Autorica u tekstu polazi od premise da je politički subjekt neoliberalizma, vladajuće političke racionalnosti, individua koja se može okarakterizirati kao isključivi i nepodijeljeni posjednik samog sebe. Preispitivanjem tropa ne/ovisnosti razlažu se pretpostavke koje su uključene u pojam individue, a potom se, analizom konteksta njegove upotrebe u 19. stoljeću, pokazuje da je on bremenit genealogijama koje ograničavaju njegovu političku upotrebljivost u 21. stoljeću. Misliti protiv neoliberalizma zahtijeva napuštanje ideje individue kao suverenog vlasnika koji vlada sobom. Promišljanje alternativnog političkog horizonta, traganje za homo politicus-om koji se uistinu razlikuje od homo oeconomicus-a, iziskuje napuštanje političkog mišljenja koje polazi od pojedinca. ; The text is based on two premises. The first is that we live in the times of neoliberalism, and the second is that the political subject of neoliberalism is the individual, the "one" qualified as indivisible, independent, sole owner of one's self. To define what an individual is, I will revisit several 19th-century claims which at the same time posit individual as an empty universal – anyone qualifies for entitlement of an individual – and reveal it as profoundly exclusionary – as the holder of entitlements. I will claim that the indivisibility of an individual is also the basis for its understanding as sovereign and self-actualized. Liberal politicization of a sovereign possessor of interests introduces not only homo oeconomicus, but it also integrates economic mode of governmentality into the sphere of the political, it becoming a space of incessant play of exclusions and inclusions. If another kind of political imaginary is to be developed, I argue we need to distance ourselves from the figure of the individual, bearing in mind that homo oeconomicus triumphs today as the exhaustive figure of the human, amidst the patently unequal distribution not only of precarity but also of vulnerability. Critical engagement with neoliberalism assumes engaging with the political centrality of a figure of an agentic individual.
Cilj je rada uputiti na jezične i figuralne mogućnosti koje je iskoristio Ivan Slamnig u pisanju pjesama, s posebnim osvrtom na manipulacije lirskim subjektom. Umjesto da se lirski subjekt proglašava maskom pjesnika Slamniga, kakvim jedinstvenim fikcionalnim humanoidnim govornikom koji u sebi objedinjuje sve manifestacije lirskog subjekta ili pak kodiranim lirskim govorim o izvanjezičnoj (autorovoj, političkoj, kulturnoj itd.) zbilji, ta se analitička kategorija promatra kao figura, učinak jezika. Na podlozi duge lirske tradicije iskazivanja iz pozicije ja, Slamnigovi razni tipovi lirskoga govora i/ili gledanja izazivaju humorističan učinak, potvrđujući takvim "upadom" u pravilan niz Slamnigovih pjesničkih prethodnika da je sâmi niz poredak s pukotinama. Potonja se tvrdnja oslanja na psihoanalitičku argumentaciju Alenke Zupančič, dok teza o dezintegraciji iskazivačkog jastva kod Slamniga ima dva argumentacijska uporišta: s jedne strane, citatna teorija performativa Judith Butler naglasak stavlja na ponovljivost i kontingenciju svakoga govornog čina; s druge strane, polifonijska teorija iskazivanja Oswalda Ducrota luči empirijskog autora, govornika i iskazivača, sugerirajući da je svakom jezičnom iskazu imanentna polifonija. ; In this paper, the lyric subject of the Croatian poet Ivan Slamnig is analyzed with an underlining idea that his modernist poetics is characterized by disintegration of the enunciating self. This premise goes agianst the grain of dominant and/or more traditional approaches to Slamnig's poetry, which have shared the assumption that the enounced of the poem has more value or authority in determining the meaning of the poem. This reductionist view has taken two distinct forms (albeit not different in kind): the lyric subject is either a human-like fictional speaker or a mask taken on by the author. Relying on the performative citational theory of Judith Butler and polyphonic theory of enunciation of Oswald Ducrot, the author demonstrates how the lyric subject is being subverted both on the levels of enunciation and the enounced. The enounced is always-already framed or produced by its enunciation. The split within the lyric subject itself, in most cases achieved by humor, reveals the purported anthropomorphic enunciating instance to be an effect of the poem, rather than the mask of its poet, or a single unique fictional character, or a secret codified speech on contextual reality. Psychoanalytic perspective of Alenka Zupančič is in this sense particularly instructive since it explains how humor breaks the illusion of wholeness and uniqness of the Symbolic order. By inserting an "odd-one" in the tradition of lyric subjects, i.e. a volatile subject with crazy-making or drunken behaviour, or an infantile observer and/or an invalidated speaking subject in any other way, shape or form – Slamnig demonstrated how this analytical category is being speech-produced, rather than speech-producing. The latter corresponds to Austin's speech act theory main idea – that language is performative, rather than constative, which is crucial for understanding how Slamnig's poetry performs within what has received from without.
