Following the secession of South Sudan from Sudan on 9 July 2011 both countries have passed new citizenship legislation with dramatic effects for the rights of individuals on both sides of the new border. While the South Sudanese nationality provisions appear generous its regime is at once both over and under-inclusive. It grants citizenship to a broad range of persons with little connection to South Sudan but fails to guarantee citizenship for individuals habitually resident in South Sudan and children born in South Sudan to stateless, undocumented or foreign parents. The Sudanese Act provides for the automatic denationalisation of South Sudanese nationals only and reserves to its own authorities the discretion to determine whether South Sudanese nationality has been acquired. This will lead to de jure statelessness as individuals denationalised by operation of the Sudanese law struggle to establish their nationality claims in South Sudan. Those individuals who have acquired South Sudanese citizenship but remain in Sudan are left as de facto stateless in the continuing absence of effective state protection from South Sudan.
Southern Sudanese Voice for Freedom (SSVF) president Jimmy Mulla, SSVF vice president White Walla, Sudanese activist Simon Deng, and New York-based freelance journalist Heather Robinson traveled to Israel May 17-25, 2008 to learn about the challenges facing Sudanese refugees there, and to seek ways to help through collaboration with the Israeli government, the United Nations, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), individuals working with the refugees, and community representatives. The trip was also a follow-up to Simon Deng's appeal to the Israeli government to grant Sudanese refugees a temporary status and not return them to Egypt, out of fear for their safety. In preparation for and during the trip, we established relationships with the Israeli Embassy and the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) in the U.S., the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Israel, Israeli refugee advocacy NGOs, the Hebrew Immigration and Aid Society in Tel Aviv, ADL in Jerusalem, the International Christian Embassy Jerusalem (ICEJ), and the Mesila Foundation in Tel Aviv. We also toured Yad Vashem's Holocaust Memorial Museum in Jerusalem. This report presents our findings and impressions concerning the plight of Sudanese refugees in Israel, and our recommendations for addressing their needs.
The study aimed to measure the competitiveness of the Sudanese sheep export from 2001/02 to 2006/07. The study depended mainly on primary data which was collected through questionnaire. Also, secondary data was collected from relevant sources related to topics of the study. The data was analyzed using Policy Analysis Matrix Technique. The results showed that there was a competitiveness of Sudanese sheep, but the economic profitability was greater than the financial one. This means that direct and indirect taxes were imposed on sheep. The conclusion of the study summarized that Sudanese sheep appeared to be profitable and competitive but it was suffered from taxes imposed by the Sudanese Government.
Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM) ; This article is on highly-skilled migration in Sudan. Given the fact that there have not been systematic efforts to study and document highly-skilled migration in this country, and also due to the fact that reliable data on the numbers, categories and distribution of skilled migrants hardly exist for Sudan, the article represents a preliminary effort that attempts to provide a reliable picture for highly-skilled Sudanese migrants. The article starts with a general historical overview of skilled migration, particularly to the oil-producing Gulf countries, and examines the link between higher-education policies and the increase in the number of Sudanese migrants, categories of skilled migrants and their destination. The link between higher-educational policies and migration is tackled. The migration of medical professionals is used to illustrate the extent of skilled-labour migration in Sudan. The article also discusses the policies of the Sudanese government with a view to determining its impact on highly-skilled migration. The main finding of the article is that, apart from the migration of medical specialists, highly-skilled Sudanese migrants do not constitute brain drain. Higher-educational institutions provide more highly-skilled workers than the local labour market can absorb. La migration des travailleurs qualifiés du Soudan est étroitement liée au développement des pays du Golfe. Cette forme de migration économique qui date du dernier quart du 20ème siècle est liée à des facteurs régionaux et domestiques tels la flambée du pétrole dans les pays du Golfe et la détérioration des conditions économiques au Soudan. D'autres formes de migration qui ne sont pas motivées par des raisons économiques sont apparues au tournant du siècle mais ces formes ne seront pas abordées par cette note analytique qui se focalisera sur la migration des travailleurs qualifiés au Soudan tout en évaluant si cette forme de migration représente un gain ou une perte/hémorragie. Eu égard aux difficultés causées par l'absence de documentation et de statistiques précises sur l'effectif, les catégories et la distribution des migrants qualifiés, l'article pourvoit une analyse préliminaire visant à mettre en lumière le phénomène de la migration de la main d'œuvre qualifiée du Soudan. La note esquisse dans un premier temps un aperçu historique de l' émigration de la main d'oeuvre qualifiée, notamment vers les pays du Golfe, puis examine le lien entre les politiques relatives à l'enseignement supérieur et l'effectif ainsi que les catégories des migrants soudanais qualifiés dans les pays de destination. La note se penche également sur les politiques gouvernementales mises en place en vue de montrer leur impact sur le phénomène. Les sources sur lesquelles cette note se base sont diverses. Citons le Bureau Central des Statistiques, le Conseil de la Population au Soudan, le Ministère de l'Intérieur, le Ministère du Travail et du Développement des Ressources Humaines ainsi que le Secrétariat des Soudanais à l'Etranger. En guise de conclusion, l'étude déduit que l'émigration des travailleurs qualifiés ne peut être considérée comme une fuite de cerveaux car les établissements d' enseignement supérieur mettent chaque année sur le marché du travail plus de travailleurs qualifiés que le marché ne peut absorber.
