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This chapter analyses ethno-communal conflicts in Sudan and South Sudan, which gained independence in 2011. In these two countries, ethno-communal rivalries have primarily manifested in three different types of violent conflicts: communal conflicts, rebel-rebel fighting and civil wars. The study consist of three core parts. First, the chapter provides some empirical information about center-periphery relations (in both Sudan and South Sudan elites in the center enjoys outmost political and economic power while other regions are severely marginalized) and the major violent conflicts in the two countries. Second, the chapter focuses on ethno-communal conflicts in Sudan's westernmost region, Darfur. This section illustrates that an intricate web of ethno-communal conflicts exist in Darfur. It also emphasizes the importance of land and examines the government's role in these different conflicts. Third, the chapter studies the civil war that has devastated South Sudan since December 2013. It shows that legacies from Sudan's North-South war (particularly the Sudanese government's strategy of divide-and-rule) are important for how the war in South Sudan has manifested. ; Conflicts, Connections, Complexities: Towards a Multi-layered Understanding of Civil War

This paper deals with Sudan-South Sudan relations since 1955. The British colonial system administered two practical political entities (north and south Sudan) separately under one governor general. Paradoxically, it unsuccessfully tried to unite them as one entity by granting independence to former Sudan as a whole. Hence, the contradictions inherited from the colonial legacy continued to be practiced by the post-independence leaderships of Sudan. They continued to forcefully unite the south with the north. But at last South Sudan achieved independence and established relations with Sudan. This paper attempts to answer whether the relations of the two countries led to conflict or cooperation or both in the post-1955 and post-9July 2011 period. Most scholars argue that the dominant and rigid Arab elite in the north failed to accommodate the interests of the black Sudanese in the south. This contributed to the state of affairs to date in the relations of the two countries. Hence, this paper largely focuses how the rigid stand of the northern elite eroded the prospects of cooperative relations and agreements of the two states that led to frequent conflicts which in turn led to the division of former Sudan into two. It also examines the type of relations between the two countries after 9 July 2011.

Interesting details of the construction of a Rongo xylophone in the Sudan has been sent us by Mr. David Evans who, for many years, was a member of the Sudan Political Service. The extract he sends is taken from the Sudan Notes and Records, Vol. XXVIII, 1947 (pp. 179-181) and was written by Faustino Roro Kamitin, who is a member of the Gbaya tribe and son of the hereditary maker of the rongo for his clan.

Water scarcity is an environmental global problem that will only become more pressing as time goes on. It is a public health issue that affects every continent, although certain areas of the world are facing more serious water scarcity than others such as Sudan. Populations that are more vulnerable to the effects of water scarcity are the poor, women, children, and those living in areas of political unrest. For example, South Sudan's urban water systems have been damaged during recent warfare. Water scarcity is also an issue that disproportionately affects women who are forced from a young age to travel long distances and carry heavy buckets of water to provide for their families. This causes women to have low school attendance rates as well as chronic health problems from carrying such heavy containers for long periods of time in a harsh climate. In order to address the needs of the most vulnerable populations as well as keep women's health intact and girls in school for longer, organizations such as the UN or the Sudan government itself has to provide more water outposts, build more boreholes, provide water sanitation kits, or provide reliable transportation to the existing outposts. Additionally, policy makers have to take responsibility over waters scarcity issues instead of private charities by installing strict laws regarding wasteful agricultural irrigation as well as working alongside experts in the field such as hydrologists and sociologists to create enduring solutions.

The steadily growing COVID-19 pandemic is challenging health systems worldwide including Sudan. In Sudan, the first COVID-19 case was reported on 13th March 2020, and up to 11 November 2020 there were 14,401 confirmed cases of which 9,535 cases recovered and the rest 3,750 cases were under treatment. Additionally, 1,116 deaths were reported, indicating a relatively high case fatality rate of 7.7%. Several preventive and control measures were implemented by the government of Sudan and health partners, including the partial lockdown of the country, promoting social distancing, and suspending mass gathering such as festivals and performing religious practices in groups. However, new cases still emerging every day and this could be attributed to the noncompliance of the individuals to the advocated preventive measurements.