The paper explores the strategic aim (purpose) as the main determinant of Croatian language teaching theory and practice. The research aimed to establish how strategic aims were embedded in high school curricula for the Croatian language from the 1970s to the 2020s and the extent to which they were related to teaching efficiency. Based on the literature and reflection on personal teaching practice, criteria for evaluating the strategic aim of the subject Croatian language were established. The high school curricula for the subject Croatian language from 1974, 1984, versions of the curriculum from 1990 to 1995, followed by the version from 2003 and, finally, the 2019 Croatian language Curriculum were analyzed, classified, compared and evaluated. The hypothesis that high school curricula for the subject Croatian language from the 1970s to the 2020s have not set the provision of purpose in a quality manner was confirmed. Not one of the mentioned documents met all of the criteria for defining purpose. During the socialist era, the essence of the subject was suppressed, whereas in democratic Croatia the curricula improved with respect to defining the purpose. This trend, however, was stopped with the Curriculum. ; Rad se bavi proučavanjem strateškoga cilja (svrhe) kao glavne odrednice nastavne teorije i prakse Hrvatskoga jezika. Cilj proučavanja bio je utvrditi kako su u srednjoškolskim planovima i programima Hrvatskoga jezika od 70-ih g. XX. st. do 2020. g. postavljeni strateški ciljevi i u kojoj su mjeri bili povezani s učinkovitošću nastave. Na temelju literature i refleksije osobne nastavne prakse utvrđeni su kriteriji vrednovanja strateškoga cilja Hrvatskoga jezika. Analizirani su, klasificirani, uspoređeni i vrednovani srednjoškolski planovi i programi Hrvatskoga jezika iz 1974., 1984., programske inačice od 1990. do 1995., potom ona iz 2003. g. i Kurikulum Hrvatskoga jezika iz 2019. godine. Potvrđena je hipoteza da u srednjoškolskim planovima i programima Hrvatskoga jezika od sedamdesetih godina XX. st. do ...
Ovaj se rad bavi jezičnom politikom i društvenim promjenama koje su se dogodile u Hrvatskoj za vrijeme i nakon rata koji je trajao od 1991. do 1995. godine. Počinjem opisom povijesne pozadine, rata i devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća, koje je obilježila velika količina jezičnog purizma i preskriptivizma u Hrvatskoj te stvaranje postjugoslavenskih država u kojima je pripadanje naciji predstavljalo ključ za definiranje državljanstva. Istraživanjem odnosa između promjena u jezičnom i društvenom poretku, problematiziram više tema. Tvrdim da je zakonski okvir prava manjinskog jezika osnažio i legitimizirao nacionalistički imaginarij, stvarajući daljnje društvene podjele i učvršćujući hijerarhije koje među nacionalnim kategorijama promoviraju određeni nacionalisti. Iz tog razloga, tvrdim da nekritičko odobravanje ili promoviranje lingvističke različitosti mogu biti opasni. Nadalje, u aktivističko-antropološkom smislu, razlažem moguće razloge zbog kojih su znanstvenici društvenih i humanističkih znanosti rijetko sudjelovali u sociolingvističkim raspravama koje se tiču novog hrvatskog standardnog jezika. Tvrdim da bi takvim raspravama u znatnoj mjeri doprinijelo sudjelovanje znanstvenika humanističkih i društvenih znanosti, jer bi se stvorila veza između sociolingvistike i ostalih grana humanističkih i društvenih znanosti te bi se tako odmaknuli od, prema mojem sudu problematične, politike usredotočene na "identitet". ; This paper focuses on language policy and social changes which have taken place in Croatia during and since the 1991-5 war. I first describe the historical background, the war and the nineties being marked by excesses of linguistic purism and prescriptivism, alongside the formation of post-Yugoslav states in which national belonging was key to defining citizenship. Through examining the relationship between changing linguistic and social orders, I raise a number of issues for discussion. I argue that the legal framework of minority language rights has consolidated and legitimated a nationalist imaginary, increasing social divisions and reinforcing hierarchies asserted by some nationalists between national categories. For this reason, I suggest that the uncritical endorsement of or promotion of linguistic diversity can be dangerous. Second, in an activist-anthropological vein, I discuss possible reasons why academics trained in the social sciences and humanities have rarely participated in sociolinguistic debates concerning the new Croatian standard. I suggest such discussions could greatly benefit from interventions by social scientists, so as to bring sociolinguistics into contact with other strands of the social sciences and humanities and move away from what I believe to be a problematic policy focus on "identity".
