Suchergebnisse

The last years of World War II have brought, per ensemble, complex problems for the "Regele Ferdinand I" University, which, after the Vienna Treaty of 1940, has been functioning in exile from Sibiu and Timişoara. From 1944 the model of the modern University of Cluj was brutally converted to an instrument of propaganda for a communist ideology, far fetched from its original nationalistic vocation. The period of transition from democracy to totalitarianism, 1944-1947, was marked by a series of events such as: the beginning of the process of politicization within the University of Cluj, the problems related to the foundation of "Bolyai" University, the return in 1945 of the University to its original sight from Cluj, the students strikes in January-June 1946, the university repression generally speaking, and particularly the repressions of students, and, last but not least, the debates of the University Senate concerning the politicization of the academic environment and the dismissal of some "compromised" members of the teaching staff. After 1944, the communists were interested in eliminating all political rivals, therefore the dismissal threats, followed by the contractions within the Departments of the University of Cluj, became a cruel reality between 1944-1948. Like all the other Romanian universities, the Cluj University began compiling "expurgation" dossiers for the so called "fascist" university professors, and substituting the old rectors and deans with new ones from amongst those who had adapted to the "new age". The public stand of the academics has gradually declined after 1944, when their life and activity has been brought to challenge, the changing values after March 1945 favouring the devotion towards the new regime, and praising less and less the academic fulfilment. On the background of "democratic" reforms, the new regime authorities have intensified the brutal isolation, especially of scholars among which a great number of university professors, by means of massive arrests. The most invoked reasons were: denigration of the power of the state, opposition to the construction of socialism, or the need to re-educate the "hostile" elements from within the Popular Republic of Romania.

This study depicts the biography of a young communist (Ion Călin) who volunteered for the International Brigades in Spain, and thus it features - within the historiography of the topic -
the destinies of the antifascist Romanian combatants. Since the vast majority of these combatants was composed of members and supporters of PCdR, the regime of popular democracy honored
and glorified them after March 6, 1945, in the same vein as those Communist inlanders who were
repressed by the "bourgeois regime". The Romanian Communists who fought in the French Resistance received a similar follow-up. After 1989, the names of the Romanian volunteers who had joined the Spanish Republicans' cause went in the shadow due to their political affiliation to a party utterly compromised in the eye of the public.
This study also deals with a broader context, including international politics, the reasons
behind such an enthusiasm binding young people to go abroad to a front at over 2.000 km, the social
strata they derived from, PCdR's efforts to organize and send combatants across the borders, Ion Călin's clandestine journey to the Iberian peninsula (via Czechoslovakia, Austria, Switzerland, or France), as well as aspects and details of the fights of which he was a part of during the war.

This study depicts the biography of a young communist (Ion Călin) who volunteered for the International Brigades in Spain, and thus it features – within the historiography of the topic – the destinies of the antifascist Romanian combatants. Since the vast majority of these combatants was composed of members and supporters of PCdR, the regime of popular democracy honored and glorified them after March 6, 1945, in the same vein as those Communist inlanders who were repressed by the "bourgeois regime". The Romanian Communists who fought in the French Resistance received a similar treatment. After 1989, the names of the Romanian volunteers who had joined the cause of the Spanish Republicans went in the shadow due to their political affiliation to a party utterly compromised in the eye of the public. This study also deals with a broader context, including international politics, the reasons behind such an enthusiasm binding young people to go abroad to a front at over 2.000 km, the social strata they derived from, PCdR's efforts to organize and send combatants across the borders, Ion Călin's clandestine journey to the Iberian peninsula (via Czechoslovakia, Austria, Switzerland and France), as well as details of the fights of which he was a part of during the war.

In the article the author tackles a contemporary issue that is important for institutional strengthening of the Republic of Moldova. Developing a mechanism for efficient interaction of institutions of state power with political parties, ruling ones and in opposition, with the groups of interests, especially those institutional and associative, represents a strategic objective for the Republic of Moldova. Assessing institutions with "rules of the game", the contemporary political science updates the significance of the Constitution for organisation and good unfolding of the political process, for ensuring stability and at the same time dynamism of the socio-political system. The conclusions of the investigation of complex issues like dynamic political processes, functionality of political institutions in conditions of instability / political crisis, contain an educational, instructive message, important for the political actors of the Moldovan society.

In this paper, we analyze the role and functions of the socialist enterprise, a place in which the interaction between power and society is strongly emphasized. Focusing on the last decade of communist rule, we have chosen as a case study an enterprise created in the late 70's: the Călăraşi Integrated Iron and Steel Works. We were interested in how the Romanian Communist Party was organized inside the enterprise and the duties of party organizations. Recruiting new party members, mobilizing workers were only two of the party organizations tasks within enterprises. These topics were, in many occasions, the focus points of the Party organizations reports. An important part of this study was devoted to activities organized within the socialist enterprise. Socialist emulation, cultural and artistic activities, sports occupied a central place in everyday life of the industrial workers. Especially in the last decade of communist domination, any event is a cause for celebration, this phenomenon being in contrast to the austerity imposed by the regime. In communist Romania, the socialist enterprise was, above all, one of the most important places of propaganda, domination and control.

