, pero que no basta con ello si la firma carece de la organización para capitalizar el valor potencial de la gente. Esta es una capacidad que le corresponde a la DRH, que de esta manera se convierte en elemento clave para darle a los RH su característica de ventaja competitiva sostenida. Los hallazgos demuestran que el grado de desarrollo de la DRH está asociado con el tamaño del establecimiento, el sector, el tipo de organización, la filosofía administrativa de la empresa y en menor grado con su ubicación en la estructura. Se puede afirmar que en las empresas estudiadas existen dos grupos: el primero con la DRH ubicada en un nivel estratégico, que reporta directamente a la dirección general, lidera proyectos organizacionales y que en general puede catalogarse con un nivel de desarrollo superior o alto (46.8% del total estudiado); este grupo tiene una DRH que está en capacidad de servir de soporte a la empresa para alcanzar la ventaja competitiva; y un segundo grupo (53.2%) que no es fuente de ventaja competitiva para las organizaciones, por su poco desarrollo, su dedicación a funciones operativas y rutinarias, y su poca autonomía y liderazgo. ; Human Resource Management (HRM) is an organisational capacity classified as being part of intangible assets and as such can become an important aid in constructing a company's sustained competitive advantage. The present study's purpose is to establish up to what point HRM becomes an aid for Colombian companies in achieving such a competitive advantage. Information from a survey of human resource mangers from 257 companies called "Managing Human Talent in Medium- and Largesized Companies from Western Colombia" provided the empirical basis for writing this article. The following variables were considered: degree of HRM development, the area's position within the hierarchical structure, the size of the organisation, economic sector, type of management, personnel policy, key success factors and problems in HR management. Nine components were used to establish the degree of HRM development: HR director's perceived autonomy, the area's budgetary allocation, the director's educational level, director's leadership level, whether there was a strategic plan in the area, innovatory strategies which the area has proposed during the last two years, the time which the director can devote to non-operational and non-routine activities and those management indicators used in the HR area. Revising the specialised literature led to the conclusion that HRs represent a source of sustained competitive advantage when they are valuable, scarce, relatively inimitable and nonsubstitutable but that this is not enough if a company does not have the necessary organisation for capitalising on people's potential value. This represents a HRM capacity thus becoming a key element in providing HRs with their characteristic of sustained competitive advantage. The findings show that the degree of HRM development is associated with an establishment's size, sector, type of organisation, a company's administrative philosophy and, to a lesser degree, its position within the structure. There were two groups in those companies studied. The first had HRM located at a strategic level reporting directly to general management, leading organisational projects and generally being catalogued as having a high level or superior level of development (46.8% of the total studied). This group had HRM capable of supporting a company in its efforts aimed at achieving a competitive advantage. A second group (53.2%) devoted its time to operational and routine functions due to its little development; its lack of autonomy and leadership does not represent a source of competitive advantage for organisations.
ÖZETBu doktora tezi temel olarak iki amaca sahiptir. Bunlardan ilki; eski Sovyetler Birliği'nin Güney coğrafyasında, şu anda Orta Asya Cumhuriyetleri'nin bulunduğu bölgede Türkiye'nin ekonomik, siyasal ve güvenliğe ilişkin beklentileri maksimize edebilmesi için işbirliği stratejisi modelleri geliştirmek ve ikincisi; bu işbirliği stratejisi modellerinin uygulanmasını takiben belirecek olası yeni güç dengesi kapsamında Türkiye'nin içinde bulunacağı olası durumu senaryo planlama metodunu kullanarak oluşturulacak gelecek senaryoları ile tahmin etmek ve bunu gerçekleştirerek Türk karar alıcılarını oluşacak bu olası güç dengesi sisteminden önceden bilgilendirmek.Tez üç bölümden oluşmaktadır:Bölüm I'de Orta Asya halkları ve Orta Asya bölgesine ilişkin genel bilgi sunulmaktadır. Bu bölümde temel olarak dört husus üzerinde yoğunlaşılmıştır: İlk olarak; Türk kökenli halkların tarihi, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu ve Rus hakimiyeti altındaki Türk Hanlıkları arasındaki münasebetler, Sovyetler Birliği hakimiyeti altındaki Orta Asya halkları ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'ndeki Türkler arasındaki münasebetler açıklanmakta, ikinci olarak; Türk karar alıcılarını Orta Asya Cumhuriyetleri'ni Türk dış politikasının ilgi alanına dahil etmeye sevkeden faktörler belirtilmekte, üçüncü olarak; Orta Asya Cumhuriyetleri'nin politik, sosyal, ekonomik yapısı, Orta Asya bölgesinin coğrafi ve ekonomik önemi ve son olarak Türkiye'nin Orta Asya bölgesindeki rolü ifade edilmektedir. Bölüm II'de dört farklı "İşbirliği Strateji Modelleri" önerilmektedir; Strateji Modeli I: Türkiye-A.B.D., Strateji Modeli II: Türkiye-A.B.D-İsrail, Strateji Modeli III: Türkiye-A.B.D.-İran ve Strateji Modeli IV: Türkiye-Orta Asya Ekonomik İşbirliği. Bu strateji modelleri gerçekleşme olasılığı en yüksek olandan gerçekleşme olasılığı en düşük olana şeklinde numaralandırılmaktadır. Diğer bir deyişle tezde işbirliği strateji modellerine dahil edilen beş devletin (A.B.D., İsrail, İran, Hindistan ve Pakistan) Türkiye'ye sunacakları politik ve ekonomik avantajların aynı düzeyde olamayacağı gerçeği göz önünde bulundurularak bu beş devlet ayrı strateji modelleri kapsamına alınmaktadır. Ayrıca, İşbirliği Strateji Modelleri iki temel kritere dayandırılarak yapılandırılmaktadır: İlk olarak; bu devletlerle işbirliği gerçekleştirmesi durumunda Türkiye'nin Orta Asya bölgesindeki politikalarını kolaylaştıracak ve maksimize edebilecek ekonomik, siyasal ve kültürel imkan ve de kabiliyetlere sahip ülkelerin İşbirliği Strateji Modelleri için seçilmesi ve ikinci olarak; uluslar arası ilişkilerde devletlerin milli menfaatleri hususunun hayati önem taşıdığı dikkate alınarak İşbirliği Strateji Modellerine dahil edilen devletlerin Orta Asya bölgesine ilişkin doğrudan ya da dolaylı ilgi ve beklentilerinin göz önünde bulundurulması. Bunun yanısıra, bu bölümde sadece "İşbirliği Strateji Modelleri" üzerinde yoğunlaşmamızı gerektiren beş temel sebep açıklanmaktadır: 1. Türkiye'nin Orta Asya Cumhuriyetleri'nin beklentilerini karşılayabilecek ekonomik güce sahip olmaması, 2. Rusya'nın Orta Asya Cumhuriyetleri'ne ilişkin politik tutumu, 3. Orta Asya Cumhuriyetleri'nin sadece Türkiye tarafından karşılanamayacak ekonomik, politik ve güvenlik beklentileri, 4. Türkiye ve Orta Asya Cumhuriyetleri arasındaki tarihi ve kültürel farklar ve 5. Türkiye'nin Orta Asya bölgesine direkt geçiş sağlayamayan coğrafi konumu. Bölüm III'te beş makro senaryo geliştirilmektedir; Gelecek Senaryosu I: Türkiye'nin Orta Doğu'ya İlişkin Olası Durumu, Gelecek Senaryosu II: Türkiye'nin A.B.D'ne İlişkin Olası Durumu, Gelecek Senaryosu III: Türkiye'nin Rusya Federasyonu'na İlişkin Olası Durumu, Gelecek Senaryosu IV: Türkiye'nin Yunanistan'a İlişkin Olası Durumu ve Gelecek Senaryosu V: Türkiyenin Avrupa Birliği'ne İlişkin Olası Durumu. Makro Senaryoların yanısıra bazı mikro senaryolar da sunulmatadır. Mikro Senaryolar gerçekleşme ihtimali en yüksek olandan en düşük olana şeklinde numaralandırılırken; gerçekleşme ihtimali en yüksek olarak kabul edilen senaryoya, uluslararası sistemde beklenmedik bir sapma olabileceği hususu gözönünde bulundurularak, maksimum realizasyon şansı tanınmaktadır. Bu bölümde işbirliği strateji modellerinin gerçekleştirilmesini takiben Türkiye'nin sadece Orta Doğu, A.B.D., Rusya Federasyonu, Yunanistan ve AB'ne ilişkin olası durumuna ait Gelecek Senaryoları geliştirilmesinin nedeni Türkiye'nin adı geçenlerden herbiri ile köklü güvenlik, ya da politik ya da ekonomik sorunlarının bulunmasıdır. Beş Makro senaryo gerçekleştirilirken "Gelecek Senaryo Planlama Metodu" kullanılmaktadır.ABSTRACTThis study has two main aims; firstly to develop cooperation strategy models in order to maximise Turkey's economic and political advantages in the former Soviet South geopolitical area and secondly to plan future scenarios through future scenario planning method to forecast the probable stand of Turkey in the probable new balance of power to be emerged as the result of the realisation of these strategy models and by doing so, to inform Turkish officials about this new balance of power before hand.The study has three chapters:In Chapter I we try to present necessary and overall information related to the Central Asian peoples and Central Asian region. We focus on four points; first of all, we explain a short history of Turkish origin peoples, give the background information about the relations between the Ottoman Empire and Central Asian Turkish Khanates under Russian dominance and between the Central Asian peoples in the Soviet Union and the Turks in Turkish Republic; secondly, we explain the factors that led Turkish decision-makers to include Central Asian states in Turkish foreign policy menu; thirdly, we present political, social and economic structure of the Central Asian states, geo and eco strategical importance of the Central Asian region, the problems that the Central Asian states face, and last we explain the role of Turkey in the Central Asian region. In Chapter II we propose four different "cooperation strategy models"; Strategy Model I: Turkey - U.S., Strategy Model II: Turkey - U.S. - Israel, Strategy Model III: Turkey - U.S. - Iran, and Strategy Model IV: Turkey - Central Asian Economic Cooperation Organization (CAECO). The strategy models are numbered from the most probable to the least probable. In other words, in the study taking the fact into consideration that cooperating with these five states will not present equal political and economic advantages for Turkey we include different states in different strategy models. In the study, Cooperation Strategy Models are based on two basic criteria: Firstly, economic or political or cultural capabilities and possibilities of the states included in the Models, which can directly facilitate and maximise Turkey's policies in the Central Asian region in case Turkey cooperates with them, and secondly, the states' direct or indirect interests and expectations in the Central Asian region since national interests of the states bear vital importance in international relations. Besides, there have been five main reasons which direct us to propose and concentrate on only "cooperation strategy model".in this study: 1. Economic incapabilities of Turkey which unables her to cover the needs of the CAR, 2. Russian Federation's firm stand towards these republics, 3. CAR's political, economic and security expectations which can not satisfied by Turkey alone, 4. Differences in culture and history between the CAR and Turkey, 5. Geographic location of Turkey which represents no contiquity with the Central Asian region.In chapter III we develop five macro future scenarios; Future Scenario I: Future Scenarios on Turkey's Position Regarding the Middle East Region, Future Scenario II: Future Scenarios on Turkey's Position Regarding the U.S., Future Scenario III: Future Scenarios on Turkey's Position Regarding the Russian Federation, Future Scenario IV: Future Scenarios on Turkey's Position Regarding Greece and Future Scenario V: Future Scenarios on Turkey's Position Regarding the EU. We also develop several micro scenarios which are interrelated with the mentioned macro scenarios. In the study we number the micro scenarios from the most plausible one to the least plausible one and give maximum 60 percent of realisation chance for the most plausible scenario taking the possibility of emergence of wild card (negative) scenarios (negative trends) into consideration. In this chapter we try to forecast Turkey's probable stand in regard to the Middle East region, U.S., Russian Federation, Greece and EU following the application of cooperation strategies and create future scenarios on them only since Turkey has had deep-rooted security, or political or economic conflicts with each one of them in history largely. In addition to these, while forecasting the future and in creating these five macro future scenarios we adopt future scenario planning method.
[SPA] Esta tesis doctoral se presenta bajo la modalidad de compendio de publicaciones. Tradicionalmente, servicios como la regulación y mantenimiento de la frecuencia de los sistemas eléctricos, cobertura de la demanda eléctrica o la existencia de las reservas rodantes (spinning reserves) han sido suministrados y asegurados por las fuentes de generación de energía eléctrica tradicionales. Sin embargo, los sistemas eléctricos han sufrido una serie de cambios en los últimos años que están afectando de manera directa al propio funcionamiento de los mismos. Por un lado, el aumento constante del consumo de energía y de la intensidad del propio uso energético, unido al aumento de las restricciones legislativas medioambientales, y por otro el concepto de la energía eléctrica como un producto comercial junto con la liberalización de los mercados energéticos, hacen que se tambaleen algunas de las premisas hasta ahora asumidas. En este sentido, y en un entorno de promoción de recursos renovables, hace que los servicios hasta ahora proporcionados sólo por la generación clásica deben también ser compartidos por todos los puntos de generación. No obstante, la alta penetración de este tipo de fuentes renovables en el sector eléctrico acarrea una seria de cuestiones derivadas de sus características y peculiaridades que es necesario abordar antes de proceder de manera masiva a su integración y, por tanto, a la independencia de la generación convencional. Adicionalmente, y debido a la naturaleza variable de la generación renovable (principalmente el viento y el sol) recobra mayor importancia el asegurar por parte de los organismos reguladores una reserva energética que permita actuar de manera eficiente y fiel en casos de desequilibrio de potencias. En este nuevo escenario, en el que el director de tesis ha trabajado a lo largo de la última década, se hace necesario contar con el desarrollo y adaptación de nuevas herramientas y soluciones que faciliten la integración de fuentes renovables sin que ello suponga una merma en las capacidades del sistema eléctrico en términos de estabilidad y de respuesta ante contingencias. Así pues, el objetivo principal de esta tesis consiste en el estudio, implementación y evaluación de sistemas eléctricos con alta penetración de recurso eólico y fotovoltaico con el fin de evaluar posibles soluciones para emular inercias virtuales y respuestas similares a las que se obtendrían con generación clásica, integrando así de manera efectiva el recurso renovable al control de la frecuencia del sistema eléctrico. En este escenario, resultaría crucial poder aliviar en parte las necesidades de almacenamiento de energía a los puntos de generación mediante la implementación de estrategias alternativas de control de respuesta ante excursiones de frecuencia en las unidades renovables, aportando éstas el apoyo necesario para mantener la frecuencia de red dentro de los límites establecidos. Por tanto, la solución aquí estudiada favorecería la integración masiva de recursos renovables, dentro de un escenario de estabilidad del sistema eléctrico apoyado por estas instalaciones, y donde la eliminación paulatina de elementos rotativos directamente conectados a la red debe sustituirse y/o emularse de manera que el sistema eléctrico ofrezca la misma fiabilidad que se percibe ante la presencia de generación convencional. Sólo así se conseguirá fomentar de manera argumentada las posibilidades tangibles de integración a gran escala de recursos renovables, adelantándonos a las necesidades que surgirán de manera inevitable como consecuencia de la disminución inicial de inercia del sistema (entendida de una manera clásica como elementos rotativos directamente conectados a red) y como consecuencia de la entrada de fuentes que poseen una variabilidad en sus niveles de generación. Destacar igualmente la importancia cada vez mayor del control de la frecuencia del sistema eléctrico, debido a la sensibilidad y dependencia que poseen de este parámetro la mayoría de las cargas y equipos con algún tipo de etapa de electrónica de potencia. ; [ENG] This doctoral dissertation has been presented in the form of thesis by publication. Over the last decades, most countries have been suffering an electrical energy transition, changing from a model based on non-renewable sources (mainly based on fossil fuels), to a new framework characterised by the integration of renewable energy resources (RES). These important changes have been mainly supported by the development of power electronics, environmental protection policies, and the need to reduce energy dependence on third countries. Moreover, the electrical sector stands out because of the diversity and heterogeneity of sources that can generate electricity. As a result, the current electrical scenario includes a high interest in the integration of variable renewable energy sources (vRES) shifting towards a new generation mix. In fact, these vRES (mainly photovoltaic and wind power installations) already play a relevant role, as some European countries have experienced generation levels over 50% during some time-periods of last years. As aforementioned, the two most mature renewable resources integrated into power systems are solar photovoltaic (PV) and wind power (especially variable speed wind turbines, VSWTs). Together with the integration of these two sources, and in contrast to traditional grids based on conventional power plants (i.e., hydro-power, thermal, and nuclear power plants), several important issues have emerged, needing to be analysed, assessed, and resolved. ; Los artículos que constituyen la tesis son los siguientes: 1. Fernández-Guillamón, Ana & Gómez-Lázaro, Emilio & Muljadi, Eduard & Molina-García, Ángel, 2019. "Power systems with high renewable energy sources: A review of inertia and frequency control strategies over time," Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews, Elsevier, vol. 115(C). 