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The essence of democracy is the rule of the sovereign, that is the nation, today understood as all of the state's citizens. At present, the most common type of governance is representative democracy, exercised by representatives elected from the citizens themselves. Therefore, for the proper functioning of liberal democracy it is difficult to find a more important issue than the procedure for the election of those who govern us. The article presents two alternative electoral systems: an alternative voting system (AV) and the system of Single Transferable Vote (STV). ; The essence of democracy is the rule of the sovereign, that is the nation, today understood as all of the state's citizens. At present, the most common type of governance is representative democracy, exercised by representatives elected from the citizens themselves. Therefore, for the proper functioning of liberal democracy it is difficult to find a more important issue than the procedure for the election of those who govern us. The article presents two alternative electoral systems: an alternative voting system (AV) and the system of Single Transferable Vote (STV).

W artykule przedstawiono multimedialną grę dydaktyczną I SPY (poz. A2–B1), przeznaczoną dla młodzieży uczącej się kilku europejskich języków obcych, w tym języka polskiego. Polskojęzyczna wersja gry przygotowywana jest obecnie w ramach projektu edukacyjnego, w którym uczestniczy Uniwersytet Łódzki. W części teoretycznej artykułu gra została ukazana jako narzędzie umożliwiające realizację zasad podejścia ludycznego oraz zadaniowego. W części głównej – analitycznej – skoncentrowano się na określeniu przydatności gry w zakresie skłaniania użytkowników języka do podejmowania działań językowych wynikających z wcześniej postawionych zadań. ; The multimedia educational game I SPY is addressed to the A2–B1 level learners of six European languages: English, Dutch, Spanish, German, Romanian, and Polish. The game was created by the international team with the participation of the University of Łódź School of Polish for Foreigners. The authors of the article, and co-creators of Polish version of the game as well, present the game as an effective tool for realization of the assumptions of the ludic and action-oriented approaches to learning and teaching foreign languages. In the main, analytical, part of the article, the authors concentrate on defining the effectiveness of the game in making learners undertake the linguistic activities in order to perform various tasks set in the game.

Organizing the Voice of Women: A Study of the Polish and Swedish Women's Movements' Adaptation to International Structures, by Eva Karlberg, is reviewed by Kirsti Stuvøy, Associate Professor, Faculty of Landscape and Society, International Environment and Development Studies (Noragric), Norwegian University of Life Sciences (NMBU).

The article contains, preceded by a diagnosis which shows the possibilities of obtaining social support by older people in Poland, conclusions for the ageing policy in terms of forms of satisfying the care needs of seniors. The authors discuss selected results of the Polish national gerontological study PolSenior2, including in particular: family resources of older people, which they can use when they need support, the level of meeting the caring needs of seniors and the care gap. Based on the results of empirical research and the analysis of the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the functioning of care institutions, the authors formulate recommendations regarding the process of deinstitutionalization of care services in Poland. They indicate that the family model of care for older people, which is dominant in our country, is conducive to deinstitutionalization, but this process cannot consist in shifting more and more responsibility onto the family, but in supporting its care function towards seniors with the help of increasingly diverse instruments of public policy.

The Conference on "Recovering Forgotten History" is one of the oldest attempts undertaken in the III Republic to defend Poland's (and East- Central Europe's) image abroad, especially in the US. From 2006, the Conference has organized its seminars, originally bi-annually and now annually, to provide a forum for discussions between the authors of English-language history textbooks and monographs, and Polish historians who review those publications. Arguments are scholarly, grounded in evidence of primary sources and historiography, therefore, they are convincing in combatting Western prejudices and clichés about Poland and East-Central Europe. Additionally, the Conference provides opportunities for sightseeing of Poland's historical places. As a result, the work of the Conference leads not only to the removal of countless mistakes and misinterpretations in the reviewed books but also to a change of guests' attitudes toward this part of Europe. For the most part, they are academic teachers, who can also influence students through their classes. The Conference achieves all of this while having very modest means at its disposal.

The objective of the research was to assess video games related to the Russian-Ukrainian war and categorise them as media tools. The study revealed that computer games are a distinctive and practical medium for journalism. They help to dismantle the opposing side's narratives and disseminate information globally about the situation in Ukraine. Video games can help Ukrainian society convey to the world the consequences of Russian aggression.