Traditionally, construction industry is attributed of being fragmented, risky, fluctuated, complex, associated with antagonism, blame culture, short term mentality and poor communication. All enthroned as poor performance. Sudanese construction industry is believed to exhibit no exception of that. Sudanese construction industry is an industry that operates in an economically, politically and socially turbulent developing country environment. Organizational culture, as a mean of internal integration and external adoption, is deemed by many scholars and professionals to be one of the main theoretical levers for organizational performance enhancement. Thus, it is essential to articulate how organizational culture can enhance construction project performance in Sudanese context. This research study sought to tackle the identified research gap in the literature concerning the empirical linkage between organizational culture and the construction project performance in Sudanese context. Descriptive quantitative research methodology was adopted in the study; quantitative/statistical methods were exercised to capture the proposed empirical link. Self-administrated survey (questionnaire) was the main tool used to collect required data. SPSS version (21) software was used to analyze the data. The key finding of the study was: Organizational cultures selected dimensions (people and leadership, processes and systems, information management and business focus) of Sudanese construction industry projects are significantly correlated with organizational outcomes (performance). This research concluded that there is a proven empirical relationship between organization culture and construction project performance in Sudanese context. Furthermore, generated models provide practical implications and an aiding tool for projects managers/stakeholders to improve desired practices in order to enhance project performance.
Paying home visits to mark social events and maintain networks is an established cultural pattern in Arab countries. Northern Sudanese displaced in Cairo in the 1990s made significant efforts to continue visiting each other in their temporary homes, despite having to travel long distances to members of their widely scattered networks. The deterioration of the legal and political status of Sudanese living in Egypt during the 1990s contributed to longer-term uncertainty for those who sought safety and security in Cairo. In this article, I argue that this long-term uncertainty constitutes a protracted refugee situation, and that Sudanese visiting practices constituted a mobile homemaking strategy that actively contributed to the negotiation of a complex ethnic identity in their protracted exile. Ranging across space and connecting people through experiences and values of Sudanese "homeyness," visiting during these fraught years connected individuals and networks into constellations that recreated familiar patterns of homemaking but also encouraged new meanings granted to homeland and belonging. Woven through the more familiar relationship between "home" and "away" were the policy positions about urban refugees taken by the Egyptian government, United Nations High Commission for Refugees, International Organization for Migration, and other humanitarian aid and resettlement agencies, which produced a state-centred view of "home" for Sudanese. ; Dans les pays Arabes, rendre une visite à domicile pour commémorer les événements de la vie sociale communautaire, ainsi que pour maintenir les réseaux, fait partie des pratiques culturelles consacrées par l'usage. Les Soudanais du nord en situation de déplacement au Caire durant les années 90 faisaient des efforts considérables pour continuer de se rendre visite dans leurs domiciles temporaires malgré la nécessité de devoir effectuer de longs trajets pour rejoindre ceux qui faisaient partie de leurs réseaux dispersés. La détérioration du statut juridique et politique des ...
Existing research suggests that media representations influence how migrants experience rights in terms both of how they are viewed by other members of society, and the degree to which they feel empowered to exercise their right to communicate. A critical element of this process concerns the ways in which migrants are represented in the media. To engage with this issue, and related debates around race and multiculturalism, this paper asks: how does the Australian print media represent Sudanese people? To answer this question we conducted a content analysis of articles from The Australian, The Age, and the Herald Sun. 207 articles were collected from 1 September 2007 through 30 April 2008, the eight months surrounding the 2007 Australian federal election. A quantitative content analysis of the articles uncovered four themes: difficulties in Sudan; violence; human interest/new beginnings; and nationhood. Combined, we argue that these themes tend to reproduce and reinforce notions of a White Australian "we" and a non-White "other". While media representations of Sudanese people are not overtly racist, by locating them within a few critical areas of human experience, a particular image emerges which raises critical questions around belonging and inclusion. Our research also shows the importance of locating everyday media coverage within broader analytic frameworks which understand race, multiculturalism, migration and media as social, political and historical processes.
An increasing number of global migrants are refugees who have fled religious, racial, ethnic, or other political persecution. As these refugee populations have grown, governmental and nonprofit organizations have emerged to help mediate the resettlement experience. The current study explores the dialectical tensions Sudanese refugees face in communicating with the organizations designed to make their resettlement successful. Six Sudanese refugees participated in semistructured interviews about their experiences communicating with mediating organizations. Four dialectical tensions emerged from participants' stories about their communication in and with mediating organizations: (a) dissemination and dialogue, (b) emancipation and control, (c) empowerment and oppression, and (d) integration and separation. Taken as a totality, these challenges both replicate and extend existing organizational empowerment research.