2. Ana Fernández-Guillamón & Jorge Villena-Lapaz & Antonio Vigueras-Rodríguez & Tania García-Sánchez & Ángel Molina-García, 2018. "An Adaptive Frequency Strategy for Variable Speed Wind Turbines: Application to High Wind Integration Into Power Systems,"Energies, MDPI, Open Access Journal, vol. 11(6), pages 1-21, June. 3. Fernández-Guillamón, A.; Vigueras-Rodríguez, A.; Gómez-Lázaro, E.; Molina-García, Á. Fast Power Reserve Emulation Strategy for VSWT Supporting Frequency Control in Multi-Area Power Systems. Energies 2018, 11, 2775. https://doi.org/10.3390/en11102775. 4. Fernández-Guillamón, Ana & Sarasúa, José & Chazarra, Manuel & Vigueras-Rodríguez, Antonio & Fernández-Muñoz, Daniel & Molina-Garcia, Ángel. (2020). Frequency control analysis based on unit commitment schemes with high wind power integration: A Spanish isolated power system case study. International Journal of Electrical Power & Energy Systems. 121. 106044. 10.1016/j.ijepes.2020.106044. 5. Fernández‐Guillamón, A., Vigueras‐Rodríguez, A. and Molina‐García, Á. (2019), Analysis of power system inertia estimation in high wind power plant integration scenarios. IET Renewable Power Generation, 13: 2807-2816. https://doi.org/10.1049/iet-rpg.2019.0220. 6. Fernández Guillamón, Ana; Martínez de Lucas, Guillermo; Molina García, Ángel y Sarasúa Moreno, José Ignacio (2020). An Adaptive Control Scheme for Variable Speed Wind Turbines Providing Frequency Regulation in Isolated Power Systems with Thermal Generation."Energies", v. 13 (n. 13); p. 3369. ISSN 1996-1073. https://doi.org/10.3390/en13133369. 7. Fernández-Guillamón, A.; Martínez-Lucas, G.; Molina-García, Á.; Sarasua, J.-I. Hybrid Wind–PV Frequency Control Strategy under Variable Weather Conditions in Isolated Power Systems. Sustainability 2020, 12, 7750. https://doi.org/10.3390/su12187750. 8. Fernández-Guillamón, Ana & Gomez-Lazaro, Emilio & Molina-Garcia, Ángel. (2020). Extensive frequency response and inertia analysis under high renewable energy source integration scenarios: application to the European interconnected power system. ; Escuela Internacional de Doctorado de la Universidad Politécnica de Cartagena ; Universidad Politécnica de Cartagena ; Programa de Doctorado en Energías Renovables y Eficiencia Energética
Alarmed that polio remained entrenched in the four countries that had never stopped transmission1, and that an increasing number of polio-free areas were becoming reinfected, in May 2008 the World Health Assembly (WHA) called for a new strategy to complete polio eradication. The multi-year planning process of the Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI) was subsequently replaced with a one-year 2009 Programme of Work which: examined the major barriers to interrupting wild poliovirus (WPV) transmission in each of the remaining endemic areas (through an Independent Evaluation)2; fast-tracked the development and clinical trials of four new vaccines or vaccine approaches3; and assessed new approaches to reach children previously missed by vaccination efforts due to weak operations management, insecurity or other factors. The new GPEI Strategic Plan 2010-2012 builds on the special 2009 Programme of Work and incorporates the myriad lessons learnt since the GPEI began. These lessons underpin the new approaches for achieving each of the Strategic Plan's major objectives: interrupting wild poliovirus transmission in Asia; interrupting wild poliovirus transmission in Africa; enhancing global surveillance and outbreak response; and strengthening immunization systems. Four major lessons have had the most substantive implications for the new GPEI Strategic Plan 2010-2012. First, mathematical modeling has supported programme experience that the population immunity thresholds needed to interrupt WPV transmission differ in the remaining infected areas, being substantively higher in Asia, particularly in northern India and parts of Pakistan, than Africa. This has allowed the tailoring of polio campaign strategy and monitoring processes to each area, improving programme efficiency. Secondly, it is now clear that endemic WPV transmission can persist, and imported viruses be re-established, in areas and among sub-populations that are much smaller than previously understood. This has led to the systematic development of district- and population-specific strategies and capacity to address heterogeneity in oral polio vaccine (OPV) coverage. Thirdly, in polio-free areas the routes of WPV spread, and the risk of subsequent outbreaks, are now largely predictable, following known migration routes and exploiting evidently weak health systems; while outbreaks can occur in other geographic areas where there are gaps in OPV coverage (as evidenced by the large outbreak confirmed in April 2010 in Tajikistan), this knowledge allows for sharper targeting of both supplementary immunization activities (SIAs) and immunization systems strengthening efforts to reduce such risks. Finally, optimizing the impact of the new monovalent OPVs has proven more complicated than anticipated and in some settings contributed to alternating outbreaks of the remaining wild poliovirus type (WPV1) and wild poliovirus type 3 (WPV3) serotypes. The fast-tracked development and introduction of a bivalent OPV formulation in 2009, and its scale-up globally in 2010, directly addresses this problem with a new vaccine that complements the existing armamentarium of monovalent and trivalent OPVs. Although epidemiologic data as of May of 2010 must be interpreted cautiously due to reporting lag times and the seasonality of WPV transmission, the aggressive application of the operating principles of the new GPEI Strategic Plan 2010-2012 appears to be showing positive results. Among the four endemic countries, WPV1 had not been detected for four months in northern Nigeria and the northern Indian states of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. As importantly, two of the four countries with probable 'reestablished' transmission of an imported virus, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Sudan, had not reported cases within the previous six months. Similarly, 10 of the 15 previously polio-free countries that were re-infected in 2009 had already stopped their outbreaks. Recognizing the fragility of this progress given the substantial financing gap for eradication activities and the setbacks that have been encountered in the past, the new GPEI Strategic Plan 2010-2012 details seven major enabling factors that are designed to more proactively mitigate key risks: (1) A coordinated advocacy agenda has been established to help national governments ensure their commitment to polio eradication is translated into local action to improve the quality and coverage of mass polio immunization campaigns. (2) Programme communications is being revitalized by enhancing the data and evidence base for tailoring activities and by increasing capacity to sustain community engagement in, and acceptance of, OPV campaigns in priority areas. (3) A process for real-time monitoring and management of the global OPV supply is in place to optimize supply-demand, especially for new bivalent OPV products. (4) The technical assistance deployed by WHO and UNICEF to assist national capacity-building efforts is being expanded, particularly in areas of re-established transmission. (5) The GPEI research agenda is being tailored to address country-specific issues, systematically engaging national research and academic institutions in the process. (6) Given the chronic financing challenges the GPEI has faced, a more robust system has been established for prioritizing eradication activities, based on epidemiological risks, in the event of insufficient resources. (7) Intensified engagement of the core GPEI donor partners will expand the GPEI's capacity to mobilize sufficient domestic and international financing to implement the full schedule of activities called for in the new GPEI Strategic Plan 2010-2012. Accompanying this Strategic Plan is the GPEI Financial Resource Requirements 2010-2012 (FRR) document. Updated on a quarterly basis the FRR explains the full budget for the three-year period as well as the current financing gap which at April 2010 was approximately 50% of the 2010-2012 budget. The four major milestones of the new GPEI Strategic Plan 2010-2012 will be internationally analyzed every quarter and graded as 'on-track', 'progressing but with issues of concern' or 'at risk for completion' to alert countries and stakeholders as to emerging risks and guide mid-course corrections. For milestones which are 'progressing but with issues of concern' or 'at risk for completion', the appropriate national or international Technical Advisory Group (TAG) will be asked to work with the relevant national authorities to establish a corrective plan within two weeks. A new global advisory body will evaluate the milestones and major process indicators, monitor corrective action plans and provide overall guidance on policy, strategy and priorities. This body will work closely with the Strategic Advisory Group of Experts on Immunization (SAGE), consulting on its findings at each of the six-monthly SAGE meetings. The aggressive, time-bound programme of work elaborated in this new GPEI Strategic Plan 2010-2012 exploits the lessons learnt from 20 years of experience in polio eradication. The GPEI Strategic Plan 2010-2012 was developed through an extensive consultative process with all major GPEI stakeholders, especially the endemic and reestablished transmission countries. This process has led to a broad consensus that - with full financing and implementation - this Strategic Plan can lead to the interruption of the remaining reservoirs of WPV worldwide by 2013, setting the stage for eventual certification of that achievement and cessation of OPV use globally. The world now has its best opportunity ever to eradicate this devastating disease. ; Acronyms and abbreviations -- -- Executive summary -- -- 1. Global context -- -- 2. Guiding principles -- 2.1, Major lessons learnt -- 2.2, Geographic approaches -- 2.3, Common operational approaches -- 2.4, Major process indicators -- -- 3. Objectives -- 3.1 Interrupting wild poliovirus transmission in Asia -- 3.2. Interrupting wild poliovirus transmission in Africa -- 3.3. Enhancing global poliovirus surveillance and outbreak response -- 3.4. Strengthening immunization systems -- -- 4. Major enabling factors -- 4.1. Strengthened oversight of SIA operations by national and sub-national leaders -- 4.2. Enhanced communications and community engagement -- 4.3. Safe and secured supply of effective oral poliovirus vaccines (OPVs) -- 4.4. Enhanced technical assistance -- 4.5. Intensified research agenda -- 4.6. Sufficient domestic and international financing -- 4.7. Prioritization of eradication activities -- -- 5. Roles and responsibilities -- 5.1. Milestone monitoring, mid-course corrections and strategic guidance -- 5.2. Implementation and financing -- -- 6. Post-wild poliovirus eradication planning -- Annex: Supplementary immunization activities required for polio eradication, 2010-2012, as of 18 January 2010 (all activities expressed in percentages. ; On cover: logos for World Health Organization, Rotary International, CDC (U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention), UNICEF. ; Includes bibliographical references.
This essay continues with a discussion concerning the intersection between indigenous technological adoption/adaptation and the range of perspectives with respect to local communities' use of technology in general. Analytical instruments will be presented at the end of this article. First, however, the reader will have the opportunity to examine the 'views' of outsiders with respect to the debate surrounding sustainability, environmental management and territorial ordering. Responses to an on-line survey concerning the above issues together with my own comments, will add to the discussion. ; Gestión ambiental; Ordenamiento Territorial; Sostenibilidad; TIC; Usos ; 1 TECHNOLOGY IN NORTHWEST AMAZONIA (NWA) VIEWS OF VIEWS: SUSTAINABILITY, ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT AND TERRITORIAL ORDERING A contribution to a Political Ecology for Northwest Amazonia1 This essay continues with a discussion concerning the intersection between indigenous technological adoption/adaptation and the range of perspectives with respect to local communities' use of technology in general2. Analytical instruments will be presented at the end of this article. First, however, the reader will have the opportunity to examine the 'views' of outsiders with respect to the debate surrounding sustainability, environmental management and territorial ordering. Responses to an on-line survey concerning the above issues together with my own comments, will add to the discussion. Aims Initially there were two aims behind the construction of a website. One of was to overcome impediments to my personal mobility and direct access3. ICT facilitated communications with other interested people and helped solicit their views on indigenous management of the forest and their opinions with respect to the process of territorial ordering in Amazonia. The other aim was to serve the process of opening up political opportunities for NWA's inhabitants. Grassroots organisations all around the globe were (and are) establishing links through ICT. The indigenous peoples of Amazonia may attempt the same and this experience could, in the future, be an instrument of education for NWA. The introduction of such technology among indigenous peoples, if possible, will have impacts, which will to be judged as positive or negative, depending of the political interests of the observer and the moment of observation. It is argued here, that despite there being no indisputable positive or negative effects of technological transfer, it would be contrary to indigenous people's rights to self-determination to prevent the promotion of ICT among them. We wish to question conservative forces: if governments, corporations, NGOs and even international drug dealers and terrorist groups are using ICT to fortify their political positions, why should indigenous peoples be denied access to it? The access (or lack of it) of grassroots organisations to ICT facilitates (or impedes) the 1 The author wishes to thank: Jim Connor and Mark Bennett of Imperial College, the former for his advice on the use of Arcview-GIS and the latter for helping to write the cgi-script form for the website. Thanks are also due to: Stuart Peters from the University of Surrey for training in Web- Page design; Adriana Rico from Páginas.Net for valuable advice during the design process and Alvaro Ocampo for a detailed critique of Kumoro.com before it went live. I also wish to thank the Board of Puerto Rastrojo Foundation, which gave me permission to use their vegetation map as a base for the Yaigojé vegetation map that appears on the web-site. Finally thanks to all the people that took the time to fill out the on-line survey. Their contributions made this chapter possible. 2 This discussion was introduced in "Technology in Northwest Amazonia: Sketches from Inside" (Forero 2002b). 3 A restriction of one of the scholarships the author was granted as well as guerrilla incursions at the time, prevented the author from going back to NWA. 2 development of their rights to be informed (and educated) in accordance with the actual historical context of a globalising corporate economy and cultural hybridisation. For indigenous peoples, as well as for other ethnic minorities, financial resources to set up ICT are extremely limited compared to those of corporations, governments and even NGOs. The establishment of an ICT network for indigenous peoples' organisations in NWA remains a Utopia. But without a Utopian vision there is no aim for social mobilisation; this is something that was underlined by responses to the on-line survey. Fieldwork in NWA involved the author in the territorial ordering process, helping with the formation of indigenous people's organisations, and getting involved in communities' economic and educational projects. My work in NWA can thus be characterised as participatory action research (PAR) and one way of continuing to engage in PAR without going back to the field was to set up a website, wait for an opportunity to share my experience with the people of NWA and promote projects that would allow them to take over the website and use it for their own projects4. Deconstruction of an Internet generated discourse Elsewhere the author has dealt with descriptions and deconstructions of discourses of indigenous and institutional organisations, be they NGOs, churches, governmental or international. This process of deconstruction has included the author's own work among indigenous organisations and NGOs, which was one of the aims of "Indigenous knowledge and the scientific mind: activism or colonialism?" (Forero 2002a). I wish to explain the inclusion of governmental and non-governmental organisations within the category 'institutional'. There are great differences as well as important coincidences in governmental actions and the work of NGOs in developing countries due to the limited nature and poor quality of State-driven action in such nations. E.g. in Colombia, COAMA, the largest NGO network in NWA, has been involved in the political administrative reforms, and served as a consultant in matters of education, health and sustainable production. Furthermore, COAMA staff accompanied indigenous peoples in all these processes and without their intervention it is doubtful that many of the indigenous political organisations of Amazonia would ever have succeeded in their quest for legal recognition5. NGOs and governmental institutions may pursue similar political aims and share administrative structures. Inasmuch as small organisations are successful, (and usually this success is a result of strong personal commitment to a cause and personal knowledge of all members of the organisation), they tend to obtain more funds, which in turn forces them to become increasingly bureaucratic. As 4 At the time of writing (May 2002) the author was preparing to visit NWA at the invitation of indigenous leaders, including the Co-ordinator of an education committee who wanted to discuss the roll of ICT in education. 