U ovom članku razmatra se odnos između umnog mišljenja i umnog djelovanja, filozofije i politike, u perspektivi u kojoj se taj odnos, ako je pravilno shvaćen, pokazuje kao odlučujući i za proces repolitizacije koji se, kako izgleda, nameće kao neodložna obaveza našeg vremena. Nastoji se pokazati da je starogrčko iskustvo razumijevanja filozofije i politike, transformirano u moderni na određen način, mjerodavno i za suvremenu emancipaciju na- šeg umnog života. A u tom sklopu umnog života, pokazuje se da mišljenje uvijek predstavlja i jedan politički čin, a politika, sa svoje strane, uvijek iznosi (i) specifično mišljenje. ; This paper discusses the relationship between rational thought and rational action, between philosophy and politics, in a perspective in which this relationship, if properly understood, turns out to be decisive for the repoliticisation process that seems to impose itself as an urgent obligation of our time. It will be shown that the ancient Greek experience of understanding philosophy and politics, transformed in modernity in a certain way, is also relevant to the contemporary emancipation of our rational life. And in this context of rational life, it is shown that thought is always a political act and politics, in turn, always presents specific thought.
U ovom se radu govori o međunarodnopravnom subjektivitetu Bosne i Hercegovine, u pravom smislu riječi. Priznanje državnosti od Ujedinjenih naroda sada već davne 1992. godine, članstvo u velikom broju međunarodnih organizacija, bezbroj programa jačanja institucionalnih kapaciteta, izdašna materijalna i nematerijalna međunarodna pomoć u svim segmentima društva, kao i svi pozitivni društveno-političko-ekonomski procesi implementirani od Daytona do danas nisu rezultirali odgovarajućim pozicioniranjem Bosne i Hercegovine u međunarodnim odnosima, u prvom redu među zemljama jugoistočne Europe. Budući da je taj subjektivitet izuzetno ograničen ili dugoročno neproduktivan, kada se radi o odnosima u regiji, uloga na ''većoj'' međunarodnoj sceni je zanemariva i time se nećemo baviti. Takva pozicija dolazi kao posljedica izuzetno složene unutarnje strukture Bosne i Hercegovine i odnosa između bosanskohercegovačkih političkih subjekata. Geopolitika je prema riječima ''oca geopolitike'' Rudolfa Kjellena praktičan i realističan pristup međunarodnoj politici gdje se poseban naglasak stavlja na ulogu koju za državu imaju teritorij i resursi. Ako ulogu koju neka država može imati u međunarodnoj politici determiniraju njezini resursi, kako to tumači Kjellen, onda Bosna i Hercegovina ima odlične predispozicije da postane važan ''igrač'' prije svega na prostoru jugoistočne Europe, ali i šire. Stvarnost je ipak malo drugačija. ; This paper deals with the international legal subjectivity of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the true sense of the word. Recognition of statehood by the United Nations back in 1992, membership in a large number of international organizations, countless programs of institutional capacity building, generous material and immaterial international assistance in all segments of society, as well as all positive socio-political-economic processes implemented from Dayton until today did not result in an appropriate positioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina when it comes to international relations primarily among Southeast European countries. Since this subjectivity is exceptionally limited or long-term unproductive when it comes to relations in the region, the role on the "bigger" international scene is negligible and we will not deal with it. This position comes as a result of the extremely complex internal structure and the relations between political parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to Rudolf Kjellen's "father of geopolitics", Geopolitics is a practical and realistic approach to international politics, where special emphasis is placed on the role of territory and resources for each state. If the position of state in international relations is determined by its resources as Kjellen explains, then Bosnia and Herzegovina has a great predisposition to become an important player, especially in the region of Southeast Europe and beyond. Reality is, however, a bit different.