The provision of aid in war zones can be fraught with political difficulties and may itself foster inequalities, as it is rare to be allowed access to civilians on both sides of a conflict. Over the past decade, a United Nations (UN) brokered agreement has allowed Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS), a UN "umbrella" organisation, to provide the diplomatic cover and operational support to allow long term humanitarian and emergency food aid to both the government and the rebel sides in the long-running south Sudanese civil war. Over the years, the destruction of infrastructure in the country has meant that the provision of basic health care has been seriously hampered. Operation Lifeline Sudan has coordinated the work of most of the non-governmental organisations (NGOs), working in this part of Africa. Each NGO has had responsibility for a particular area of the country and has worked closely with the local Sudanese authorities on either side of the conflict, conforming to strict codes of conduct or "ground rules", based on neutrality. Operation Lifeline Sudan has provided an air-bridge for emergency relief supplies in regions where road access is impossible, either because of landmines, or simply because the roads do not exist. The war continues, however, and the underlying causes of war—economic exploitation, marginalisation of communities, lack of political representation, and systematic violence and abuse remain unsolved. The warring factions have brought some OLS operations in south Sudan to a standstill recently, for certain political reasons that could have compromised the neutrality of the OLS-coordinated humanitarian aid schemes. It would appear that the only resolution to the country's problems are external political pressure to get the respective combatants to negotiate and, less probably, an undertaking by countries of the developed world not to continue to supply arms. Nevertheless, OLS may serve as a model for how medical aid can be delivered in an even-handed way to the populations of countries where ...

The steadily growing COVID-19 pandemic is challenging health systems worldwide including Sudan. In Sudan, the first COVID-19 case was reported on 13th March 2020, and up to 11 November 2020 there were 14,401 confirmed cases of which 9,535 cases recovered and the rest 3,750 cases were under treatment. Additionally, 1,116 deaths were reported, indicating a relatively high case fatality rate of 7.7%. Several preventive and control measures were implemented by the government of Sudan and health partners, including the partial lockdown of the country, promoting social distancing, and suspending mass gathering such as festivals and performing religious practices in groups. However, new cases still emerging every day and this could be attributed to the noncompliance of the individuals to the advocated preventive measurements.

Using more than a decade's worth of fieldwork in South Sudan, Clémence Pinaud here explores the relationship between predatory wealth accumulation, state formation, and a form of racism—extreme ethnic group entitlement—that has the potential to result in genocide. War and Genocide in South Sudan traces the rise of a predatory state during civil war in southern Sudan and its transformation into a violent Dinka ethnocracy after the region's formal independence. That new state, Pinaud argues, waged genocide against non-Dinka civilians in 2013-2017. During a civil war that wrecked the region between 1983 and 2005, the predominantly Dinka Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) practiced ethnically exclusive and predatory wealth accumulation. Its actions fostered extreme group entitlement and profoundly shaped the rebel state. Ethnic group entitlement eventually grew into an ideology of ethnic supremacy. After that war ended, the semi-autonomous state turned into a violent and predatory ethnocracy—a process accelerated by independence in 2011. The rise of exclusionary nationalism, a new security landscape, and inter-ethnic political competition contributed to the start of a new round of civil war in 2013, in which the recently founded state unleashed violence against nearly all non-Dinka ethnic groups. Pinaud investigates three campaigns waged by the South Sudan government in 2013–2017 and concludes they were genocidal—they sought to destroy non-Dinka target groups. She demonstrates how the perpetrators' sense of group entitlement culminated in land-grabs that amounted to a genocidal conquest echoing the imperialist origins of modern genocides. Thanks to generous funding from TOME, the ebook editions of this book are available as Open Access volumes from Cornell Open (cornellopen.org) and other repositories.

Sudan is at a critical juncture regarding the direction of its economy and its development path. The loss of a large share of oil revenues in the wake of the secession of South Sudan has given rise to a period of growing macroeconomic imbalances and moderately low rates of economic growth. Despite periodic adjustment measures, inadequate policies, including deficit monetization, have exacerbated macroeconomic imbalances. This report on poverty and shared prosperity in Sudan, covering 2009 to 2014 is structured as follows: Chapter II provides background information on sociodemographic characteristics of Sudan's population, Sudan's political developments, as well as recent macroeconomic trends; Chapter III provides a profile of monetary poverty and inequality with a focus on trends and drives over 2009–2014; Chapter IV provides a non-monetary poverty profile that covers demographics, education, access to productive assets, ownership of durable consumption goods, housing conditions and rent, and access to services; To rationalize the observed trends in poverty and inequality, Chapter V explores trends in labor markets, including labor productivity, labor market participation, employment, wages, and returns to education; Chapter VI provides an analysis of shocks, coping strategies, and transfers, including international remittances; and the final chapter summarizes and provides policy implications.

eingereicht von Valerie Schwarzer ; Literaturverzeichnis: Blatt 85-92 ; Abstract in deutscher und englischer Sprache ; B ; Paris-Lodron-Universität Salzburg, Diplomarbeit, 2018 ; (VLID)4969326