5 See Forero, Laborde et al. 1998 and the interview with the director of COAMA Martín von Hildebrand, in The Ecologist 2002 (Vol. 32 No.1-February). 3 organisations grow, individual members have fewer opportunities to get to know each other personally and maintain an accordance of principles, aims and political means. This is not to say that NGOs are condemned to be inefficient bureaucratic institutions, (which is not uncommon among developing countries' governmental institutions). But it is important to draw attention to the risk that when resources are pumping in and recruitment is growing there is more chance of becoming detached from grassroots sensibilities with respect to issues and less chance of correctly interpreting local developmental idioms. Views of Indigenous Environmental Management The design, production and publishing of a website on the development of a political ecology for NWA, taking the Yaigojé Resguardo as a study case, may seem a very simple task with little impact. But it proved to be a very delicate matter that involved exhausting work. The production of a map of the Yaigojé Resguardo, (which was to be included on the website) has been explained elsewhere, although it is worth mentioning something about the methodology involved. The author accompanied shamans (who were selected by indigenous leaders from the Apaporis) on several trips in which all the recognised sacred places of the Apaporis River and some of its tributaries where identified. The shamans learn the names of the places during their training. These names are recited in myths, chants and spells. The shamans carry, as they say, the map within themselves. It is impressive to see these men point to a place and give its name without hesitation. It is like this even when they have never been in that place before. It is impressive that this orally transmitted geography corresponds so precisely to the physical aspects that start to become relevant for people who, like the author, have different epistemological instruments for their interpretations of the world. While visiting the sacred places shamans spoke of trips they had made previously. In the case of shamanistic trips, visits did not actually involve physical journeys, but what were referred to as trips en pensamiento, en espíritu (in thought, in spirit). While accompanying them I recorded the geographical co-ordinates using a satellite guided geographical positioning system (GPS). The geographical co-ordinates thus generated were converted to plane co-ordinates and a map was generated using AUTOCAD software. Translations, drawings and reflections about this map-making process are included in a MSc thesis of the University of Warwick (Forero 1999). The work I will describe now, although partially derived from my work with the shamans is distinct in character and intention from that reported in Forero (1999). The use of technological gadgetry allowed me partially to reflect the Tukano world in a way that non-indigenous people could understand. And although this was a significant and, I believe, useful undertaking the real knowledge of the territory lies within the shamans with whom I worked. The fact that the 'indigenous territorial' aspects of the website are illustrated with maps is a by-product of the technology. A more significant value of the work (and the reason behind the shamans' wish to become involved in mapping) is that the maps were going to provide evidence for the legal process through which the ACIYA 4 indigenous organisation would claim rights over lands outside the recognised Resguardo Indigenous Reserve (Forero, Laborde et al. 1998). This work was successful and an extension to the Resguardo was indeed granted. Work on the website began by making a provisional outline of the desired end product. The original plan included six pages: Introduction (Home), vegetation map, traditional territorial map, discussion (an introduction to the political ecology of the Yaigojé Resguardo), bibliography (for those looking for references to NWA and the Yaigojé in particular), and a questionnaire that would generate the information from which this chapter has been developed6. The contrasting discourses obtained from the questionnaires Although I shall refer to percentages in this section, there is no intention of making any predictions based on statistical analyses. Neither is it suggested that the analysis of questionnaires can provide an objective account of outsiders' opinions with respect to the politics of the environment and people of NWA. The following notes are not representative in that sense and such was never the intention of the exercise. What is intended is that the reader gets an insight into the perceptions of survey respondents. What is important in a qualitative data analysis, like this, is to present differential tendencies. If discourses are constituents of reality then the confusing scenario of political confrontation in NWA should be linked to the visions and perspectives of all of us, including the views of people that have never been in Amazonia but nonetheless hold an opinion. And, if there is a marked difference between indigenous and exogenous perspectives with respect to sustainability and environmental management in Amazonia, which relates to whether people have visited NWA or not, this should be reflected in the answers to the surveys. The information generated from the on-line survey was collected between May and December of 2001. Eight hundred invitations were sent through e-mail. They were sent mainly to academics and organisations working on indigenous issues, conservation or sustainable development in NWA. One of these invitations reached COLNODO7 and the ICT network asked if we wished to submit the website in a weekly contest for the best new website, which we did and subsequently won! This meant that COLNODO subscribers were notified and invited to visit the site. But we have no idea how many hits were derived from COLNODO invitation. What we know is that during these 8 months we received 51 completed survey forms. This is a 6.4% response rate to the original 800 invitations8. 6 The survey form is in Appendix 1and, a summary of the technical work involved in the construction of the web-site is in Appendix 2. 7 "COLNODO is a Colombian communications network serving organizations dedicated to community development. It is operated by the non-profit organization called Colombian Association of Non-Governmental Organizations for Email Communication" (http://www.colnodo.org.co/summary_english.html). For a critical review of COLNODO work the interested reader could consult Gómez, R. 1998. 8 This response rate is rather low relative to postal questionnaire surveys, but we are unable to assess it relative other on-line surveys. 5 For the purposes of the analysis respondents (R) were divided into two groups: those claiming to have visited NWA (VA – 29% of R) and those claiming not to have visited the region (NVA – 71% of R). With respect to occupation, 68% of R come from the academic sector, including five anthropologists (almost 10% of R) all of whom had visited NWA. In contrast, although there were the same number of environmental managers as anthropologists answering the questionnaire, none had visited NWA. With respect to gender, the percentage of male (53%) and female (47%) respondents is similar across both VA and NVA groups. In terms of age, there were four groups: 1) 18 to 24, 2) 25 to 34, 3) 35 to 50, and 4) over 50. For R the percentages were: 8%, 47%, 35% and 10% respectively. The majority of respondents belong to the second group, between 25 to 34 years of age. However with respect to age groups the composition of VA and NVA groups differs: 56% of the NVA group belong to this second age cohort (25-34), while the majority of the VA group (47%) is between 35 and 50. Additionally, 13% of the VA group are over 50. 61% of the NVA group are between 18 and 34 years of age, while 60% of those that have visited Amazonia are over 35. A comparison of age among the survey respondents thus shows that those that have visited Amazonia (VA) tend to be older than those that have not (NVA). To distinguish among the views held by survey respondents we have to present the responses to each of the questions of the survey. We have made some associations of responses with the intention of outlining the different tendencies that we identify, but the reader might identify others. Before we do so a word about the view of respondents with respect to the website itself should be said. Website evaluation An evaluation of the web-site made by users was included in the questionnaire. Respondents were asked to rate the site between four categories: poor, fair, good and excellent. These categories were chosen as follows: 0, 2, 32 and 15 respectively. Two of the respondents did not offer a rating for the site. Additionally, respondents had the opportunity to suggest improvements. Some respondents suggested changes in design: modification of fonts and colours (some changes had already taken place). There were those who asked for more pictures, a photo album, more links and the construction of a chat room. With respect to the content, some wanted more ethnographic data, another more on political ecology, others asked for better visibility of the maps, while others called for additional links to related sites, and/or more information in general. One suggestion was to make the website less personalised, while another expressed interest in knowing more about the author's research project. Others asked for an enhanced bibliography. Some changes had already taken place by the time these comments were analysed but further changes are still being undertaken at the time of writing. With respect to the questionnaire, two people suggested larger windows to facilitate vision and to be able to comment largely, in contrast, another suggested encouraging more 'yes/no' responses. An important suggestion was: "Perhaps it is now appropriate to include some questions on communication 6 and information flows" (S52). Although not sought explicitly, information was gathered with respect to the use of ICT in the territorial ordering process of Amazonia. One of the respondents suggested that in future the website should be used by indigenous peoples of the Yaigojé. This has been the intention of the author, which has made a visit to Yaigojé (summer 2002) with intention to advance in that direction. Access to ICT for the indigenous peoples of the Yaigojé Resguardo is very limited but present. Future modification of the site will respond to indigenous peoples' feedback. During the visit few indigenous people gave their opinions on the website but several discussions on the roll of ICT in developmental processes took place9. Q1 - Are development and sustainability compatible? A clear response to Question 1 was that this depends on the definition of both terms: "It is impossible to answer this question as it is, as both terms are open to interpretation… " (S26). The question could have been and was read as: Is sustainable development attainable? Respondent S26 continued: "I think sustainable development is possible but hard to achieve in an environment of often conflicting interests and values (economic vs. environmental vs. cultural.)… " One respondent (S22) did not answer this particular question, and two others seemed to be confused (S38 and S41). Forty respondents (78% of R) answered that they were or could be compatible, although there are differences in the way they perceived this compatibility. Development first There were few respondents that failed to question the meaning of 'development' as concept or practice: the developmental project. These responses somehow postulated that certain environmental concerns should be acknowledged and dealt with in order for the development processes to continue: "Yes… . Development as the integration of western technologies or increase of income per capita, can be carefully done by implementing appropriate technologies into the productive activities of the communities. Sustainability defined as a continuous productivity level over the long term." (S2); "Yes. It is only a question of integration of environmental considerations in all we do and adjustment of behaviours accordingly." (S12); "Yes, because there can never be sustainability without development. People have, first to develop for them to have a sense of sustainability." (S13); "Yes, I do. The point is how you can reach a determinate "state" of development without undermining financial, ecological and human capacities in a determinate site (or taking into account their characteristics)." (S40) SD: human - environmental security There were others that perceived the compatibility or the possibility of sustainable development as the chance to diminish human/environmental security risks: "Yes of course in the long run - otherwise life is not possible." (S18); 9 The author is currently preparing a report that will summarise some of these discussions. 7 "Yes. Both are necessary for the survival of the area." (S21); "Si. Solo las acciones en el hoy nos pueden garantizar acciones en el mañana. (Yes. Only by taking action now we can guarantee we could act tomorrow)." (S23); "Yes, development should always be sustainable otherwise there are costs that are not taken into account. i.e. cost of pollution" (S39); "We don't have any choice. We have to make development and sustainability compatible as it's the only way we can survive and at the same time preserve the earth for future generations." (S42) Pessimism, in the sense that without SD life will no longer be possible, was to be repeated in the responses to all of the survey questions. Sustainability is an aim The majority of the respondents that believed development and sustainability to be compatible or capable of becoming compatible, were also of the opinion that the goal of sustainable development had not yet been achieved. Some of them discussed requisite conditions for achieving sustainability. They either underlined the importance of accepting sustainability as a guiding principle for development policy and interventions or/(and) exemplified ways in which sustainable practices might be instituted: "They have to be. I think they are because they have to be. I am optimistic that eventually it will be seen as natural to have sustainable development, but the problem is when this attitude kicks in." (S3) "Depends on how you define the two terms. If you mean that human quality of life can improve while maintaining the natural resource base, I think this is possible but very difficult to achieve." (S5) "Yes, but development in qualitative and not in quantitative terms." (S8) "Yes… there can be sustainable development in an ecological sense of the word - which means installing 'best ecological practice' in planning development." (S24) "No solo lo creo sino que estoy seguro que ambos pueden ser compatibles. Un desarrollo sin considerar ciertos indicadores de sustentabilidad/ sotenibilidad no es posible o viceversa. Uno y otro deberan de ir al parejo tratando de limar los conflictos que a menudo surgen cuando se pretende no un desarrollo pero un crecimiento economico sin considerar la parte social/cultural o ecologica. (Not only I believe that the two can be compatible, I am certain. Development without considering certain indicators of sustainability is impossible or vice versa. Both should go hand in hand, trying to solve the social, cultural and ecological problems that often arise when economic growth rather than sustainable development is the goal)." (S 25) "Sim, no alto rio Negro onde trabalho a ideia e essa: implementar um programa regional de desenvolvimento indedgena sustentado. (Yes, in the Upper Black River, where I work, the idea is precisely to implement a regional programme for sustainable indigenous development)" (S29) "Yes they are. The problem is with the material and energy growth and its compatibility with some environmental standards, like critical thresholds and so on." (S35) "Yes. The only way is by avoiding rapid over-development and having good planning."