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Preface -- Chapter 1. Overview of Foreign Direct Investment in Former Yugoslavia -- Chapter 2. FDI in Serbia -- Chapter 3. FDI in Croatia -- Chapter 4. FDI in Slovenia -- Chapter 5. FDI in Bosnia & Herzegovina -- Chapter 6. FDI in North Macedonia -- Chapter 7. FDI in Montenegro -- Chapter 8. FDI in Kosovo -- Chapter 9. Conclusions and Prospects for the Next Quarter Century.

Former Yugoslavia followed an internationally acclaimed language policy of constitutional & legal equality of its numerous languages. Anticipating or accompanying the disintegration of this federation, the new states arising on its territory published their constitutions in the period 1990-1993. This paper briefly surveys the basic provisions concerning the official use of languages in each of them & attempts, on the basis of the often scant evidence available, to assess their actual implementation. It is concluded that, whereas language policy in former Yugoslavia was fairly consistent, its successor states display more variety. The inherited spirit of tolerance & language rights still survives in some respects, but there are also clear indications of favoring the linguistic means associated with the "state nation," at the expense of old & new minorities. The administrative multiplication of the former federation's largest language, Serbo-Croatian, is likewise noted, as is the general need to complement internal measures of language policy with external ones in preparation for life in tomorrow's world. 67 References. Adapted from the source document.

Former Yugoslavia followed an internationally acclaimed language policy of constitutional and legal equality of its numerous languages. Anticipating or accompanying the disintegration of this federation, the new states arising on its territory published their constitutions in the period 1990–1993. This paper briefly surveys the basic provisions concerning the official use of languages in each of them and attempts, on the basis of the often scant evidence available, to assess their actual implementation. It is concluded that, whereas language policy in former Yugoslavia was fairly consistent, its successor states display more variety. The inherited spirit of tolerance and language rights still survives in some respects, but there are also clear indications of favouring the linguistic means associated with the "state nation", at the expense of old and new minorities. The administrative multiplication of the former federation's largest language, Serbo-Croatian, is likewise noted, as is the general need to complement internal measures of language policy with external ones in preparation for life in tomorrow's world.

Set of vector maps of the territory of SFR Yugoslavia with the administrative division into municipalities in the period from 1970 to 1991, as well as the territories of Yugoslavia's successor states – Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Serbia, and Slovenia – with the administrative division into municipalities in the period from 1992 to 2020. Vector data is stored as ESRI shapefiles and contains vector data - polygons. Municipal data valid on 1 July of a given year. All maps were newly created using information on individual municipalities published in Enciklopedija Jugoslavije and the official gazettes of the successor states: Službeni list Bosne i Hercegovine, Narodne novine, Gazeta Zyrtare e Republikës së Kosovës, Službeni list Crne Gore, Služben vesnik na Republika Severna Makedonija, Uradni list Republike Slovenije, Službeni glasnik Republike Srbije.

Changes that have occurred in 1989–1991 ended the bipolar division of the world and commenced a new wave democratic transformation. In the early 1990s, the dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) brought a number of changes to the region. Some of the changes were decided via the referendum which seems to be an exceptionally important tool in the process of democratic transformations in CEE. The article focuses on the institution of a nation-wide referendum in successor states of former Yugoslavia: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Serbia, and Slovenia. The main purpose is to provide an answer to the question about the role of this particular tool in these states and define directions for further use of referendum in this part of Europe. To meet its research objective, the article uses systemic analysis and institutional and legal approach, and statistics on results of national referendums in the countries concerned.

In the developed countries, fiscal decentralization appears as a reflection of the democratic processes strengthening. On the other hand, it represents one of many challenges and the uneasy task to complete when the countries in transition are in question. This process is even more significant in the countries of the former Yugoslavia given the fact that it is taking place concurrently with the process of independent state establishing. It also appears as one of preconditions for joining the European Union. Firstly, this paper describes problems that appear in this sense within the countries in transition, followed with the solutions enforced in three countries of the former Yugoslavia - Serbia, Croatia and Slovenia.

The development of democracy in the successor states of Yugoslavia illustrates the whole range of differences among these states: from Slovenia which is considered most advanced and consolidated, over Croatia which is on its way to become a consolidated democratic state, to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia which are seen as still very fragile zones for democracy to take roots in. While scholars refer to these latter cases as to failed or unconsolidated democracies, this article argues against the common theoretical framework and calls for the use of different theoretical and methodological tools to measure the (un)success of these states. For this purpose this article discusses the main (internal) features and weaknesses of these democracies and points at a number of external factors and internal objective circumstances, which (unintentionally) hinder the process of democratization.