In contrast with earlier formulations of Hobbes' science of politics, the theory of sovereignty in Leviathan is expounded on a completely new legal basis. It is the theory of authorization, whereby the fundamental political relation between sovereign & subject is conceived as a representative relation. This work shows that, up to Leviathan & within the conceptual framework of state theory, sovereignty was defined as might & authority, but not as power. The missing element was legal substance, without which both might & authority are insufficient to make possible permanent abandonment of the natural condition. The theory of authorization is precisely the solution to the problem of constituting the state as a single legal person interconnecting the sovereign & the subjects. At the core of the theory lies the concept of person, which covers various modalities of the representative-represented relation. It is through the concept of artificial person that Hobbes shows in what way the disconnected multitude of individuals can be transformed into an operative political unity. This comes about as a result of the sovereign being given authorization by future subjects, who pledge to accept his will as their own in matters related to preservation of peace. Thus they can be legally treated as a single legal person, to which the will of the sovereign is ascribed as its own will. By accepting the will of the sovereign -- the artificial person of their representative -- as their own, the subjects themselves become an artificial person: the state. Adapted from the source document.
U radu se razmatra odnos spolnog i jezičnog te njihov međusobni utjecaj unutar područja političke filozofije, lingvistike i teorije teksta, u pojedinim djelima Adriane Cavarero. Najprije se polazi od spoznaja poststrukturalističke teorije teksta, psihoanalitičkog feminizma i psiholingvistike, koje se potom proširuju rezultatima iz područja političke filozofije, s posebnim naglaskom na antičke tekstove. Analizom odabranih ulomaka Cavarerina opusa otvorit će se pitanje odnosa rodnog, spolnog i tekstualnog. Na temelju kritičkog čitanja Cavarerinih djela, teorijske literature i rezultata analize polaznih i ciljnih tekstova, donijet će se zaključak o utjecaju spolnosti na jezik i kulturu, odnosno o utjecaju jezika i kulturnih simbola na društvene i rodne uloge. ; The paper examines the relationship between the sexual and linguistic and their mutual influence within the fields of political philosophy, linguistics, and theory of text, in selection from Adriana Cavarero's work. First, we begin from the knowledge of poststructuralist text theory, psychoanalytic feminism and psycholinguistics, which are later expanded with the results from political philosophy with special emphasis on ancient texts. Cavarero's texts are being analysed to describe the features through which the relationship between gender, sex and text is established. Through a critical exploration of Cavarero's texts and previous theoretical discussions and the analysis results, a conclusion about the influence of the sexual on language and culture and the influence of language and cultural symbols on social and gender roles is reached.
The article distinguishes two ways in which Heidegger can be a subject of research. In one type of research, he is a historical figure of political events, & as such a subject of history as a science. Such research has to satisfy the scientific criteria of historiographical method regardless of how critically it treats its subject. In the second type, the subject are Heidegger's work & the philosophical motives of his political involvement at the start of the Nazi regime in 1933/34. An analysis has in both cases come up with some sloppy scientific procedures & shown that frequently the a priori assumptions get the upper hand, & tend to lean in favour of proving his guilt. A brief introductory overview of the debate is followed by a concise historical outline of the stages in this controversy, & then by an excursus about the essence of the scientific method, & finally by a critical review of the works of some historians which serves the author to demonstrate how it is possible for research to get off the right track when not respecting the criteria & the standards of the scientific method. The second part focuses on the question of the interpretation of the relationship between philosophy & political activism. The thesis (with critical references to some recent ideas by Fried, Kisiel, Thoma) is that the philosophical motives of Heidegger's "leap" into politics should primarily be sought in the methodological dimensions of his work, primarily in those linked to the problems of grounding, & not so much in certain notional concordances of his categories with the Nazi terminology & concepts. 54 References. Adapted from the source document.