(S37) ".El concepto de desarrollo sostenible lo veo mucho mas como algo a lo que se quiere llegar, es una nocion implementada por parte de las politicas gubernamentales y ong's donde lo que se 8 procura con estos es el aprovechamiento al maximo de los recursos con un minimo impacto ambiental y social. (I see the concept of sustainable development as goal towards which we heading. It is an idea implemented through governmental and non-governmental policies which aim at maximum exploitation of resources with a minimum of environmental and social impacts)." (S48) "Yes, because they represent the best option to keep for human life." (S51) The need for local definitions Among the respondents that considered sustainability and development compatible if certain conditions were met, there is group of responses that emphasised the need for local definitions of 'sustainability' and 'development', or 'sustainable development': "They can be compatible providing that development is targeted at the right level i.e. small scale and in-keeping with the natural resources and environment." (S5) "Depende de las condiciones y del desarrollo para quién? Por lo tanto el desarrollo es sostenible si es buscado y logrado por la misma comunidad local (It depends on the conditions and on the question 'Development for whom'? Development can only be sustainable if it is sought and implemented by the local community itself)" (S20) "Yes but mainly if made through indigenous methodologies in their territories in Amazonia" (S27) "Yes. There is work done in northern Scandinavia where the "sammi" (lapps) have been given economical support and encouraged to create their own parliament. They have programs protecting their way of life, language and customs. The Norwegian broadcasting company NRK sends news in the language and coastal dialects. All this, at least for Norwegian sammi (lapps) has been key factors in late developments where communities have developed economically achieving great sustainability, contributing, not only to their well being, but to the sustainability of the inhospitable sub-artic regions." (S31) "Yes - but only if there is an 'appropriate' deployment of tools, techniques and processes of development in line with local community needs." (S52) Semantics and the economic imperative Interestingly, one respondent was very pessimistic about the possibilities for sustainable development even when it was sought and pursued at the local level. This respondent brought into the equation the idea that people are driven by monetary benefits to deplete their environment, even though they know that such practices are unsustainable: "To a certain degree, yes. I think that monetary considerations will always outweigh humanitarian concerns and it is very hard to convince people who are seeking a living from sometimes-meagre resources that it is in their own good to give consideration to long-term sustainable use of their resources. It is usually easier and cheaper to move on to the next area when one area has been depleted." (S17) This last argument derives from a rationality that considers poor people to be collaborators in their own misery. In this particular response there was no questioning of the developmental project or the social structures within which people are stimulated to act regardless of the future; but it did address 'monetary considerations' as the driving force. 9 Those responses that argued that the concepts are incompatible claimed an intrinsic contradiction in "sustainable development": "Development of any kind cannot sustain anything." (S4). Instead of blaming the people (needy or not), the proponents of incompatibility pointed their fingers at 'the system'; contemporary capitalist structures, the current developmental project and the prevailing economic model are seen as unavoidably contrary to sustainable practices: "No because development is premised upon economic gain, and capitalism is inherently unsustainable" (S10); "The problem with sustainability is that the economic model is not compatible with social, economic and ecological aspects at the same time and proportion. The neo-liberal model promotes the economic aspect leaving as secondary the social and ecological." (S19); "No, because development does not imply a recognition of limits or the necessity to preserve the natural and human resources used to achieve it. It is an economic concept, which has bases in the apparently unlimited uses of resources… " (S47); "… Si lo entemos [desarrollo] como crecimiento economico, por supuesto que no son compatibles. Ya que el crecimiento economico, tal y como lo plantean los economistas, excluye de raiz criterios sociales, culturales y ambientales requeridos para la sustentabilidad." (If we understand development as economic growth, of course they [sustainability and development] are not compatible. This is because economic growth, as economist have brought it up, excludes from its bases the environmental, cultural and social requirements of sustainability)" (S34) S.D. inconsistent with the present There are less radical rejections of the compatibility, which do not portray sustainable development as a contradiction itself but rather as inconsistent with current economic and ecological trends. The point such respondents make is that the necessary conditions for sustainable development are currently, rather than inherently unattainable: "… The current model of industrial development, where 'development' means material economic growth, is unlikely to be sustainable on a long term basis for the majority of the world population." (S1) "Present development of our world is clearly not sustainable" (S33) "Yes, they are compatible. But in a different social and economic order, not in the one the world is living now… " (S36) "Yes, if we change the way development is understood, for instance, development is associated to living styles resembling to those Europe and USA have, which are a lot related to consumption. But we could live in a healthier and more compatible way with our environment if we change our pattern of consumption and the generalised idea of development nowadays, it would be turning it into "only use what I need and get from nature, exclusively this, not until I just can't get anymore from it", 'cause I over pressed the place, to obtain more benefits. So, at last, this could be possible but in the long term, I hope not when there's nothing left to do." (S45) 10 Greening politics Some responses expressed doubts about the compatibility of sustainability and development. These doubts arise from the apparent use of "sustainability" as a green rhetoric, the aim of which is the continuation of projects that degrade the environment or human rights: ". usually development translates into cutting down natural habitats without regard to "sustaining" cultures" (S32); "In theory 'yes' but much depends on the definition of the terms and societies' acceptance of equal human rights and obligations to others." (S7) "Los conceptos de desarrollo y de sostenibilidad resultan ser bastantes amplios y ambiguos. En la mayoria de los casos cuando se plantean proyectos de desarrollo se trata de relacionarlos directamente con proyectos que resulten ser favorables para el medio ambiente. Como si un concepto llevara implicito otro, sin embargo creo que lo que se esta haciendo desde hace algunos años es precisamente disfrazar los proyectos de desarrollo para que sean aprobados bajo el nombre de mantenimiento del medio ambiente." (The concepts of sustainability and development are very ambiguous. In the majority of cases, there is an attempt to portray development projects as environmentally friendly[, a]s if one concept implied the other. However, I believe that what has been happening for the last few years is a camouflaging of development projects, in order to get them approved under the heading of environmental management) (S48). Reflections on responses to Q110: If "all development is not 'absolute' but will have a beginning and an end" (S24) then, "[d]evelopment of any kind cannot sustain anything." (S4). The impossibility of re-establishing high quality energy after it has been transform into low quality energy (or entropy) is a characteristic feature of closed systems, this would leave us with a world in decline where there is no possibility of sustaining anything. It could be argued that this is the case, as we cannot even guarantee perpetual solar energy flow. But this is perhaps taking the concept of sustainability too far, leaving us with no possibility for discussion. The central political discussion arising from the different responses revolves around the contradiction between those arguments of compatibility that leave the development project unquestioned and those that reject any possibility of compatibility because of a profound questioning of development. Between the two, the picture is blurred, undefined, open and elusive. There does not appear to be any significant correspondence between the two opposite groups of respondents in relation to whether they have been in Amazonia or not. Three out of five of the respondents claiming that there is absolutely no compatibility between development and sustainability have been in Amazonia; but so have two out of four of the respondents that left the development project unquestioned. However, it may be of some significance that none of those that accepted 'sustainable development' are related to social sciences. Those respondents with academic backgrounds in the social sciences all fit into groups 10 A schematic summary can be found in Table 1, Appendix 3. 11 that see sustainable development as a principle, something to be defined locally or as a reformist greening of politics. None of them were found in the group arguing for absolute incompatibility. The middle ground, where the picture is most blurred, came from the majority of respondents by whom it was argued that sustainable development may be possible but that they were unsure about how it might be achieved. Although these responses varied from those expressing suspiciousness (those pointing out the rhetoric of sustainability) to hope: "They have to be. I think they are because they have to be". This acceptance of a possibility of sustainable development, despite the semantic contradiction and current political rhetorical manipulation of the term, reflects a process of thinking and acting that is deeply rooted in Utopian beliefs. This 'sustainability' will happen in the future, in another time, when local communities take control of their lives and their resources, when environmental protection is taken seriously, when today's actions reflect our responsibility toward the future, etc. According to one of the respondents even continuous increases in productivity will be possible, when the proper technology has been developed. Q2 - Is there a relationship between indigenous reserves (IR) and protected areas (PA)? In Colombia IR are called "Resguardos Indígenas" or "Resguardos de Tierras". The term resguardo, literally means protection. Its meaning is not too different from that given to natural conservation areas of different grades: áreas protegidas, protected areas (PA). Both, IR and PA, emphasise the need for an area to be specially protected. Some of the respondents of this question pointed out an implicit relationship between IR and PA perhaps departing of this meaning: "… In a general sense, indigenous reserves are protected areas; they are protected from outside influence for the benefit of the indigenous people… " (S1); "Yes there are relationships. Both have natural systems and environmental quality that requires some level of conservation and protection" (S9); "Yes , for obvious reason. Because the protected reserves are a birth child of indigenous reserves and because we do not want to lose the nature environment the relationship should be maintained." (S13); "Yes, indigenous reserves are protected areas" (S28) As in the case of Q1 (Do you think that development and sustainability are compatible?) some respondents pointed out that it would depend on what we understand by the two terms: "Depends on the sort of protected area or what we mean with protected area… " (S25). "There could be" (S38); "It could be, but I am not sure" (S46); "… this has to be context specific" (S1). Five respondents simply said "yes" (S37, S18, S22, S43, S50) and one simply said "no" (S15). However many of the respondents did go on to qualify the relationship in some way. 12 Harmony or the need for it Some of the affirmative responses portrayed indigenous peoples as the guardians of the environment while others offered concrete examples of this viewpoint: "Si. Las culturas indigenas han demostrado que sus culturas han vivido armonicamente con su entorno durante miles de años" (Yes. Indigenous peoples have demonstrated that their cultures have lived in harmony with their environment during millennia). (S23); "Empirical evidence through statistical analysis has shown (particularly in Colombia in the north west region of the Sierra Nevada) that there is a direct relation between conservation and indigenous reserves. So, the answer is "yes, I do think so". (S40) There were those that referred to the need for a harmonic relationship because: 1) the environment should be protected for the benefit of indigenous peoples: "… indigenous reserves are related with spaces or areas that the government leaves for indigenous people and protected areas are where the local authorities or government provide the ($) resources in order to protect them" (S19); "Existe una relación, historica y cultural, respecto a su territorio, esto debe ser respetado y protegido para las mismas comunidades indigenas" (There is an historic and cultural relationship with respect to their territories. This should be respected and protected by indigenous communities for their own sake (S20). 2) the protection is fundamental for biodiversity conservation: "… Podria ser que se proteja un area porque existe cierta flora o fauna que esta en peligro de extincion. Por ejemplo, muchos animales que viven en la selva solo se aparean una vez al año en cierta temporada y si estos son interrumpidos por presencia humana su decendencia podria verse aun mas en peligro de extincion… " (It may be that an area is protected because there are endangered flora or fauna. For example, there are many rainforest animals that mate once a year or seasonally; if they are interrupted by human activities their progeny could be further endangered) (S25); "… development there should be restricted for the sake of conservation" (S33) 3) sustainable practices could be developed based on indigenous peoples' experiences: "Yes. By protecting areas where almost all indigenous people are more and more confined, there will be a way to preserve indigenous experiences in order for these experiences to contribute to a sustainable development." (S11). Utopia There were also those sorts of answers that reflected a feeling of hope or a sense of Utopia, in which a harmonic, positive relationship was acknowledged as desirable but not yet achieved: "I imagine IR to equate with PA in some way. Perhaps naively. IR is implicitly protected from external development forces, but not necessarily internal." (S3); "There can be. If people are continuing a way of life that has been sustainable in the past and are able to develop sustainably (… ) there is no reason why both should not coexist." (S6); "Most indigenous reserves must be also protected areas. How to effectively do it? I don't know." (S36); "In countries with mindless and irresponsible politicians and business people, it should be mandatory that 'indigenous reserves' must be synonymous with 'protected areas'. (S42) 13 Contamination and cultural imposition Some respondents signalled the risk of contamination, this is of indigenous peoples being influenced by a mestizo culture and therefore driven to break the presumed harmonic relationship with the natural environment. This may be seen as a lost opportunity, that of the rest of humanity to learn from indigenous experiences or, that of given indigenous people to assert managerial control: "Yes, as indigenous populations tend to live in harmony with nature these areas tend to require protection from the outside world. (S12); "… I also think it is difficult to put it into practice since indigenous people want to be part of the economic system and therefore there is a risk of depletion. Anyway who is better to protect certain areas than the people who have lived there for hundred of years!!!" (S39); "Yes, in fact, so far as I know, many of our indigenous people live in these protected areas, where most of them have been able to live in a sustainable way, I say most of them, because others are affected by the mestizo men that live nearby or want to get something from that place due to its economic importance, affecting these natural areas." (S45) It was pointed out that both types of jurisdiction, IR and PA, derived from a cultural-historical process, in which self-determination was not accounted for: "Yes, a very imperialistic one - especially in the Americas (including Canada). It is an old regressive link between the two, in the 60s and 70s this paternalistic viewpoint saw indigenous culture as static --which is wrong!" (S24); "Yes, they both seem to be defined by the ruling 'white' government." (S26) A respondent that had visited Amazonia (VA) added that there is resistance to this imposition, at least as far as indigenous peoples of Colombia are concerned: "yes-especially when indigenous management systems are practised in spite of the models of dominant society in Colombia" (S27). Similarly, another VA respondent suggested that in Colombia there are no friendly relationships between IR and PA: "It depends from country to country, but in Colombia no" (S10)! Analytical responses The analysis provided by some of the respondents tended to localise the relationship: to put it into the historical process. The analysis underlined the main problem for a "non-confrontational" relationship between IR and PA regimes. As they are designations that came about without public participation and from a rationality that is especially alien to indigenous peoples, when IRs and PAs overlap, competition for management arises. These type of answers either acknowledged that the relationship happens through overlap, or mentioned the difficulties of hitting indigenous rights and conservation target simultaneously: "Freedom of choice for all people, in terms of lifestyle, cultural heritage can translate into giving management control to indigenous people in protected areas. However the balance between sustainable economic development for indigenous people and at the same time protecting the environment is a difficult topic to discuss at a macro level. Individual environmental and socio-cultural circumstances need to be fully accounted for and explicitly articulated." (S7) "Yo creo que existe una relacion estrecha entre reservas indigenas y areas protegidas alrededor del mundo. Ya que estas dos figuras juridicas en muchos casos (p.e. Colombia) se encuentran translapadas." (I believe there is a close relationship between indigenous reserves and protected areas around the world. It derives from the fact that in many cases these two jurisdictions overlap) (S34). 