The South-East European Cooperation Process (SEECP) was launched in 1996, however, its functioning is an ongoing research phenomenon. This regional cooperation format includes all 13 states of South-East Europe. It was established as a forum of political dialogue and consultation, where regional issues could be addressed at the highest level. One of the objectives of the SEECP was security cooperation. The aim of this article is to analyse the role of the SEECP in maintaining security in the region of the Western Balkans. This article argues that since 1996, the SEECP has been evolving and is becoming an important format of regional cooperation in South East Europe, however, it plays a limited role in maintaining the military security of the post-conflict states of the Western Balkans. From the point of view of the members of the SEECP, military security and peace could be obtained through the integration of the participants of the SEECP, in particular those located in the Western Balkans, with the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The article also shows that establishing the SEECP did not eliminate tensions and riots based on ethnicity in some states of the Western Balkans and so, the SEECP still has a lot to do in the matters of reconciliation and good-neighbourliness. The article is based on primary and secondary source analysis, case study method comparative analysis, and the historical method.

Celem artykułu jest ustalenie, czy wielkość miejscowości zamieszkania ma wpływ na deklaracje odnoszące się do wyróżnionych wartości związanych z rodziną, które w istotny sposób orientują działanie człowieka i tym samym tworzą zasady życia społecznego. Tekst napisano w oparciu o wtórną analizę danych statystycznych na podstawie zintegrowanego zbioru danych European Value Study/World Value Survey 2017-2021. Rezultaty badania wskazują, że różnice istotne statystycznie pomiędzy wielkością miejscowości pojawiły się w przypadku wszystkich zmiennych dotyczących rodzicielstwa. Mieszkańcy mniejszych miejscowości okazywali się bardziej konserwatywni. Zależność istotna statystycznie nie wystąpiła w przypadku deklaracji dotyczącej zaufania do rodziny. W przypadku niektórych odpowiedzi odnoszących się do postrzegania ról płciowych pojawiły się również istotne statystycznie różnice pomiędzy mieszkańcami mniejszych i większych miejscowości. Wartości i normy są inne w zależności od kultury, w której się wychowujemy. Kontrola społeczna jest silniejsza w mniejszych miejscowościach, tam bowiem trudniej pozostać anonimowym. Badanie potwierdziło, że wielkość miejscowości zamieszkania w wielu przypadkach istotnie statystycznie różnicuje wartości Polaków związane z rodziną i właśnie mieszkańcy mniejszych miejscowości częściej okazywali się przywiązani do koncepcji bardziej tradycyjnych, konserwatywnych.

The aim of the paper is to scrutinize activities related to the commemoration of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky. There were three main goals of the research. The first one was to identify the most important actors of the commemorative activities. The second goal was to reconstruct the strategies applied by these agents. Thirdly, this research aimed to consider current processes in the Ukrainian political system. In particular, the question was what we can know about the evolution of these commemorative activities after the Euromaidan based on relations between different agents in the mnemonic field. Special emphasis was placed on Sheptytsky's attitude during the Holocaust and on the impact of this topic on the commemorative activities. As a theoretical framework of the research, Jan Kubik and Michael Bernhard's theory of the politics of memory was applied. The research enabled verification of some elements of Kubik and Bernhard's concept. Inter alia it was an issue of a set of presumptions regarding interrelations between strategies applied by mnemonic actors, the structure of mnemonic regime, and prospects for democratization of a political system.

Youth policy, understood as youth activity and policy for youth,has been developing in the Baltic Sea region for many years. It takes placeon many levels of Baltic cooperation; therefore, this article uses the theory ofmulti-level governance for the analysis. There are some differences in youthpolicy between the communities of the Baltic Sea Region countries. This articleaims to analyse the participation of young people from the regions ofLithuania, Latvia, Poland, and Estonia in the BSR youth policy, based on theexample of the Youth Working Group of the "Baltic Sea States SubregionalCo-operation". The main part of the article is an analysis of interviews withyouth coordinators of "Baltic Sea States Subregional Co-operation" from selectedcountries. During the study, 5 interviews were conducted, and, thanksto these interviews, the author has made interesting observations on the differencesin involvement of young people from Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, andPoland. They indicated, inter alia, disproportional access to participation in thework of the Youth Working Group "Baltic Sea States Subregional Co-operation"between Estonia and Poland, and Lithuania and Latvia. The results clearlyshow that young people from Polish regions have the greatest opportunitiesto shape youth policy in the Baltic Sea Region.