Using more than a decade's worth of fieldwork in South Sudan, Clémence Pinaud here explores the relationship between predatory wealth accumulation, state formation, and a form of racism—extreme ethnic group entitlement—that has the potential to result in genocide. War and Genocide in South Sudan traces the rise of a predatory state during civil war in southern Sudan and its transformation into a violent Dinka ethnocracy after the region's formal independence. That new state, Pinaud argues, waged genocide against non-Dinka civilians in 2013-2017. During a civil war that wrecked the region between 1983 and 2005, the predominantly Dinka Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) practiced ethnically exclusive and predatory wealth accumulation. Its actions fostered extreme group entitlement and profoundly shaped the rebel state. Ethnic group entitlement eventually grew into an ideology of ethnic supremacy. After that war ended, the semi-autonomous state turned into a violent and predatory ethnocracy—a process accelerated by independence in 2011. The rise of exclusionary nationalism, a new security landscape, and inter-ethnic political competition contributed to the start of a new round of civil war in 2013, in which the recently founded state unleashed violence against nearly all non-Dinka ethnic groups. Pinaud investigates three campaigns waged by the South Sudan government in 2013–2017 and concludes they were genocidal—they sought to destroy non-Dinka target groups. She demonstrates how the perpetrators' sense of group entitlement culminated in land-grabs that amounted to a genocidal conquest echoing the imperialist origins of modern genocides.

The outbreak of violence in South Sudan in December 2013 has enlarged ethnic divides and reversed the development advances the young nation has struggled to achieve since independence; while the continued deadlock in the IGAD-led negotiation process provides little hope of a negotiated peace settlement. A peacebuilding strategy that takes into account the context-specific circumstances of this intra-state conflict enhances the opportunity for peace and development in South Sudan, and provides the international community an opportunity to contribute to peace in a meaningful way. Limited capacity, deep and persistent ethnic divisions, corruption and a long memory of brutality within the civilian population complicate prospects for peace in the country. An examination of recent peacebuilding efforts in South Sudan reveals a fragmented and provisional approach. Using the framework of Ali and Matthews, this paper outlines a peacebuilding strategy for South Sudan that addresses root causes, consequences and legacies of the conflict, while taking into consideration the unique country specific circumstances. Recognizing the need to move from negative to positive peace, this paper prioritizes security and political arrangements as essential prerequisites for success in economic development and justice and reconciliation. The role of the international community, regional/sub-regional organizations and global civil society.

"In this paper we present the findings of a qualitative investigation into some dimensions and implications of policy volatility in the realms of natural resource (NR) governance and devolution in contemporary Sudan, with particular reference to Greater Kordofan. Our goal is to map out some aspects of the interplay between volatility, disempowerment processes affecting both state agents and the rural population, and certain problems of governance that are characteristic but not unique to Sudan. In particular, we argue that volatility is a dimension of poor governance worthy of investigation in its own right, as it is a primary ingredient of what we may call a "self-disempowering state," where adaptive learning in policy processes is impeded and successful devolution faces particularly complex obstacles. The policy domain that we consider for analysis includes laws, regulations and policies enacted under the label of "Decentralization, Land Allocation and Land Use," as well as large development projects supporting the decentralization or devolution of NR management to local communities in the region." -- from Authors' Abstract ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1; Theme 5; Subtheme 5.2; Governance structures and policy processes ; DSGD

This report discusses the crisis in Darfur, which began in February 2003, when two rebel groups emerged to challenge the National Islamic Front (NIF) government in DarfurThe report describes the mechanisms used to cleanse the area of non-Arabs by "total disengagement of administration and suspension of all government services."

Doing Business 2020 is the 17th in a series of annual studies investigating the regulations that enhance business activity and those that constrain it. Doing Business presents quantitative indicators on business regulations and the protection of property rights that can be compared across 190 economies— from Afghanistan to Zimbabwe—and over time. Regulations affecting 12 areas of the life of a business are covered: starting a business, dealing with construction permits, getting electricity, registering property, getting credit, protecting minority investors, paying taxes, trading across borders, enforcing contracts, resolving insolvency, employing workers, and contracting with the government. The employing workers and contracting with the government indicator sets are not included in this year's ranking on the ease of doing business. Data in Doing Business 2020 are current as of May 1, 2019. The indicators are used to analyze economic outcomes and identify what reforms of business regulation have worked, where and why. This economy profile presents indicators for Sudan; for 2020, Sudan ranks 171.