14 "There is a relationship when they overlap, which I think happens often." (S44) "Los resguardos y las reservas indigenas han tenido la tendencia a considerarse y definirse como areas protegidas, sin embargo me parece importante tener en cuenta que al establecer los limites territoriales entre los resguardos quedan zonas intermedias que no pertenecen necesariamente a algun resguardo, y esto hace de un modo u otro que tambien se presenten roces con diferentes actores. Por la misma razon que al no estar circunscrito en un resguardo aparentemente se consideraría como un area no protegida… " (It has been the tendency to consider the resguardos and indigenous reserves as protected areas. However, I think it is worth considering that when the resguardo boundaries are established, there are zones in-between not ascribed to any resguardo. And this makes it somehow possible for different [political] actors to get confrontational. This happens as a consequence of the non-ascription of the in-between zone, which is not considered as protected area… ) (S48) However it came about and assuming that both jurisdictions are somehow competing, some respondents argued that IR should be more effective, as it gives responsibility to the people for their own lives: "Yes, although I think indigenous reserves serve to protect the environment/area better. This is because they are protected by local people who value the resources and use them in a traditional and more sustainable way. Protected areas can be designated/run by Governments and this can remove the responsibility from the indigenous peoples." (S5); "Yes. I think that indigenous reserves do offer more protection than protected areas because it gives local people more incentive to use sustainable practices. They can see it being in their own interests" (S17) In contrast, one respondent argued: "Maybe there is, but I don't believe in reserves" (S35). And a second respondent (VA) added that poverty have driven indigenous peoples to behave unsustainably: "I think it is possible. However, some indigenous areas are completely degraded because they are selling their natural resources to survive." (S53). This response (S53) is related to one of those made to Q1: "To a certain degree, yes. I think that monetary considerations will always outweigh humanitarian concerns and it is very hard to convince people who are seeking a living from sometimes meagre resources that it is in their own good to give consideration to long-term sustainable use of their resources. It is usually easier and cheaper to move on to the next area when one area has been depleted." (S17) Both answers (Q1-S17, Q2-S53) echo a neo-Malthusian argument. It implies that a 'tragedy of the commons' is happening in Amazonia and elsewhere as result of overpopulation. The politics involved "No. Indigenous reserves and protected areas (for nature conservation) are two different political land use strategies. If the government is assigning an Indian reserve then they should respect the use the indigenous people are making of the terrain according to traditional use or to improved technologies. Areas for Nature conservation must be treated separately and with a different priority. We cannot make the indians responsible for the disappearing of the diversity. The government has to be responsible by applying appropriate conservation and management regimes" (S2) This response makes an argument for the need to differentiate between IR and PA as diverse political strategies that pursue different aims. The first would aim to 15 comply with Indigenous Peoples Rights, particularly that of self-determination. The second political strategy would aim at biodiversity conservation. The respondent acknowledges indigenous social change as indigenous management depends on both, tradition and technological improvement. Interestingly, the analysis provided does not try to conceal the confrontational nature of the relationship; nor does it neither place much hope in conciliation. On the contrary, it advocates for a distinction. If there is some hope or sense of utopia in the response it comes from solutions provided by technological improvement. Which is something this particular respondent had already stressed in Q1: "… . Development as the integration of western technologies or increase of income per capita, can be carefully done by implementing appropriate technologies into the productive activities of the communities. Sustainability defined as a continuous productivity level in the long term." (S2) Non-conclusive comment-Q211 Nowadays, the establishment or enlargement of IRs (Resguardos in Colombia) and PAs requires the interested proponents to follow long protocols, the fulfilment of precise administrative procedures and of legal conditions. One aim of the process is to allow different stakeholders to participate and to assure the fulfilment of fundamental rights to all citizens in equal conditions. In Colombia, like in many other parts of the developing world, when the "juridical figures" were established these procedures were not necessary, therefore, many IRs and PAs were established without participation of all interested parties. It is not surprising that some of the respondents refer to the confrontation or competition of regimes that began with their imposition. It could be of some significance that none of the respondents that claimed the need to harmonise IR and PA have been in Amazonia. In contrast, the two respondents that pointed out that these two regimes are conflicting in Colombia have been there. The analytical response that called for clear differentiation between the two also came from the group of people that had visited Amazonia (VA). From the set of answers given to Q2 it is clear that different and contrasting narratives ascribed to with respect to environmental management. For some of the respondents indigenous peoples are guardians of the environment, victims of colonialism or in risk of a cultural contamination that will force them to adopt maladaptive strategies that would threaten conservation strategies. For others, indigenous reserves are untrustworthy designations: the environment should be preserved against development and human intervention, be it indigenous or otherwise. Therefore indigenous peoples should not be in charge of environmental management. Yet, another political perspective is derived from hopes of compatibility between the two regimes, which although pursuing different aims are seen as relevant for environmental and human security at the same time. Thus, the third perspective could be characterised as dialectic or iterative. From this (last) perspective indigenous experience could help the development of conservation strategies; and, 11 Schematic summary: Table 2, Appendix 3. 16 at the same time, the revision of environmental and conservation management strategies could be vital for the survival of indigenous peoples. Hope or Utopian visions also have a place here: the development of technology is seen as a key component for adequate environmental management. Technological improvement would allow both compliance with indigenous peoples' rights and biodiversity conservation. We are sketching a continuum from our comment on Q1, suggesting that the narrative of conciliation 'reflects a process of thinking and acting that is deeply rooted in utopia'. Q3 - Do you think that the concepts of protected areas (PA), indigenous reserves (IR) and sustainable development (SD) are useful for environmental management today? Two respondents say that the concepts should be context specific: "Yes, but which of them is useful depends on context… " (S1). "As I said before, all these terms have to be defined properly in the first place before they can be applied." (S2). There were two respondents that simply said 'yes' (S14, S22), while one answered: "yes, if it works" (S4). S4's response suggests that concepts are instruments, and not surprisingly many answers referred to the "applicability" of these three concepts. Environmental indians and contamination risk Some respondents reiterated the idea, already expressed in Q1 and Q2, that indigenous peoples are practitioners of SD or conservation managers: "… Indigenous reserves are important because they allow the preservation of a way of living in sympathy with the environment long gone in most areas… " (S12); "Claro que si. Las culturas indigenas son un ejemplo de convivencia y explotacion sostenible del entorno en que viven" (Yes of course. Indigenous cultures are an example of coexistence with the environment they live in and of sustainable exploitation.) (S23); "Yes because indigenous people are the 'shepherds' of the landscape and they have a first-hand understanding and experience (handed down from previous generations) of ecosystem processes. Sometimes indigenous customs and habits reflect an understanding of nature's processes that can be exemplary in the planning of management plans… "(S41) One response re-enforced an idea presented in Q2, that indigenous sustainable practices are in risk as the younger generations begin to adopt western lifestyles: "… , but this knowledge is also in danger [endangered],… , shamanism is related in many cases to the management of the natural resources, but I have listened to the indigenous people from the community that I'm working in, that they're not interested in receiving this knowledge from their parents, and day by they they're a lot like us in their agricultural practices." (S45) Principles as instruments Various responses made reference to certain conditions that would have to be fulfilled in order for the concepts to be useful. This perspective, where the concepts are understood as political instruments, could be useful if a 'real' or 'truth-value' definition of them were accomplished. This truth-value would come from using the political instrumentality of a concept only if it were to reflect a set of principles such as intergenerational equity, empowerment, and participation. 17 And, in the case of participation, special emphasis were given to the incorporation of indigenous people, their knowledge and ways of dealing with the environment: "The concept of protected areas will only be successful if indigenous peoples are involved, therefore this would seem to indicate that indigenous reserves would be the best way forward of the two" (S5) "… indigenous reserves need to be redefined according to the wishes of the people who will be living in them,… (S6); "… If sustainable development means development with the means which exist and with the participation of the people concerned… " (S11); Yes. Exercising indigenous knowledge should not be limited to reserves but integrated into the management plans along with scientific knowledge more widely. (S26); "Yes… Any protected area, etc. must actively incorporate the participation of indigenous people" (S41) The idea of intergenerational equity is attached to that of resource reserve for the developmental process: "Yes… The sustainable development concept relating to the obligation of the present generation to leave enough natural assets and capital for future generations to enjoy at least the same quality of life we enjoy today must be at the heart of environmental management activities." (S12) "Yes, because the natural environment that we believe is endangered should be protected as a reference in future years to come and because of this a sense of environmental management is very important as the same environment becomes a resource for development" (S13) "Yes. We need to protect the area and its people and provide for sustainable development. (S21) "… pero estoy cierto que las areas protegidas independentemente del interes en prervarlas desempeñan un papel importante en el manejo de ambientes naturales para la captura de CO2, conservación de recursos biogenéticos/biodiversidad/ y como elementos de estudio para futuras generaciones… " (… but I am certain that, independently of the interest in preserving them, protected areas play a roll in the management of natural environment for CO2 sequestration, conservation of biodiversity/genetic resources and as study subjects for future generations (S25) "yes, otherwise development will go against our own endurance. I think we have to consider the possibility that we are not the most powerful force in this world." (S38) Risk and Protection Following this idea is that of concepts (as political instruments) being useful if they could provide and enforce protection (S13, S21 above). In this case either the environment is seen at risk (endangered species or ecosystems) or both indigenous peoples and their environments: "Yes. Protected areas are important as pools of natural resources not affected by human activity. Indigenous reserves are important because they allow the preservation of a way of living in sympathy [tune] with the environment long gone in most areas." (S12); "I think they are vital. Until everyone has a responsible attitude to environmental control certain protections have to be enforced." (S17) Some of the responses expressing a need for environmental protection have a sense of impending catastrophe: "Yes, but they are loaded concepts so we have to be careful in using them… sustainable development is the only way we will survive, but is usually glibly applied." (S6); "in a limited sense perhaps.but what we need to accomplish is protection of all that there is left, without cutting and taking land around the so called protected area. stop the modernisation process wherever it has not already reached into" (S32); "Yes, because they are the only source to preserve life on earth." (S51) 18 Protection but of cultural diversity: "… They may contribute to 'capturing' and saving fragile cultures and 'unknown' languages." (S31) Although acknowledging the need for protection, some respondents made it explicit that IRs were not effective, as the policies derived from such concepts (regimes) would increase risk instead of attenuating it: "… in terms of indigenous groups if they become circumscribed to a specific protected area then this will prevent persistence of nomadic lifestyles etc. and as a result the protected area may become 'unsustainable' as people are becoming circumscribed to a specific reserve. I guess this also answers the question on indigenous reserves, however, the indigenous reserves of N. America should be used as an example of the problems of tying people to such reserves,… " (S10) "… 'indigenous reserves' are not so useful - most of indigenous social problems have been caused by the colonisers, and are being reproduced through generations. Keeping indigenous people enclosed in such areas, and introducing paternalistic rules and laws is not healthy for any society. It instils racism in a society, and will not ensure that indigenous practices of environmental management will be maintained - that depends on the indigenous group and how they choose to manage their environment… " (S24) The need for integration and its impediments Some emphasis was put on the idea that there is or should be a link between the concepts (political instruments): "Yes all concepts are useful as they each permit different aspects of the economic/ecology debate to enter into the wider public arena. Ultimately for there to be sustainable solutions to environmental problems there needs to be a holistic approach adopted… " (S7) "… environmental development will not be meaningful without taking into account the interrelation between 'indigenous reserves' and 'sustainable development'" (S11) "Yes, because all areas are linked with each other very closely" (S18). "Yes. Exercising indigenous knowledge should not be limited to reserves but integrated into the management plans along with scientific knowledge more widely." (S26) "… Lo que creo es que tanto las reservas indigenas, como las areas protegidas deberian orientarse hacia un desarrollo sostenible. Bien sea que estas dos figuras se translapen o no. Si entendemos el desarrollo sostenible como un proceso que involucra criterios sociales, culturales, economicos, y ambientales." (… What I do believe is that indigenous reserves as well as protected areas should direct their attention towards sustainable development, whether or not the entities [juridical regimes] overlap. If we understand sustainable development as a process that involves social, cultural, economic and environmental criteria.) (S34) However, quiet a few responses pointed out the problems that prevent this integration from taking place: 1) Incompatibility of interests between IR and PA: "… Protected areas are useful, but they raise the debate as to whether one should protect an area and exclude people from it so that a certain species/ archaeological site/community can survive or whether people should have access… " (S10); "It is quite difficult to harmonies those concepts, specifically among indigenous people. They are convinced that 'sustainable development' is an imperialist concept, and the first idea they have -as far as they hear the concept- is that they are going to be exploited by others… " (S40) 2) The prevalence of economic efficiency and profit at the expense of anything else: 19 "… El desarrollo sustentable que ha sido cada vez mas un objetivo importante en varios paises del mundo. Pero encontrar los balances correctos ha sido y es dificil, particulrmente cuando las sociedades y gobiernos estan sometidos a un proceso de globalizacion y de efeicientizacion economica. He ahi los conflictos permanentes de lograr un desarrollo verdaderamente sustentable que considere no solo los aspectos economicos, pero politicos, cultrales, sociales y ecologicos o ambientales. (Sustainable development has become an increasingly important objective in several countries around the world. But to find the correct balances has been and continues to be difficult; in particular as a result of societies and governments being subjected to economic efficiency within the globalisation process. There are permanent conflicts in the way of obtaining a real sustainable development that involve not only the economic aspects, but also the social, cultural, ecological and environmental criteria " (S25). "… too many people think of 'sustainable' as meaning economic sustainability and not environmental sustainability." (S30). "… While protected areas and indigenous reserves serve to maintain environmental quality, the concept of sustainable development is often disregarded for the sake of profits and globalisation." (S33) 3) Political manipulation: "I think there have been problems with these concepts for two reasons: First, they mean different thing for different people, second, they have been used and to serve particular interests. There are several and opposite definitions of 'sustainable development' and it's a difficult concept. 