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For centuries, the greater Horn of Africa has been exposed to actors and influences crossing the Red Sea and sailing the Indian Ocean. The extension of these forces has had a profound effect in shaping contemporary societies and states in the sub-region over time. Contemporary Sudan is a fascinating example on how the extension of Islam and the elites-led emphasis on Arab identity has resulted in a society embracing Arab and Muslim culture. These characteristics in the territories that became the heartland of the contemporary Sudanese state translated into the formation of a nationalist governing elite promoting a particular form of Arab culture and interpretation of Islam as the main pillars of national identity for Sudan as a whole. However, the vast territories of contemporary Sudan are culturally highly heterogeneous. This contrasts starkly with the northern political elite's nation- and state-building project since decolonization, seeking to homogenize society through forced cultural assimilation. Since Sudan's independence, the state elite imposing Arab culture and Islam has led to varying degrees of direct confrontation with groups that oppose such forced cultural and religious transformation. This chapter reflects on the role of interpretations of slavery and religion in armed opposition and its aftermath in Southern Sudan. It points to the use of particular views of slavery and religion in the two main insurgencies in 1955-1972 and 1983-2005, and reflects on their representations in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (2005). The chapter argues that these interpretations are related to the Orientalist image of Sudan that connects with the aspirations of southern Sudan's self-determination, independence, and drift towards East African socio-cultural and Indian Ocean economic space.

This paper focuses on assessing the impact of macroeconomic policies on the expansion and contraction of Sudanese real GDP as well as the computation of the number and the expected duration of each for the period of the period 1960Q1-2017Q4. The main tools of analysis are Simple switching regression and Markov switching regression are. The unemployment growth rate is the regime-switching variable in addition to the growth rates of the nominal effective exchange rate, real money supply, current government expenditure, and development expenses as non-switching variables. Markov-switching regression also outweighs simple switching regression in terms of Akaike information criterion, and transition probabilities. Results show that monetary policy was effective between the period of 1960Q1-1976Q4 adding 1.2% of real value. This however is; contrary to the period 1977Q1-1997Q4 where 60% of real value has been lost and improved significantly in the course of 1998Q1-2017Q4, hence, missing only 1%. The effect of the unemployment rate on growth at the period of contraction is almost four-time of the expansion. The positive effect of development expenses combined with the negative impact of current expenditure on the growth rate reveals the efficacy of monetary policy over fiscal. The exchange rate operates as a shock absorber. The expected duration, and the probability of staying in contraction last more than the expansion.

After an internationally recognized referendum on self-determination, South Sudan became independent on 9 July 2011 by the end of Africa's one of the longest civil wars. Afterwards, South Sudan entered its civil war on December 15, 2013. It happened between the two governing bodies of South Sudan President Salva Kiir and Vice President Riek Machar. The African Union, the United Nations, the United States, and the other Western forces had made major diplomatic attempts to bring the war to an end but failed. In response to this civil war, mass people of South Sudan have started to take refuge in the neighbouring states. More than 1.6 million people have been internally displaced, with approximately 200,000 finding shelter at UN PoC sites in front of UN bases. They fall under troublesome situations in the receiving countries as well. Though the United States along with other international organizations have significant political, financial, and military investments in the refugee receiving countries by the war in South Sudan, such as Ethiopia, Uganda, and Kenya, local integration is not still welcomed by them. Though this paper has some limitation like its only qualitative based research so there is lack of resources for explaining overall situation. In spite of some limitation the study will try to evaluate the impacts of the South Sudanese Refugee Crisis on the neighbouring states through local integration with the secondary data collected from different books, journals, newspapers, articles, etc. By following the qualitative research approach. Basically this paper has two purpose. Firstly it explains the historical background of conflict. Secondly it describes the impact on neighbouring states in various event of life. In conclusion, finally, some policies will be recommended which have present implication to solve the conflict and ensure the proper treatment of refugee who take shelter in different neighbouring states.