In Hobbes' Theory of Authorization I it was shown how Hobbes, by means of his theory of authorization, managed to resolve the difficult points which, in the previous formulations of his science of politics, weighed on the issue of creation of the state conceived as a doubly impersonal apparatus relying on the representative relation between the sovereign & the subjects. In this text the author re-examines both the approach & the conclusion of his research through critical inquiry into Quentin Skinner's & Hanna Pitkin's interpretations of Hobbes' understanding of representation. In his recent works, Skinner attempted to demonstrate that it had to be interpreted, above all, as an instrument in the ideological conflict between the republicans & the monarchists in England in Hobbes' time. Hanna Pitkin, in turn, brought into question the representative character of sovereign power. As opposed to both of them, the author expounds the thesis that, in order to be understood properly, the theory of authorization must be examined within the more comprehensive framework of Hobbes' science of politics & thus brought in connection with other important elements of its problem-matter, such as the right to punish, the relation between the sovereign's rights & the subjects' freedom, & the duties of the sovereign. By interpreting the theory of authorization primarily as part of a system which is conditioned by & co-formative of the logic of the study as a whole, this text strives to show that the authorization-based relation between the sovereign & the subjects, in spite of the fact that one-sided authorization on the part of the subjects established a sovereign who has no legal obligations to them, is indeed determined by the logic of representation. Adapted from the source document.
Zbog svoje prostorne zaokruženosti i odvojenosti od kopna, otoci su na neki način zasebni i autonomni svjetovi, ali su istovremeno i mjesta susreta mnogobrojnih migracijskih ruta životinja i ljudi. Dijalektičko shvaćanje otočnosti koje proizlazi iz sažimanja predodžbe o otoku kao izoliranom svijetu i otoku kao dinamičnom čvorištu omogućava adekvatnije razumijevanje odnosa otoka i migracija (tj. otočana i migranata) u kontekstu (post)nacionalnih teritorijalnih sustava i globaliziranog tržišta. K tome, dijalektičko rekodiranje pojma otočnosti može pomoći stanovnicima otoka na putu prema istinskoj političkoj emancipaciji, a ujedno poslužiti i kao model društvenog organiziranja u eri obilježenoj čestim i masovnim ograđivanjima (engl. enclosures) i protjerivanjima (engl. expulsions), u kojoj nas sve veći broj postaje nekom vrstom otočana i izbjeglica. ; Owing to their spatial enclosure and detachment from the mainland, islands may be considered as separate and autonomous worlds, yet they are also intersection points of various migration routes, human and animal alike. A dialectical understanding of insularity, as a result of merging the image of the island as an isolated world and the island as a dynamic node, offers a more adequate insight into the relationship between islands and migrations (i.e. between islanders and migrants) in the context of (post)national territorial systems and the globalized market. Moreover, a dialectical re-coding of the idea of insularity may help the inhabitants of islands on their way towards genuine political emancipation, as well as serve as a model of social organizing in an age marked by frequent and massive enclosures and expulsions, in which an increasing number of us is turning into a sort of islanders and refugees.
U hrvatskome školskom sustavu dogodilo se da je "najstariji" školski predmet, onaj s najduljom školskom tradicijom, postao najmlađi. Konfesionalni katolički vjeronauk, naime, vraćen je u hrvatsku školu školske godine 1991/92, punih 40-ak godina nakon nasilnog isključenja 1952. godine. Stoga ne čudi što i sam taj predmet, odnosno Katolička crkva u Hrvata, permanentno i danas, promišlja profil i suvremeni kurikulum vjeronauka u školi, što su još uvijek interna crkvena motrišta i danas divergentna glede toga predmeta – od tvrdnji da mu je mjesto u crkvenom dvorištu pa sve do ushita što je ponovno vraćen u hrvatski školski sustav, u kojemu treba biti temeljni odgojni predmet. Nasuprot tome, na profanom području, čak i onom pedagoškome, nerijetko se dovodi u pitanje potreba i opravdanost uvođenja tog predmeta u školski sustav, ili ga se podcjenjuje, marginalizirajući ga i prepuštajući potpuno crkvenim institucijama kako bi se izbjegla svaka odgovornost, ili ga pak uspoređujući s nastavom marksizma iz prošlih vremena. U ovom radu nastoje se usustaviti neke znanstvene pretpostavke za kvalitetnije razumijevanje i daljnji razvoj vjeronauka u školi te upozoriti na njegovu teološko-pedagošku utemeljenost; njegov profil u nacionalnim školskim sustavima zemalja Europske unije; prikazati nezaobilazni doprinos toga predmeta cjelovitom odgoju u nas, što je osobito razvidno iz pedagogijskog istraživanja provedenoga na