'Indigenous reserve', used as a general concept does not describe usefully the complex realities and 'protected areas' have been used to serve particular interests over time so I think it is seen suspiciously by a lot of people." (S44) "I think so, but these concepts are used a lot by politicians, and then the meaning can be manipulated". (S46) "… The big problem is not related to the concepts alone, it is related to the way in which these are applied according with particular interests and purposes. Many times the terms are used by different groups or organisations in order to pretend to be environmental friendly or responsible, when the real purposes reveal an opposite target or interest." (S47) "… Muy seguaramente estos términos se manejan como deben ser en el plano académico teórico, mas no ocurre lo mismo en el ambito práctico donde lo que prevalece son los interese de los diferentes actores que trabajan en este campo, lo que lleva inevitablemente a que se presenten situaciones de tension entre estos y se deje de lado el objetivo primordial en cuanto a la conservación y le manejo ambiental" (For sure, theoretically and within the academic circles these concepts are managed as they should be. Although, in the practical scenario privilege is given to the particular interests of those different [political] actors who work in this field. Thus, it is unavoidable that tensions will arise between these [political actors], which leave aside the fundamental aim of environmental management and conservation) (S48) 4) Semantics, the concepts mean too many things to too many different political actors (S44 above): "… 'Sustainable development' is not so useful for environmental management, as the concept is too contested - it means too many different things to different people." (S24); "As I said, the problem is that there are many definitions of those terms and it makes it difficult to determine if they are useful in one place compared to other places" (S50) Dynamism The perspective of 'dynamism' reflects a perception of mutating meanings as an advantage. Under this perspective 'contested' means 'in change', which is seen as part of a learning process, which is in tune with the idea of local definition of concepts (emphasised above): "Ultimately for there to be sustainable solutions to environmental problems there needs to be a holistic approach adopted, where people can better appreciate that their lifestyle has much in 20 common with others - even if they are in an OECD country and cannot appreciate the day to day lifestyle of someone in a less developed country. … . Therefore the concepts listed can provide an opportunity to raise the awareness of the majority of the world's people." "Yes, there is plenty that can be learned from these three concepts and also applied" (S37) "A lot, I believe there are a lot of things we can learn from them, specially in this field of study,." (S45) "If these concepts are [understood or interpreted] under a dynamic and changing world (attached to contexts), which mean that there is not a unique definition or way to apply them, I think they are still useful for environmental management." [original: understanding or interpreting… ] (S47) The need for new concepts-Q3 Contradicting narratives can be appreciated through the reading of these responses. There is a group of respondents that are uncritical of the concepts or the policies derived from them (like S37, S45 above and): "Yes, they are important to efficient environmental management" (S28); "Yes. An understanding of the mechanism of these terminologies is essential for effective environmental management … " (S9). Another group could be made out of those responses that reflect suspicion or are definitely critical of the concepts (S10, S24, S25, S30, S33, S40, S44, S46, S47, S48, S50 above). And, besides the group of respondents that express conditionality or hope (see above), there is a group of responses that, while critical of the concepts, acknowledge that at present they are all we have: "… which of them is useful depends on context… If an ethnic group is to be allowed to determine the course of events within its own territory, then the territory must be reserved for them until such time as they develop complete autonomy or decide to integrate more closely with wider society. Sustainable development may seem a rather broad, unspecific term, but it does at least draw attention to the unsustainability of conventional development… " (S1) "… The concept of sustainable development is gradually getting better developed and, even if it is not strictly attainable, gives decision-makers something to work towards… (S5) "I don't agree with the concept of SD as it is a contradiction in terms, but at present there are few better alternatives… " (S10) One respondent actually moved forward in the critique, pointing out that the concepts were built on preconceptions and identifying the need to generate new concepts that would integrate the useless categorical divide of nature and society: "I think they are old fashioned, and generated by the Anglo-Saxon culture. We should move towards an increased compatibility between human activities and nature, making it therefore not necessary to talk about reserves, or natural areas." (S35) Non-conclusive comment-Q312: The majority if not the totality of respondents took 'concepts' as 'politics'. They discussed the history of these politics, their adequacy and sufficiency. It is very interesting that while the conduct through which political ideas become policies is supposed to be complex, it is obvious for the respondents that there is more than theoretical debate going on in the process of policy making. There is a prevailing, sometimes automatic or non-reflexive awareness that narratives pursue the aims that drive the policies and politics that are transforming the environment. 12 Schematic summary: table 3, Appendix 3. 21 In continuity with the results of Q2, only 1 out of five respondents of those who argued for the need to integrate the concepts had been in Amazon; while the two respondents that argued the case of 'incompatibility of interests' had been there. Of those which suggested that these concepts –political strategies- are useful for environmental protection or that this is the last chance –catastrophism- for life, none had visited Amazonia. It may be of some significance that none of the five respondents that suggested that IR might be a better strategy than PA have been in Amazonia, while one person of the two that argued that IRs are ineffective had been there. The responses correspond to several narratives that can be identified. One of them is that of 'confidence in science and trust in political instrumentality' derived from the (traditional definitions of) concepts outlined. Another narrative is that of 'natives as heroes and outsiders as villains', which is reflected in the suspiciousness of concepts based in untested assumptions and in mistrust of the governmental policies derived from them. In summary there is a status-quo narrative and a counter narrative. Yet a third type of narrative could be identified, that of 'critical understanding'. Q4 – Should environmental managers (EM) get involved in the territorial ordering process (TOP) of the Amazon? One of the respondents simply answered yes (S4). One was unsure (S52), perhaps suspicious? One considered the question was tricky (S32), and three of them put the question into question. Two of these responses asked for the term 'environmental manager' to be defined: "Difficult to answer. Define the roles, mandate and empowerment of the environmental manager… " (S31); "What do you mean by environmental managers?." (S6). The third one was more critical: "this sentence is colonialist as if indigenous peoples of Amazonia were not in fact environmental managers" (S27). With a similar intent, one respondent argued that indigenous people were better-qualified environmental mangers: "Las comunidades indigenas han sido las mejores administradoras del territorio ancestral, eso debe ser respetado y replicado en zonas donde la intervención humana 'civilizada' ha afectado las condiciones ambientales. (Indigenous communities have been the best managers of ancestral territories, this should be respected and should be replicated in areas where 'civilised' human intervention has affected environmental conditions) (S20)" The response of Indigenous peoples as better managers had been expressed in Q1, Q2 and Q3. Another three responses reinforced the ideas of catastrophism, the need for urgent environmental protection and to stop development (S32, S33, S42). Perspectives EMs are the ones: "Definitely" (S12); " … They have in many cases a better view for the long-run." (S18); 22 Yes. Who else is better suited to do so?" (S21); "Environmental Managers should get involved. They are best able to ensure protection of ecosystem" (S28); "Por supuesto que si. Ya que el ordenamiento territorial de un territorio (en este caso de la Amazonia) debe tener como objetivos el desarrollo sostenible." (Definitely. Territorial ordering (of the Amazon in this case) should have sustainable development as an objective) (S34); "Because they are the ones that can understand the balance that must exist between economic development, traditional culture and environment." (S36); " They should, how can they do whithout?" (S46) "Yes, because they can contribute to better territorial ordering in the region" (S53) EMs and scientists figure out the solutions and take the decisions: "Deben estar involucradas todas las personas del planeta, pero con mas razon los 'decision makers', que a fin de cuentas, toman las acciones concretas sobre nuestro futuro medioambiental. (All people from the planet should get involved, but the 'decision makers' have more reason to be there, after all they are the ones that take the concrete actions in respect to our environmental future) (S23); "Yes, but along with some other scientists, not only because of the importance of the Amazon from a global point of view, but specially for the importance for the people living there." (S35); "Yes, always considering multiple disciplines result in a better understanding and so better solutions." (S38) But taking into account the other opinions: "Yes, although indigenous peoples will also play a major part and without them any agreements between Governments and environmental managers will not work… " (S5); "Not always, because it is necessary to take into consideration lay people's opinions too." (53) Indigenous peoples direct EMs: "If they are asked to do so by indigenous peoples, I see no problem with this." (S1); "Territorial ordering should be primarily decided upon by the indigenous groups that inhabit them, … ultimately decisions need to come from the bottom upwards" (S10); "… The indigenous people should be in charge of the program at the ultimate level" (S14). " They should but they should make sure they respect the opinion of indigenous people and they should be very discreet in their approach and aim for cooperation." (S41) EMs have equal rights to participate as other stakeholders: " Of course. All actors should be involved in the process… It doesn't mean that they have to take decisions but they can evaluate the circumstances under different and also important perspectives." (S2); "What do you mean by environmental managers? But yes, I think they also have a stake in the fate of the Amazon, and have a right to make their voices heard. (S6); " Involvement - yes but only in collaboration and co-operation with the Amazonian people and those in the higher levels of bureaucracy and policy making … Environmental managers can make significant contributions in this area, given their depth of understanding of the issues (relative to the general public)" (S7); "Deveriam estar envolvidos no processo de re-ordenamento territorial, junto com edndios, ribeirinhos etc" (they should be involved in the territorial ordering process together with indigenous peoples, riverine inhabitants, etc." (S29); " I think they should be involved as advisors and technical support but I support the idea of a non-technical management, where decisions are taken by the different stakeholders based on the technical advice and the social, cultural and economic factors." (S44) 23 But this intervention should be avoided within indigenous territories: "Not in indigenous reserves or territories which historically have been managed by indigenous communities. In other areas, should be taking part in dialogue of knowledge between cultures, people, communities, scientists and decision makers from private and government sectors, to order process on the amazon area." [Original text:… historically has been management by… ](S47) The apolitical EM: "Yes, but not for political reasons. It should be for the cause of sustainable use of our natural environment which is our heritage." (S9); " … Generally though I think that environmentalists like missionaries before them should not get involved in political processes as this can have a very negative reaction within the local community." (S17) "Yes, their knowledge will hopefully be of use in the ordering process" (S37) The political participation of EMs: "Yes, to counteract the interference of other external actors but hopefully to work with the indigenous people respecting their values and practices, not independently." (S26) EMs as facilitators of the dialog between IK and WS: "… without them [indigenous peoples] any agreements between Governments and environmental managers will not work. Environmental Managers should facilitate discussion… " (S5); "Territorial ordering should be primarily decided upon by the indigenous groups that inhabit them, environmental managers roles here should be as referees to help in the co-ordination of the process, but ultimately decisions need to come from the bottom upwards." (S10); "It's necessary for people involved in this field of study, that had already gained a conscience, and that are able to understand that we have to work with indigenous, not from our usual management vision, but theirs, trying to see the world like they do. In this way could be easier, perhaps to understand and give convincing and why not scientific arguments to the authorities (or people in charge of handling these affairs) about the different way they have already distributed their territory, which [in] most of the case (if not all) doesn't have our political distribution. (I.E, those groups that live between Colombia and Brazil boundaries) they don't have the same division of territories, because of this, they must be managed in a way more in concordance to their political organisation." (S45) Capacity, ability and quality of EMs: "Depends who the environmental managers are - if they are from the area and have a passion for the area, then why not. If they are drafted in from outside, and seen as the 'outside experts' then probably not - it usually causes friction within the area."(S24) "Define the roles, mandate and empowerment of the environmental manager. They may fall into different categories, of which I may name at least 4: 1. The conflictive manager. Created by a lobbying body. A good example is the body (forget the name) that is in charge of the Everglades in Florida. Their work is tainted by conflict of interest: the provision of water to cities and sugar cane farmers, at the same time maintaining the 'wet lands' as an ecosystem and controlling flooding! 2. The romantic. Exemplified by rich Europeans or North-Americans. Wanting to keep habitats, they may buy some land and resort to eco-tourism in order to keep their sustainability. I believe there are some German managed 'eco' destinations in Ecuador. Driven by an alternative way of life, they may not 'manage' the environment as they should. 