Lien vers l'article sur Cambridge Journals Online: http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=5336544&next=true&jid=MES&volumeId=41&issueId=02 ; International audience ; This article deals with the Sudanese-Ethiopian conflict (1885-1889) from a Mahdist perspective, in the wider context of the European scramble for Africa. Focusing on Sudanese representations of Ethiopia as well as on the causes underlying the conflict, we confront a Mahdist chronicle of particular historiographical significance with a range of historical sources. Departing from a purely jihadist framework of analysis, we highlight various Mahdist conceptualizations of Christian Ethiopia as well as historical, political, military and economic processes conducive to the outbreak of an armed confrontation between the two independent African states. The paper argues that the Sudanese ruling elite resorted to jihadist discourse as a legitimizing device rather than as an inflexible policy, and examines more specific rhetoric instruments meant to justify Mahdist attitudes towards the Christian kingdom. Whereas prophetical visions were used to make the Khalifa's Ethiopian policy acceptable to Mahdist eyes, the ambivalent legacy of early Muslim-Aksumite contacts was reactivated in the framework of a dialogue with the Ethiopian enemy.

Lien vers l'article sur Cambridge Journals Online: http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=5336544&next=true&jid=MES&volumeId=41&issueId=02 ; International audience ; This article deals with the Sudanese-Ethiopian conflict (1885-1889) from a Mahdist perspective, in the wider context of the European scramble for Africa. Focusing on Sudanese representations of Ethiopia as well as on the causes underlying the conflict, we confront a Mahdist chronicle of particular historiographical significance with a range of historical sources. Departing from a purely jihadist framework of analysis, we highlight various Mahdist conceptualizations of Christian Ethiopia as well as historical, political, military and economic processes conducive to the outbreak of an armed confrontation between the two independent African states. The paper argues that the Sudanese ruling elite resorted to jihadist discourse as a legitimizing device rather than as an inflexible policy, and examines more specific rhetoric instruments meant to justify Mahdist attitudes towards the Christian kingdom. Whereas prophetical visions were used to make the Khalifa's Ethiopian policy acceptable to Mahdist eyes, the ambivalent legacy of early Muslim-Aksumite contacts was reactivated in the framework of a dialogue with the Ethiopian enemy.

Lien vers l'article sur Cambridge Journals Online: http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=5336544&next=true&jid=MES&volumeId=41&issueId=02 ; International audience ; This article deals with the Sudanese-Ethiopian conflict (1885-1889) from a Mahdist perspective, in the wider context of the European scramble for Africa. Focusing on Sudanese representations of Ethiopia as well as on the causes underlying the conflict, we confront a Mahdist chronicle of particular historiographical significance with a range of historical sources. Departing from a purely jihadist framework of analysis, we highlight various Mahdist conceptualizations of Christian Ethiopia as well as historical, political, military and economic processes conducive to the outbreak of an armed confrontation between the two independent African states. The paper argues that the Sudanese ruling elite resorted to jihadist discourse as a legitimizing device rather than as an inflexible policy, and examines more specific rhetoric instruments meant to justify Mahdist attitudes towards the Christian kingdom. Whereas prophetical visions were used to make the Khalifa's Ethiopian policy acceptable to Mahdist eyes, the ambivalent legacy of early Muslim-Aksumite contacts was reactivated in the framework of a dialogue with the Ethiopian enemy.

The increased demand for refugee admissions and services in developed countries like Australia makes it important for host countries to understand the refugee resettlement and integration process. Yet, the literature on pathways and processes facilitating and driving integration is under-theorized (Black 2001) and poorly understood (Spencer 2006; Ager and Strang 2008; Phillimore and Goodson 2008; Strang and Ager 2010). This article aims to explore the structures and pathways facilitating the integration of resettled refugees. Using data collected from recently settled South Sudanese refugees and Merton's typology of modes of adaptation as a theoretical framework, the article demonstrates that Australian Government institutions failed to provide accessible pathways and support to Sudanese refugees to navigate institutional means for achieving economic and social inclusion. At a broader level, the article argues that current Australian resettlement policies are dominated by an emphasis on refugees' adopting their new country's cultural goals without ensuring that there are effective processes and facilitators to achieve these goals.