The 'Arab Spring' is a nuanced phenomenon of significance to African democracy and women's rights in Sudan – north and south. Political transformation processes underway in postrevolution Arab states simultaneously give voice to human rights advocates and rise to Islamist political groups. The reverberating trend presents a risk of deepening Islamist governance in Sudan and reinforcing patriarchal patterns of kinship in South Sudan. It also offers opportunity, north and south, for Sudanese women to form a common agenda, engage politically, promote a vibrant civil society, challenge human rights violations and develop a voice through participation. Given the Islamist upsurge in the region, a review of literature highlights what women in post-revolution Arab states have reported back in terms of the effect the popular uprisings have had on their rights. In light of the outcomes, approaches are advanced that will strengthen Sudanese women's movements and better position them to exploit opportunity for progress in the period of political transformation on the horizon in Sudan and South Sudan.
This research explores the 2018 revolution in Sudan to assess the extent to which the adoption of non-violence led to a more successful revolution and set Sudan on a path of democratic governance. It investigates the revolution's main slogan, Silmiya, coming from the Arabic word Salam meaning 'peace'. Thus, the nature and function of non-violence as well as what motivates people to resort to non-violence will be considered. The research acts as a point of departure from Fanon's theory of violence arguing that violence is revolutionary and liberating. Ultimately, the research challenges normative frameworks on the necessity of violence for social movements to succeed as Fanon theorises, sheds light on the power of non-violence, and highlights the importance of re-examining characteristics historically associated with non-violence, such as passivity or weakness.
Attraverso testimonianze raccolte sul campo dall'autrice e un breve excursus circa la legislazione attualmente vigente in Sudan, questo saggio ribadisce la condizione subordinata della donna araba sudanese, aggravata dal contesto religioso nonché dal perdurare di rituali anacronistici e orribilmente invalidanti, pur riconoscendo nelle nuove generazioni possibili dinamiche di emancipazione. ; Attraverso testimonianze raccolte sul campo dall'autrice e un breve excursus circa la legislazione attualmente vigente in Sudan, questo saggio ribadisce la condizione subordinata della donna araba sudanese, aggravata dal contesto religioso nonché dal perdurare di rituali anacronistici e orribilmente invalidanti, pur riconoscendo nelle nuove generazioni possibili dinamiche di emancipazione.
This research aims at exploring the effect of the press freedom on the newspapers' framing of the issue of corruption in Sudan. A qualitative method was adopted using in-depth interviews to adequately explore the perspectives of the Sudanese journalists and editors towards the press freedom effect on the Sudanese newspapers in terms of framing the issues of corruption. A purposeful sampling was employed in selecting 20 Sudanese journalists and editors across both the governmental and private newspapers. Therefore, the study has significantly contributed to the overall perspectives of how newspapers framing affects public awareness about corruption and possible remedies in Sudan. The findings revealed that the legislation is significant in developing the press industry which has a great role in addressing the issues of corruptions.
Motivated by the catalytic role that the banking sector could play in the economy, this paper examined the efficiency of Sudanese banks under the intermediation and production approaches using the Stochastic Frontier method and panel data for 16 banks during the period 1996-2004. The results under both approaches indicate that Sudanese banks are inefficient. Nonetheless, specialized and joint venture banks are relatively less inefficient than commercial and government banks, respectively. Most important, although the majority of Sudanese banks operate under increasing returns to scale, these banks suffer from diseconomies of scale and have not yet exploited the advantages of increasing returns to scale as the very low estimates of overall average cost efficiency indicate. With an average efficiency score lower than the world's average, coupled with measures to open up the sector for foreign banks, Sudanese banks could survive fierce competition only by improving efficiency toward the world best practice frontiers. Efficiency could be improved through a number of measures, including the improvement of productivity through human capital development, the introduction of new technologies and internet banking services (involving automation and computerization) and, most important, through a credible management chosen on the basis of competence and expertise.
The paper investigates the creation of language statistics in the Sudan, from the beginning of the 20th century up to the division of the country into two states. Like many other African countries, Sudan is characterized by a high degree of ethnic and linguistic diversity that has participated in the fueling of murderous civil wars since independence. The paper recontextualizes the construction of the ethno-linguistic categories and statistics within their broader political and administrative contexts. It analyzes the objectives and output of each type of statistics and questions their influence on the foreign and native representations of Sudanese society.
The paper investigates the creation of language statistics in the Sudan, from the beginning of the 20th century up to the division of the country into two states. Like many other African countries, Sudan is characterized by a high degree of ethnic and linguistic diversity that has participated in the fueling of murderous civil wars since independence. The paper recontextualizes the construction of the ethno-linguistic categories and statistics within their broader political and administrative contexts. It analyzes the objectives and output of each type of statistics and questions their influence on the foreign and native representations of Sudanese society.