3. The bureaucrat. A member of a government agency or NGO that may not be aware of local needs, responding always to policies made from a distance. Current legislation may be a hinder. "Los paisas", developed and colonised what is today Risaralda, Quindio, Caldas and 24 parts of Choco in Colombia, by using legislation that enabled them to cut and clear big forest areas to be claimed afterwards, creating the concept of the "colono". A colonisation process I witnessed in Caquetá some years ago. 4. The "grass roots" manager. Perhaps, the type who knows best the ecosystem and the power relationships that develop around it by the people involved with it. Usually their voice is not heard, mainly because of the threat they represent to some landowners or 'colonos'. If the law regarding claiming land that has been cleared is still existing, managing the environment is going to be a great task. One shall not forget that the 'colono' phenomenon represents one of the many socio-economical problems a nation like Colombia faces. … Management work usually develops around a policy. Trust among all participants is primordial. There ought to be some kind of legal-economical framework that will ease management work. If this is in place and all conflicts of interest reduced, then the territorial ordering process of Amazonia may become real." (S 31) Political risks, EMs tough job: "Yes, however the pressures on the person might be extreme. It would be preferable to have both on-site environmental managers and use some respected external managers as reference." (S15); "Yes, but bearing in mind that you should work with politicians and many kinds of 'parasitic' people which are thinking every day in the short term. It means that environmental managers are not enough for sustainable management and use of natural resource: their analytical models as well as their technical capacity is necessary, but they cannot work isolated, they require to work with others, despite the fact that 'the others' could (and should) think in a different way." (S40) Summarising-Q413 Like in the responses to Q1, Q2 and Q3, we can identify different and often contradictory perspectives. There were those that argued that environmental managers14 are the best qualified for the task and appeared somewhat perplexed by the question. Within that group there were those responses that assumed that decisions were taken by environmental managers or should be taken by them, although two expressed that others' opinion should be considered to a lesser extent. In the other direction were the responses that questioned intervention by EMs and considered it useful only when the decision-making process was led by indigenous peoples themselves. Yet, a third group was of the opinion that EMs should get involve in the same conditions that other stakeholders, such as indigenous peoples but, one respondent suggested they should not intervene in the management of indigenous peoples' territories at all. 13 See also Table 4, Appendix 3. 14 Called EMs in the survey to differentiate them from other experts and indigenous peoples. As it has been explained elsewhere (See "The march of the Manikins: Agroforestry practices and Spiritual dancing in Northwest Amazonia) indigenous peoples management of the environment departs from a different rationality and uses different instruments. What indigenous people from Northwest Amazonia call "management of the world" is not only a set of shamanistic practices but a way of living that combines social aims, aesthetic values, religious believes, and economic practices in a distinctive manner. Although acknowledging indigenous peoples from Northwest Amazonia are in fact environmental managers, the author has stressed that their "management of the world" incorporates many things, some of them of tremendous importance for environmental management more generally. 25 The other contrasting perspectives concerned the character of the intervention. While one group of responses were of the opinion that EMs should not get involved in politics, but have a technical approach, others thought that they should get involved to contrast and balance the political interests of other groups. A third group emerged, which advocated the intervention of environmental managers as conciliators and facilitators. Related to this roll of managers as advisers there was a group of responses showing concern with the capacity, ability and quality of environmental managers and, the possible risks that they have to face. Non-conclusive comment-Q4: As in responses to questions one, two and three, we can trace arguments and contra-arguments. One set of respondents portrays EMs as heroes. In this scenario they face a tough job, they are well trained, better able and indispensable for the process of territorial ordering; their politically risky job in which they have to make the decisions would be fundamental for diminishing environmental risk and even saving life on earth. (As in Q2 and Q3 none of those arguing conservation/catastrophism had been in Amazonia). A counter narrative is that provided by respondents arguing that EMs' participation should be directed by indigenous peoples (IP) or that the projects should be led mainly by natives, and that EMs should not intervene in the management of indigenous territories: in this case the heroes are indigenous peoples. A second counter narrative seems to be reflected by some of the respondents. In this scenario, EMs like IP should have equal rights to participate as different stakeholders, in this case decisions would come from a rational process in which dialog between cultures would take place. The participation of EMs would not be limited by their status/power but by their capacity, ability and their roll as facilitators or conciliators. Discussion European colonisation of Africa, Asia, the Americas, and Australasia from the late fifteenth century onwards, gave a tremendous boost to the volume of global transactions involving natural resources. Over the long run, trade in these resources, and in an increasingly diverse array of environmental services, has been expanding ever since. However, much of what is called globalisation in the twenty first century has more to do with developments in information technology since the late 1900s. The increasing speed of communications media and information transfer have proved fundamental in economic restructuring and the transformation of the world into a largely urban space (Castells 1996). In the globalised, twenty first century, local political decisions have little chance of being autarchic; international policy advisors inform local stakeholders about what is considered adequate or legal in accordance with international treaties, foreign protocols and political compromises. The local politics of environmental management is the concern of everybody: corporations, governments, international, regional and national NGOs, all of which compete for access to information and expansion of their scope of power in the political arena (Ambrose-Oji, Allmark et al. 2002). During the 1990s, and especially after the Río Earth Summit in 1992, one of the main topics of discussion was management of the global environment (Sachs 26 1993). Global targets for sustainable development were established at Río and similar processes were set in train at regional, national and local scales all over the world, following the guidelines set out in one of the policy documents agreed at Río: "Agenda 21". The official discourse that emerged from the Río process was replicated and many of the assumptions that informed the original discourse have been accorded a quasi-factual status by many people all over the globe (Sevilla_Guzmán and Woodgate 1997). The official discourse on globalisation emphasised the need for environmental management at supranational levels. At the same time, counter-discourse or anti-globalisation narratives have emerged. These emphasise the rights of indigenous people and local political actors to manage natural resources independently, in ways that allow them to make their own livelihood decisions and establish resource-use regimes that can provide the environmental goods and services that people need15. The management of the environment has always motivated debate and often led to confrontation. One of the main arguments of conservative conservationists concerns the 'vulnerability' of rainforest environments, and thus the need for their protection. Since the 1980s the problem of deforestation of tropical rainforests has been a global issue with special emphasis in South East Asia, the Congo basin and Amazonia (Adger, Benjaminsen et al. 2001). In a 1998 analysis of 'rainforest' web-sites, Stott revealed four metawords within the conservation rhetoric: orientalism (the exotic other), climax (harmony), old age (ancient, undisturbed) and vulnerability (Stott 1999). Metawords such as these become key rhetorical devices so that even research and development project proposals tend to employ them, thus replicating assumptions that are no longer questioned. How is this metalanguage produced? What are the bases of its principal cannons? And why is it that semantic analysis tends to remain the preserve of scientists – or is it something that is also dealt with at a local level? Narratives can be traced back in time. Equilibrium disturbance (climax rupture) and environmental fragility (vulnerability) both played parts in Hardin's 1968 'tragedy of the commons' (Hardin 1998). The neo-Malthusian discourse of environmental catastrophe as a result of an increasing population (of 'poor people') lies at the heart of Hardin's tragedy. The conservative conservationist perspective on the management of the rainforest is based on mistrust of systems of environmental management in which property rights (over life and resources) are not yet marketable. From a conservative political perspective responsible environmental action can only be achieved through the clarification of property rights to allow the unfettered action of free markets for the negotiation of such rights. It is assumed that the tragedy of the commons is happening or will happen in rainforest contexts where private property rights are not yet the rule and where societies still practise communal environmental management regimes based on indigenous knowledge rationalities in which nature and society form an ontological continuum. For conservatives only free markets for environmental rights, good and services can guarantee sustainable development. Neo-Malthusian 15 The discourses that emphasise on the need of eco-efficiency, economic transnationalization and planetary ecological management, were named by Sachs as contest and astronauts' perspectives. And the counter-discourse arising from the desempowered communities of the South as the home perspective (Sachs 1977). 27 and neo-liberal assumptions are fundamental to this perspective on sustainable development. With the aim of promoting Agenda 21 at local, national and regional levels, a complex and sophisticated process of institutionalisation was embarked upon. Amazonia did not escape this process; governmental officials or conservationist NGOs replicated the dominant conservationist discourse at the local level in NWA16. This official discourse of deforestation with its main initiative of protection of the environment from people has been labelled 'hegemonic' (Stott and Dullivan 2000) or 'neo-Malthusian' and 'managerial' (Adger, Benjaminsen et al. 2001). It should come as no surprise then that counter narratives have developed in Amazonia (and elsewhere), for many of which the principal intention is to contradict the conservative policies derived from this hegemonic discourse. The rights of indigenous people to define the course of their lives: their rights to manage natural resources and the environmental services used or supplied by the Amazonian environment have been key issues in these significant counter-claims against the official Amazonian territorial ordering politics and policies, which have involved environmental management that has been designed elsewhere. This counter-narrative pursues the principle and right of self-determination against the interests of political initiatives for global environmental management. The counter-narrative was not just a reaction to neo-liberal, neo-Malthisian conservative politics and conservation policies during the 1980s and '90s, however. In Latin America, all indigenous peoples' rebellions against the European empires were motivated by a call to reconstruct pre-colonial socio-cultural orders returning to territorial orders where the management of 'agroforestry' was undifferentiated from the sacred (Varese 1996:124-25). In modern, post-colonial states, indigenous peoples continued to struggle for the recognition of their territories. In today's NWA this struggle is related to governmental and conservationists policies of environmental management and the presence of armed groups opposed to political resolution of territorial ordering. Many of the Protected Areas (PAs) of NWA were created at a time when no legal procedure was established for public intervention in the designation of such areas. The official titles of the PA or IR (Resguardos in Colombia) have not prevented non-native invasion of lands or the expansion of illegal crop production inside either PAs or IRs. Conservationists and indigenous peoples alike have vacillated between alliances with, and the rejection of, the armed groups in charge of illegal crop production, depending on the political gains to be made and the risks involved in rejecting the proposals or achieving an alliance. The armed groups, on their part, have sought political alliances when such co-operation could benefit their military capacity or improve the managerial efficiency of their enterprises.17 16 With respect to the territorial ordering process, the Colombian Amazon controversy is discussed in Forero 1999, 2000; Forero, Laborde et al. 1998. 17 See Forero 2000, "Territoriality and Governance in the Colombian Amazon". 28 As far as local inhabitants were concerned, rainforest conservation policies arrived in NWA from another space and time. The legal establishment of protected areas took no account of the opinions or desires of the peoples already inhabiting NWA. Indigenous agro-ecosystems and the livelihood strategies of more recent colonisers were both ignored. The ideology expressed through legal frameworks was that of protection of the environment from people. The villains were local inhabitants and the regulations to be enforced were those of expelling people from the 'conservation' areas and maintaining their exclusion. The dominant discourse made no distinction between complex indigenous agro-ecosystems and the less sophisticated livelihood strategies being developed by recent immigrants. All of them were labelled as "slash and burn" agriculture (Myers 1980). Yet it has become increasingly apparent over the last thirty years that slash and burn is just an aspect of indigenous environmental management in Amazonia, which combines agricultural production, fish and game management, ritual prescriptions, and aesthetic developments18. It has even been suggested that movement towards "short cropping/long-fallow" cultivation patterns within indigenous Amazonian agro-ecosystems was an strategic response to alien invasion of territories and the introduction of metal axes (Denevan 2001: 115-31). Today, most ethnoscientists find it self-evident that the concepts of "chagras" (gardens) and "rastrojos" (abandoned gardens) are far too simplified to reflect the structure of cultivations over the short-, medium- and long-terms, in accordance with local knowledge of agro-ecological variation. It is obvious that indigenous environmental management has transformed Amazonian ecosystems for millennia; this was already evident to many of the nineteenth century European explorers19. Even the most knowledgeable people in the industrialised world have no precise idea of how 'vulnerable' rainforest is and few have accurate knowledge about the political conditions facing indigenous peoples or other human inhabitants of the Amazonian rainforest. With respect to NWA, even the most determined researcher would have problems accessing this information. It is often said that the rainforests of Amazonia are the 'lungs of the planet' (S.33), a metaphor used to emphasise the region's role in the carbon cycle, especially the absorption of CO2. This is somewhat ironic given that our own lungs actually consume oxygen and release CO2 during respiration. Indigenous people have been portrayed as villains or victims depending on the observer and the moment of observation. When portrayed as victims the picture is something like this: the wise guardians of the rainforest are obliged by violence to sell their natural resources or abandon their noble environmental practices. The role of violence in the functioning of extractive economies has been well documented. Violent coercion has been the dominant system in NWA for more than a century. Although indigenous people are no longer sold, 'debt-peonage' systems still dominate and exploit poor indigenous and immigrant inhabitants of 18 See Forero 2001, " The march of the Manikins: Agroforestry Practices and Spiritual Dancing in Northwest Amazonia". 19 See Forero 2002a, " Indigenous Knowledge and the Scientific Mind: Activism or Colonialism". 