The unique coastal and marine ecosystems of Sudan need protection against anthropogenic influences. This report provides a review of the key Valued Ecosystem Components (VECs) which occur in Sudanese coastal and offshore areas, with emphasis on their localisation, importance and state of condition. The report also highlights some of the major threats to the stability of these VECs and includes information which may be important in connection with industrial environmental impact assessment (EIA) studies and monitoring activities in Sudanese coastal and marine waters. Environmental legislation and governing systems of Sudan with special relevance to marine ecosystem resources are described in addition to industrial and societal developments and the most important Sudanese research and educational institutions and programmes that are relevant for the issues addressed. Finally, a list of key gaps of knowledge and recommendations of future actions which may serve to improve the environmental management and protection of VECs in Sudanese coastal and marine waters is presented in the last section of the report. ; Norwegian Environment Agency - Oil for Development programme

Eastern Africa has experienced its fair share of violence since independence whether one thinks of Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Somalia or South Sudan among others. These wars have come to define the postcolonial discourse not only in Eastern Africa but also in the whole continent of Africa. This paper discusses the female voice in negotiation of escape in the testimonial writings revolving around the conflicts as represented in Slave: My True Story by Mende Nazer and Left to Tell: One Woman's Story of Surviving Rwandan Genocide by Immaculée Ilibagiza. The two non-fictional works are echoes of happenings in the wars that took place in the nineties in Rwanda and South Sudan respectively. They mark a significant paradigmatic shift from the predominant discourse of the boy soldiers who narrate their military experiences that depict the ambivalence of victim and culprit. From the female narrators' point of weakness, the voice is a testimony of the space of the victim in the whole disposition of the violence.

Il Sud Sudan è conosciuto come lo stato più giovane al mondo, nato nel 2011 con un referendum che ne sancì l'indipendenza dal Sudan. Gli accordi di Naivasha del 2006 chiusero mezzo secolo di conflitti civili nella regione, e i comandanti veterani dell'SPLA (Sudan People's Liberation Army) diventarono eroi nazionali e leader politici del nuovo governo. Alla morte di John Garang, fondatore dell'SPLA e capo dei ribelli, l'eredità politica e ideologica venne presa da Salva Kiir, primo presidente del Sud Sudan. Tuttavia, il nuovo stato è conosciuto anche per la cruenta guerra civile iniziata nel 2013, e continuata fino ad oggi. Con questo articolo vogliamo considerare alcuni dei fenomeni culturali che hanno caratterizzato le tensioni del post-referendum e della guerra civile in Sud Sudan, evidenziando la polarizzazione progressiva dell'immaginario etnico; in altre parole, mostrando come precise categorie culturali diventino strumenti politici per la gestione congiunta della popolazione e del territorio.

Background:Myeloproliferative leukemia virus (MPL) plays an important role in the development of megakaryocytes and platelets as well as the self-renewal of haematopoietic stem cells. Recently, numerous MPL mutations have been identified in MPN and reported by researchers. These mutations alter the normal regulatory mechanisms and lead to autonomous activation or signaling deficiencies. The present study aimed to detect the frequency of MPL (W515L)mutation gene among Sudanese patients with polycythemia vera (PV).It may lead to new diagnostic criteria or therapy design. Materials and methods: This was a descriptive cross sectional study in which a total of 37 patients with polycythemia vera were enrolled in this study, DNA was extracted from patients' blood samples by using salting out method, and analyzed for the detection of MPL(W515L) mutation by using allele specific polymerase chain reaction (ASPCR).Laboratory results and patient's data were analyzed using statistical packing for social sciences program(SPSS). Results:A total of 37 Sudanese patients attended military hospitals that have been diagnosed with polycythemia vera were enrolled in this study. 36(97.3%) of them were males, one (2.7%) females; age ranged between 23-74 years The present study showed that 10(27.0%) patients out of 37 were positive for MPL (W515L) mutation, and all of them were males. Conclusion:This study concluded that the frequency of MPL W515L mutation in Sudanese patients with polycythemia vera is 27%.

Migrant communities' homeland-oriented political campaigns are always related to, but often different from, the activism in which local people engage in their homeland setting. In seeking to understand the observed disparities between migrant campaigns and homeland activism, several studies have demonstrated the influence of contextual factors like political opportunity structures on homeland-oriented migrant politics. Complementing these studies are works that focus on changes to identity and belonging associated with migration and resettlement. In this article, I build on these debates by offering a combined analysis of the intersections between, and interplay of, contextual and identity-based factors. I use this analytical approach to examine the case of Sudanese political activists resident in the UK. I demonstrate how forms of belonging emerge here as part of – and not in isolation from – the strategic navigations of multiple political contexts and opportunities. In doing so, I contribute to our understanding of how belonging can be contextualized to serve as an analytical lens for understanding homeland-oriented migrant activism.