nacionalnom planu glede toga predmeta (ovo je prvo parcijalno objavljivanje tih rezultata) te naznačiti aktualne i moguće razloge krize i(li) suvremenih izazova tom predmetu. ; In the Croatian educational system it has happened that the "oldest" school subject, the one with the longest educational tradition, has become the most recent. The confessional Catholic religious instruction was returned to Croatian school in the school year 1991/92, forty years after its forced removal in 1952. Therefore, it is not surprising that Croatian Catholic Church has permanently considered the profile and contemporary curriculum of "religious instruction in school". Internal church views are even today divergent regarding that subject – ranging from claims that its place is "in the church courtyard" to the elation because of its return to the Croatian school system in which it should represent a basic pedagogic subject. On the other side, in the profane area, even the educational one, the need and justification of including that subject into the school system is frequently questioned, or it is being underrated, marginalized and left completely to the Church institutions to avoid any possible responsibility, or compared to the subject of Marxism from the past times. This article tends to systematize some scientific premises for better understanding and further development of "religious instruction in school"; to show its theological-educational foundation; to present its profile in the national school systems in the European Union countries; to document the obvious contribution of this subject to the integral education in Croatia, which is especially evident from the national educational survey, (partially) presented here for the first time; and to point out the actual and possible reasons for crisis and/or contemporary challenges for this subject. ; Im kroatischen Schulsystem kam es dazu, dass das "älteste" Schulfach, jenes mit der längsten Schultradition, zum jüngsten Schulfach wurde. Der konfessionelle katholische Religionsunterricht wurde nämlich an den kroatischen Schulen erst im Schuljahr 1991/92 wieder eingeführt, sogar 40 Jahre nachdem er im Jahre 1952 gewaltsam aus dem Lehrplan gestrichen wurde. Deswegen ist es nicht verwunderlich, dass die Fachdidaktiker bzw. die Katholische Kirche unter den Kroaten permanent über das Profil und Curriculum des "schulischen Religionsunterrichts" nachdenken und dass interne kirchliche Standpunkte hinsichtlich dieses Schulfaches noch immer weit auseinnandergehen – von Behauptungen, dass der Religionsunterricht in den "Kirchenhof " gehört bis zur Begeisterung darüber, dass er wieder seinen Platz im kroatischen Schulsystem gefunden hatte, wo er das grundlegende Erziehungsfach darstellen sollte. Andererseits werden auf der weltlichen Seite, sogar unter den Pädagogen Stimmen laut, die oft den Sinn und die Notwendigkeit einer Wiedereinführung dieses Faches in das kroatische Schulsystem in Frage stellen, oder dessen Bedeutung unterschätzen, indem sie es marginalisieren und vollständig den kirchlichen Institutionen überlassen, um jede mögliche Verantwortung zu vermeiden, oder es mit dem Marxismusunterricht aus den früheren Zeiten vergleichen. In dieser Arbeit wird versucht, einige wissenschaftliche Voraussetzungen für ein besseres Verständnis und weitere Entwicklung des "schulischen Religionsunterrichts" zu systematisieren, sowie auf seine theologisch-pädagogische Begründung und dessen Profil in den nationalen Schulsystemen der Europäischen Union hinzuweisen. Dieses Fach leistet bei uns einen unumgänglichen Beitrag zu einer ganzheitlichen Erziehung, was insbesondere aus einer landesweit durchgeführten Untersuchung über dieses Schulfach ersichtlich wird, deren Ergebnisse hier zum ersten Mal (partiell) veröffentlicht werden. Zum Schluss werden aktuelle Ursachen sowie mögliche Gründe für die gegenwärtige Krise und/oder Herausforderungen genannt, mit denen sich dieses Fach konfrontieren muss.
The author gives a critical review of the perception of comparative politics in the programs of the Faculty of Political Science. The perception is based on the assumption that comparative politics is a subdiscipline of international politics. Contrary to this, the author claims that (1) comparative politics is not a subdiscipline of international politics but a separate discipline of political science in its own right that has gained academic legitimacy together with political theory & international & national politics; (2) both international & national politics can be the subject of comparative research; & (3) the methodology of research, not the subject matter, is essential for the definition of comparative politics. These premises are drawn from an outline of the theoretical & methodological evolution of this discipline & the account of its current state. The author uses these to highlight the academic & organizational problems of comparative politics in Croatia. 47 References. Adapted from the source document.