The study presents statistics showing that half of the managers who came in leading positions have no education in the field, no readings management. The need for training and consultancy is very high, but people will not allocate money for their education.

The jurisdiction regulation applicable in the EU Member States has the vocation to
govern all civil and commercial legal matters, in the absence of express limitations provided in
its content. In addition to the general rule establishing the jurisdiction to settle a specific case
with internationality elements in favor of the courts of the defendant's domicile, the
Regulation also sets out a number of other special provisions, including, among others,
litigation arising out of consumer contracts. Special rules of jurisdiction have been set out in
this matter, in order to protect the consumer, who is considered the weaker part of the contract
from an economic and informational point of view. Exceptions to these special jurisdictional
rules have been also provided, given the significantly closer balance found in certain contracts
between the rights and obligations of the signatory parties, professional (economic operator)
and consumer.
This article aims to address the issue of the derogation from the special rules of
competence established in favor of consumers and, in particular, the interplay between these
derogations and the Directive on unfair terms in consumer contracts.

In the conservative imaginary, at least in the cases of Constantin N. Brăiloiu and Alexandru N. Lahovary, France was not deemed a functioning political model (i.e., a political or constitutional regime) that Romania should have followed. Compared with the English political model (or rather with the Anglo-Saxon one, since the reference sometimes included the United States of America) and with the Belgian regime, France was certainly a less favoured option. However, without exception and despite all discursive artifice, in the perspective of these two politicians, who were evidently Francophile, both by education and by cultural affinities, France undeniably remained a landmark of civilization or administrative and economic efficiency, and sometimes a beacon of legal inspiration. It must be said that the latter perception was in no way related to Constantin N. Brăiloiu and Alexandru N. Lahovary's conservative convictions. It was commonplace in the local cultural imaginary, which, regardless of one's political, social or cultural affiliation, repeated the encomiastic mantra dedicated to imperial France, to whom the Romanians were convinced that they owed the existence of their nation. In fact, one should not overlook another typical belief of this political imaginary, which is illustrated in our case by Alexandru N. Lahovary: the Romanian politicians were persuaded that the ideals included in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen were exclusively due to the France of 1789.

The article examines the evolution of inter-party mobility in the post-communist Romanian Parliament, confirming that the practice has been a constant phenomenon, growing continuously after 1992. Political mobility is analysed from a double perspective, that of political representation and that of political parties. The case study on the 2008-2012 legislature reveals that beyond the quantitative aspect, the mobility of MPs became a real factor of instability, changing the majority in the Parliament and, as such, triggering the government's dismissal. Deputies and senators changing party affiliation produced, for the first time after the fall of the communist regime, an alternation of power between elections.

The paper analyzes the dynamics of electoral participation and its predictors in Romania, using both official data on turnout and post-electoral survey data. The turnout in the Romanian parliamentary elections has declined by over
50% in the last 20 years of democratic reconstruction. However, turnout decline is
unevenly distributed, being more dramatic in the last decade especially in the urban
areas as well as among younger cohorts of voters. The decline of turnout in parliamentary elections is also accompanied by a shift in the importance of the predictors of voting. The analyses of electoral participation and its predictors
suggest that voting in the Romanian parliamentary elections has become the attribute of a minority of citizens who still feel closer to a political party, are interested in politics, trust the political institutions and leaders, ideologically place themselves at the extremes of the left-right axis, and of those who are more exposed to mobilization attempts both because they live in smaller communities in the rural areas which are more easily controlled by local political leaders and because they are part of social networks that are influenced by political parties or politicians.
This is the "hard core" of a generally apathetic electorate which is unconfident in the efficacy of elections as a tool for producing social transformations, a public which is becoming less and less demanding with the politicians after the subsequent disappointments with the democratic governance after 1989.

The paper presents the theories of 195 great specialists in the field of organizations, the selection being made according to several criteria: originality of ideas and style, academic recognition and applicability. They are sociologists, psychologists, economists, management experts, engineers, philosophers, political scientists, historians, journalists, lawyers, but all have enjoyed a professional fame that has crossed the borders of their country. Their multiple specializations have enriched the field of organizations, and the dynamic, high, engaging style has made them enter global university circuits. Managers understood thanks to them that for the development of their institutions they have to work closely with specialists to increase their visibility, to impose a good strategy and for the well-being of themselves, employees and society.