The revolution of Information Technology (IT) and the rapid development in the communications inevitably the Sudanese educational institutions to use the new technology tools in their programs and strategies. Especially there are some private Sudanese universities take the implementations of (ICT) in their account. The main aim of this study is to explore the reasons behind the useless or the effective use of the (ICT) in (SGU) in teaching. The study selected (10%) from the teachers in (SGU) as a sample, such that the sample of teachers after selection is (600) teacher. The questionnaire method was adopted for collection of data in this study, with benefit from (Likert) method. The study founded that (SGU) used some (ICT) hardware, software and tools properly such as: computers, projectors and internet in teaching and in their other academic activities. In addition, there is a middle and rarely usage for other (ICT) such as video conferencing system, virtual meeting system, planning student's courses, preparing students courses, preparing lectures in presentation software and giving students assignments to be presented by computers. Some of (ICT) tools are not used in (SGU) such as (digital cameras, interactive whiteboards). In addition, the study founded that there is no teacher training in (SGU), in spite of including this activity in the universities plans. The study recommends (SGU) to concern with teacher's training and other (ICT) tools such as (interactive whiteboards) and (internet speed).

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 74-81). ; The main purpose of this study is to explore the challenges and experiences of South Sudanese male refugees in South Africa. The 15 South Sudanese men who participated in the current study had left Sudan because of the civil war there. All the participants said that the civil war was characterised by gunshots fired by the Sudanese Government soldiers that were intended to kill the South Sudanese. The participants highlighted certain political, religious and racial inequalities, and the unequal distribution of resources between the South and North Sudanese. The participants indicated that they had come to seek refuge in South Africa for security, safety and socio-economic reasons. Because there was no war or conflict in South Africa, participants came to South Africa to seek refuge. Participants said that South Africa was one of the most peaceful countries in Africa; and that it has enacted laws that allow refugees to live in its territory. The findings show that, although the participants came to South Africa hoping to improve their quality of life and to be secure and safe, participants also acknowledged that living in a foreign country as a refugee is not easy and has positive, as well as negative aspects. All 15 participants identified the Department of Home Affairs as the main problem impeding a smooth application process in their attempts to secure refugee status. The participants identified the process as being lengthy, and spoke about the corruption and harassment they experienced at the Department of Home Affairs. The participants blamed the corruption in the Department of Home Affairs on the staff. The findings show that corruption reduces the chances of refugees securing their refugee status. The findings revealed that because the Home Affairs staff knew the importance of refugee status to refugees, they took advantage of this and asked for bribes from these refugees.

Between 1899 to 1956 the United Kingdom ruled Sudan through the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium. During this period of colonial rule, British administrators divided the country into two distinct regions, North and South Sudan. Through a process called the 'Southern Policy', South Sudan was administered separately from the more economically developed North. The policy was intended as a protectionist barrier to prevent the exploitation of the economically underdeveloped south by the north. However, due to Britain's laissez-faire economic policy in South Sudan, the southern regions were excluded from the government-sponsored economic development of the north, such as the Gezira Irrigation Scheme. The result of Britain's colonial policies was the hegemonic domination of the North over the South. Furthermore, the incorporation of Northern elites into the colonial administration ensured that this unjust and inequitable power structure would continue throughout the postcolonial era. The economic, educational, and political benefits rendered upon the North, compared to the neglect and expropriation inflicted upon the South led to a vastly disproportionate balance of power in the independent Sudanese Government. This power disparity was the direct cause of the Sudanese Civil War, fought between 1956 and 2005. When South Sudan gained full independence in 2011, it entered statehood as one of the poorest, least developed nations in the world. The century of neglect under the British and of violence and oppression under the North Sudanese left the fledgling country with an insecure future. Two years after gaining its independence, South Sudan was again thrust back into civil conflict. South Sudan's history of civil war is a result of the oppression and underdevelopment inflicted by Britain's colonial administration and the Northern-dominated Sudanese Government.