29 NWA. These people are employed for the harvesting, transport and commercialisation of coca base, cocaine and, the functioning of 'extractive economies' in general (Gómez, A. 1999). But there has been an indigenous response. This has sometimes taken the form of open rebellion and sometimes that of making strategic and tactical alliances in an attempt to obtain or preserve political power, to secure the acquisition of merchandise or simply to survive20. The counter-hegemonic narratives that we mentioned above have been labelled 'populist discourse': making it explicit that the victims are the indians and the villains the international organisations, sometimes allied to transnational corporations (like oil drilling companies) and the dependent and often corrupted governments that collaborate with these international organisations (Adger, Benjaminsen et al. 2001: 687). For NWA there are reports that seem to corroborate these arguments; e.g. indigenous peoples and environmental campaigners have protested jointly in Ecuador and Brazil against the construction of massive pipelines planned to cross through both IRs and PAs in both countries. The pipeline construction projects in both countries have arisen following collaboration between national governments and international oil exploration companies and have provoked public feelings of outrage (Weinberg 2001)21 . " [In NWA] Governments, multilateral lenders, multinational corporations, private banks and other institutions may not be counting on the convenient disappearance of indigenous peoples who get in the way of their ambitious development plans, but they often act as if they are." (Rabben 1998:122) "We who live in indigenous communities are surviving in the midst of a war imposed upon us by different factions and by the very same Colombian state that historically abandoned the countryside and permitted our lands to be invaded by waves of colonizers. Today we are caught in the crossfire, menaced by killings and displacement, while the State manifests its presence in the air with planes that slowly kill our plants and animals, our subsistence crops, and our people." (Organizacion Zonal Indigena del Putumayo_ OZIP 2002) However, is it possible to claim that there is a policy of 'ethnic cleansing' for NWA? From one side the whole issue of national sovereignty has been put into question; the expansion of Plan Andino (formerly Plan Colombia), the USA's anti-drug strategy for Latin America, exemplifies the delicate situation in which some of the Latin American countries have entered the twenty first century. The military component Plan Andino is aimed to support economic measures, the famous and indeed infamous structural adjustment plans that have provoked strikes and rebellions22. Additionally, even if there were an official policy of ethnic cleansing, South American States, given their size and power, would find it difficult to implement 20 See "Indigenous Knowledge and the Scientific Mind: Activism or Colonialism" (Forero 2002a), and "Technology in Northwest Amazonia: Sketches from Inside" (Forero 2002b). 21 For recent (March 2002) press releases on this issue see www.amazonwatch.org and www.americas.org 22 See Forero and Woodgate 2002, "The semantics of 'Human Security' in Northwest Amazonia: between indigenous peoples''Management of the World' and the USA's State Security Policy for Latin America". 30 it. The poor, be they indigenous peoples or colonisers are in the middle of a territorial war linked to international networks of criminality; they have been displaced, kidnapped or killed regardless of their claims of neutrality. In the case of Colombia, although some military authorities have been linked to some of the worst of the paramilitaries' atrocities, it has not been proved that the State itself has a policy of ethnic cleansing. In the case of Brazil, in 1996 the national executive proclaimed Decree 1775, instructing a right to contravene which, contrary to 169 WTO international agreement on Indigenous Peoples' rights, gave other stakeholders the opportunity to challenge Indigenous property rights. Paramilitary groups associated with illegal evictions of indigenous peoples in Brazilian Amazonia have long sought such a 'charter'. At the same time, the decree left the definition of indigenous land rights to the will of the executive power itself (Ministry of Justice). But, as in the case of Colombia, it cannot be proved that there is a policy of ethnic cleansing. It has been suggested in the non-conclusive comments on the survey results, that many people's responses echoed hegemonic and populist narratives. Indigenous peoples were portrayed as heroes or victims, as well as scientists and environmental managers. However, quiet a few of responses cannot be associated with either populist or hegemonic narratives. There is a group of responses that reflect critical thinking and are willing to challenge such simplistic dichotomies. Thus, the concept of sustainable development has been questioned, suspiciousness of western, scientific and technological solutions was expressed, and there was little willingness to give environmental managers carte blanche to prescribe whatever measures they might see fit. Interestingly, this last group, while acknowledging the need for: new concepts and adequate guidelines for environmental management, and the difficulty of achieving conservation targets while complying with indigenous peoples rights, still consider the concepts of SD, PA and IR as useful or the politics derived from them as desirable. What is interesting is that the responses to this survey, which were made by outsiders (respondents were not inhabitants of Amazonia), reflect a tendency to picture the conflict over territory in ways that do not correspond to either of the two main narratives. We can say that inasmuch as outsiders see possibilities for political action outside hegemonic or populist approaches, so Amazonian insiders are organising and negotiating regardless of whether their political discourse echoes either conservative or counter-hegemonic politics of territorial ordering. As no significant statistical analysis could be derived from the survey it would be difficult to speak of tendencies. At first sight it seems that adherence to hegemonic, counter-hegemonic, utopic or conciliatory narratives reflects each respondent's intellectual background more than his or her witnessing of the situation of peoples and forests in Amazonia. However, certain coincidences among the responses to each question might be representative: - For Q1-SD, two out of four of the respondents that accepted the imperative of SD without question have been in Amazon, none of them is a social scientist (SS) though and the other two were environmental managers. None of the SSs 31 that had visited the region argued for complete incompatibility between sustainability and development. Instead, SSs were part of a third group acknowledging that the concept of SD might be of some use, given certain conditions. - For Q2 – the relationship between IRs and PAs, not one of those who argued for the need to harmonise the two concepts (5), or those that emphasised SD as a desirable aim that has not yet been reached (4), or those or that argued that IRs are better than PAs (2) had been to the Amazon (in total 21 % of respondents). Respondents that had visited Amazonia (VA) were among those that acknowledged a relationship between IRs and PAs and that the relationship can be both complementary and competitive. Two respondents from the VA group argued that a complementary relationship was not possible in Colombia and one of them pointed out that being political strategies with different aims they should be kept differentiated in order to avoid conflict. This result might indicate that people that have been in Amazonia are more aware of the problems of territorial ordering caused by the imposition of regimes based in alien concepts. - For Q3 – on the usefulness of the concepts, none the five respondents arguing that IRs might be better that PAs had been in Amazonia, while one of the two that argued that IRs are ineffective had visited. Only one out of five respondents that argued for the need to integrate the concepts had been in Amazonia, while both those that argued for an incompatibility of interests have. This result seems to confirm that people who have visited the area are more conscious of the problems caused when policies formulated elsewhere are imported to Amazonia. Conclusions All technological adoption/adaptation has diverse effects in the life and development of society. People living within the society that is adopting them, and the outsiders that are analysing cultural change perceive these effects in different ways. The assessments of 'usefulness' or 'risk' a society makes when adapting/adopting technologies are linked to the conscious and subconscious present and future scenarios into which the society places itself alongside other societies. If the rest of the world wishes to respect Amazonian indigenous peoples' rights of self-determination, they should not intervene in ordering processes of indigenous territories. The problem is that indigenous ways of dealing with the world might not be compatible with the ideas that foreigners have with respect to Amazonia, its peoples and its future. And, for good or bad, fairly or unfairly, each group has a way of intervening and exercising a certain amount of power to modify the global political agenda for the governance of Amazonia in function of their own particular interests. Replication of narratives is a common strategy used by all groups aiming to make alliances and enhance their power. However, the responses analysed here seem to indicate that a large group of people (at least from the academic sector) is 32 unhappy with the assumptions behind either populists or hegemonic discourses with respect to rainforest management, and seeking new ways of environmental policy making. This group of people acknowledged that political conflict has derived from policy formulated elsewhere, and derived from an epistemology alien to local inhabitants. There are varied political groups competing for the governance of Amazonia. Information and Communication Technology (ICT) facilitates analysis and political action. It is expected that better-informed indigenous peoples would be in a better position to make decisions with respect to the governance of Amazonia. At the present time, the indigenous peoples of Amazonia have very limited and precarious access to ICT. Thus, their perspectives on territorial ordering are less likely to be represented than those such as conservation agencies, multinational developers, insurgent and mafiosi groups, all of which have far superior access to ICT. 33 Appendix 1 PRIVACY POLICY: Email addresses will be used only to send out materials related to this survey. Aggregate survey results may be distributed, but all personal data will be kept strictly confidential. No information about individual users will be disclosed to third parties. 34 Appendix 2 Summary of Web-site technical work The most demanding work was designing the pages that would contain indigenous territorial maps. CAD versions of the map would have to be transformed into image files suitable for Web use. In order to do this ArcView- GIS (Geographical Information Systems) software was needed. A picture of the map could be easily generated in ArcView-GIS and to certain extent, editing and colouring could enhance some features. But such a map or, more precisely, such a picture of the bi-dimensional representation of the Tukano territory remained inadequate for publication in WebPages. "The pics were to heavy" (I would learn the ICT design jargon), meaning that the memory used to storage, loading and unloading of these pictures was vast. Besides dividing the map and generating pictures of several areas, these pictures needed transforming to make them 'lighter'. This meant that the pictures had to be edited and the storage format had to be changed in terms of the colour pallet and resolution (a maximum of 72 dpi). Most importantly, the pictures should look better! An early version of PhotoImpactTM was used to change the colours and other features as well as to design the icons that would be used to identify the hypertext links between pages. However, the software was not appropriate for the task and the 'pics' were still too heavy. The design was poor, too rigid, with inappropriate colours and, worst of all the 'weight' of the maps would not allow for easy loading of the images by potential users. To change the maps (pics) again, PhotoshopTM was used, while major design transformations were achieved using FireworksTM software. For the actual montage and edition of the whole web-site Dreamweaver3TM was used. A similar process was followed to generate the vegetation map, which was adapted from one of the Amazonian Vegetation maps generated by Puerto Rastrojo. The introduction to a political ecology taking as a case study the Yaigojé Resguardo, was originally a single text (like in the preliminary version) but following the advice of critical reviewers, this page was divided into six parts. 35 Appendix 3 Table 1 Q1- Do you think that 'development' and 'sustainability' are compatible? RESPONSE - ARGUMENT SURVEY No. NVA VA Profession Unquestioning the developmental project 2 1 PhD Student Biology 12 1 Environmental Engineer 13 1 Environmental Engineer 40 1 Project Co-ordinator (SD) Yes, to diminish environmental risk 18 1 Student 21 1 Taxation 23 1 Designer 39 1 Postgraduate Student 42 1 Biologist Sustainable Development is an aim to be 3 1 Epidemiologist reached 5 1 Civil Servant 8 1 Accountant 24 1 Student 25 1 PhD St. Agriculture & Development 29 1 Anthropologist 35 1 Lecturer 37 1 Postgraduate Student 48 1 Anthropologist 51 1 Postgraduate Student Compatible if defined locally 5 1 Civil Servant 20 1 Lecturer: Ecotourism 27 1 Anthropologist 31 1 Postgraduate Student 52 1 Lecturer: IT & Development Possible but risk of economic imperative 17 1 Unemployed Incompatible a) Contradiction in terms 24 1 Student 4 1 PhD St. Environmental genetics b) Financial economic imperative 10 1 Student 19 1 PhD St. Agriculture & Development 34 1 PhD Student: Environmental Manager 47 1 PhD Student SD inconsistent at present time 1 1 Lecturer: Env. Sociology 33 1 PhD Student 36 1 Research Engineer 45 1 EM SD is green rhetoric 7 1 Student 32 1 Teacher 48 1 Anthropologist 36 Table 2 Q2 - Do you think there is any relation between 'indigenous reserves' (IR) and 'protected areas' (PA)? RESPONSE - ARGUMENT SURVEY No. NVA VA Profession Yes 37 1 Postgraduate Student 18 1 Student 22 1 Anthropologist 43 1 Anthropologist 50 1 PhD Student No 15 1 Consultant: Health & Safety Need to harmonise IR and PA to protect a) For (IP) Indigenous Peoples' benefit 19 1 PhD St. Agriculture & Development 20 1 Lecturer: Ecoturism b) Protection of Biodiversity 25 1 PhD St. Agriculture & Development 33 1 PhD Student c) SD based on IP experiences 11 1 Consultant: Rural Development. SD as Utopia 3 1 Epidemiologist 6 1 Lecturer Ecology Env. Management 36 1 Research Engineer 42 1 Biologist IR and PA are different political strategies 2 1 PhD Student - Biologist IR and PA are colonisation strategies 10 1 Student 24 1 Student 26 1 Student Indigenous resistance to IR/PA strategies 48 1 Anthropologist IR and PA overlapped 7 1 Student 34 1 PhD St. Environmental Management 44 1 Postgraduate Student Environmental Indian 23 1 Designer 40 1 Project Co-ordinator (SD) Environmental Indians contaminated 12 1 Environmental Engineer by mestizo culture 39 1 Postgraduate Student 45 1 Environmental Manager IR are Inefficient 35 1 Lecturer 53 1 Journalist IR more effective that PA 5 1 Civil Servant 17 1 Unemployed 37 Table 3 Q3 - Do you think that the concepts of 'protected areas' (PA), 'indigenous reserves' (IR) and SD are useful for environmental management today? RESPONSE - ARGUMENT SURVEY No. NVA VA Profession Depends on the context 1 1 Lecturer: Env. Sociology 2 1 PhD St. Biologist Yes 4 1 PhD St. Env. Genetics 14 1 Economist 22 1 Anthropologist Indigenous Environmental 12 1 Environmental Engineer 23 1 Designer 41 1 PhD Student Indigenous Environmental in contamination risk 45 1 EM Concepts: Principles and instruments a) Participation: IR better than PA 5 1 Civil Servant 6 1 Lecturer Ecology EM 11 1 Consultant: Rural Development RD 26 1 Student 41 1 PhD Student b) Intergenerational Equity: resource reserve 12 1 Environmental Engineer for Development 13 1 Agriculturist 21 1 Taxation 25 1 PhD St. Agriculture & Dvnt. 38 1 Gardener (MSc) Risk and Protection a)Environmental Protection (EP) 12 1 Environmental Engineer 17 1 Unemployed EP and catastrophism 6 1 Lecturer Ecology EM 32 1 Teacher 51 1 Postgraduate Student b) Of cultural diversity 31 1 Postgraduate Student IR as ineffective 10 1 Student 24 1 Student Integration of concepts or the need for it 7 1 Student 11 1 Consultant RD 18 1 Student 26 1 Student 34 1 PhD Student Env. Mgment. Difficulties for integration a) Incompatibility of interests 10 1 Student 40 1 Project co-ordinator (SD) b) Financial economic effectiveness' imperative 25 1 PhD St. Agriculture Devent. 30 1 Postgraduate Student 33 1 PhD Student c) Political manipulation 44 1 Post. St. Environment 46 1 Lecturer 38 47 1 PhD Student 48 1 Anthropologist d) Semiotic blur 24 1 Student 50 1 PhD Student Education: Dynamism of the concepts 37 1 Postgraduate Student 45 1 Environmental Manager 47 1 PhD Student 39 Table 4 Q4 - Should or should not environmental managers (EM) get involved in territorial ordering process in Amazon? RESPONSE - ARGUMENT SURVEY No. NVA VA Profession Yes 4 1 PhD St. Evolutionary Genetics In fact they are 22 1 Anthropologist Unsure 52 1 Lecturer: IT & Development 32 1 Teacher Question into Question 6 1 Lecturer Ecology EM 31 1 Postgraduate St Indigenous Peoples as EM 27 1 Anthropologist Yes, for Env. protection (catastrophism) 32 1 Teacher 33 1 PhD Student 42 1 Biologist Yes, EM are the ones (better able that IP) 12 1 Environmental Engineer 18 1 Student 21 1 Taxation 28 1 Lecturer 34 1 PhD student 36 1 Research Engineer 46 1 Lecturer 53 1 Journalist EM provide solutions/ take decisions 23 1 Designer 35 1 Lecturer 38 1 Gardener Yes but listening to others 5 1 Civil Servant 53 1 Journalist If Indigenous Peoples direct EM or projects 1 1 Lecturer: Env. Sociology 10 1 Student 14 1 Economist 41 1 PhD Student EM have equal rights to other stakeholders 2 1 PhD St. Biology 6 1 Lecturer Ecology EM 7 1 Student 29 1 Anthropologist 44 1 Post. 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