Suchergebnisse

Role of the Council of Europe in the new pan-European order, with reference to summit meeting held in Vienna, Oct. 8-9, 1993.

Alan Garcia Perez : Speech at the 8th Summit meeting of the Non-Aligned Movement.
In this speech, the Peruvian President explains at length the reasons why his country decided not to dedicate more than 10 % of its export incomes to pay the debt. Calling for solidarity with its positions, he shows how the Third-World debt could become a historical occasion to create a fairer economical order.

Analysis of the results of the fourth summit meeting of the Americas, held in Mar del Plata in November of 2005, reveals the factors that have led to the formation of two antagonistic groups of countries, during the hemispheric negotiation process. There is a widespread belief that these negotiations are leading to the formation of two trade blocs, based on NAFTA & MERCOSUR. This article, however, emphasizes the fact that the summit results have opened the door to a network of trade agreements anchored to the USA, & to the isolation of opponents of North American regionalism. Since Brazil has little to offer its South American neighbors, the US will take advantage of these circumstances to extend the NAFTA model to the entire continent. This goes against the principles chosen to structure the process leading to a potential Free Trade Zone of the Americas. Adapted from the source document.

Invention and persistence of a crisis:
Lessons of central America
All political crises give rise to a competition for the imposition of a reading of events. This production of meaning is partially dependent on the stages and the outcome of the crisis. The invention of a regional crisis in Central America during the 1980s was meant to hide the domestic origins of the unrest and to blame only Sandinista Nicaragua for the disorders. But an analysis of the diplomatie work carried out by the Presidents who held regular summit meetings since 1986 makes it possible to construct a reading of the crisis and its outcome. The collective treatment of a crisis supposes the implementation of regulation mechanisms which do not disappear once the crisis is over. This persistence can be seen in the process of regional integration. The analysis of the relations between a type of integration and the type of crisis that it engenders is carried on the basis of a comparison between the 1950s and the 1980s in Central America.

Ce travail, à la croisée des trois champs d'études que sont les sciences du langage, l'analyse du discours et l'ingénierie de la formation interroge la notion de projet francophone dans le contexte institutionnel de ce début de siècle. Est-il possible de fédérer autour d'un projet collectif l'importante communauté politique qui adhère à l'Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie? Pour répondre à cette question, cette thèse analyse les discours prononcés par les chefs d'État et de gouvernement rassemblés lors des sommets internationaux de l'OIF. Elle se focalise plus précisément sur les discours prononcés à l'occasion des sommets de Bucarest (2006) et de Québec (2008), moment charnière où l'OIF dispose de la légitimité nécessaire pour initier une nouvelle dynamique francophone.La réflexion procède en trois temps distincts. Tout d'abord, elle s'emploie à articuler les notions de francophonie, de discours et de projet en les posant dans des champs conceptuels de référence. Dans un second temps, elle identifie quatre axes, sources de légitimité, qui parviennent à spécifier le projet francophone. Les notions de gouvernance, de citoyenneté, l'usage des nouvelles technologies et l'affirmation d'un projet du vivre ensemble, permettent de définir un horizon d'attente qui contribue à caractériser la dynamique francophone. Enfin, dans un dernier mouvement, la réflexion s'emploie à analyser les liens entre le discours politique cadre qui initie le projet et les conditions de sa mise en œuvre. Elle insiste à ce propos sur le rôle des enseignants de français, maillon essentiel qui favorise le dialogue entre les populations et les institutions, et qui exerce donc une responsabilité particulière.Au final cette thèse s'emploie à démontrer que le projet de la Francophonie doit aujourd'hui se construire dans un dialogue constamment renouvelé entre des besoins exprimés sur le terrain, et des autorités politiques susceptibles de structurer un espace de faisabilité du projet. ; This work at the intersection of three fields of study—language sciences, discourse analysis, and training course design—interrogates the notion of the Francophone project in its institutional context at the beginning of this century. Is it possible to unite around a collective project the sizeable political community belonging to the International Francophone Organization (l'Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie—the OIF)? To answer this question, this thesis analyzes speeches given by heads of state and government during the international summit meetings of the OIF. More specifically the thesis focuses on the speeches made at the summits hosted in Bucharest (2006) and Quebec (2008), a pivotal moment in which the OIF has the necessary legitimacy to initiate a new Francophone dynamic. The work proceeds in three distinct phases. First, it attempts to articulate the notions of "Francophonie", discourse, and project by placing them in the conceptual fields outlined in the relevant literature. Second, the thesis identifies four axes, sources of legitimacy that allow the specification of the Francophone project. The notions of governance, citizenship, the employment of new technologies, and the affirmation of a project of living together allow for the definition of an expected horizon contributing to the characterization of the Francophone dynamic. Finally, in the third phase, the work attempts to analyze the connections between the framework political discourse that initiates the project and the conditions of its execution. In this regard the work insists on the role of French teachers, the essential link in fostering dialogue between populations and institutions, and who thus have a particular responsibility. In the end this thesis tries to demonstrate that today Francophone project must be constructed through a constantly renewed dialogue between the needs voiced in the field and the political authorities capable of establishing a space of feasibility for the project.

The present document contains the texts related to the Assembly of Heads of State and Government, the Executive Council, the Commission and the Permanent Representatives Committee as requested by the Lusaka Summit. These texts are the syn thesis of the outcome of the brainstorming session held on 13 and 14 October and chaired by myself, the informal briefing session of the European and Ethiopian Experts, the internal discussion within the two Sub-Committees were I set up and which were co-chaired by the Assistant-Secretaries General, the deliberations of the meeting of the Coordination Committee which I chaired on 23 and 24 November and in which the Assistant-Secretaries General, the Directors of different Department, the Heads of Division, the Legal Counsel and all the consultants working in the General Secretariat participated. This document is, therefore, the sum total of the successive value added of the above-mentioned meetings. By submitting it for consideration to the representatives of Member States, I am confident that it will be given the greatest attention.

Summit Conference of Independent African States meeting in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, from 22 to 25 May 1963 ; Notable efforts made by the Imperial Government of Ethiopia in organizing the first historic meeting of Heads of Independent African States and Government to consolidate African unity through the inception of the Organization of African Unity.

On the road to integration : a Hungarian point of view.
The study deals with selected high-priority issues of Eastern enlargement of the European Union (EU), following the decisions at the Madrid summit meeting. Special attention is devoted to the "integration maturity" of Central European countries. After reviewing the already achieved objectives in the political and economic areas, the author argues in favour of a comprehensive national strategy in order to get adequately prepared for full membership as soon as possible. In this context, special emphasis is laid on investment-based growth, budgetary and institutional reforms.
Analysing the key areas of the preparation for, and future négociation on accession to the EU, the author highlights the development of trade relations, agricultural adjustment, issues of financial transfer, and the movements of manpower. In all cases, the article makes use of a differentiated approach, underlining the substantial differences among the individual candidate countries, and calling attention to the high risks of a "block approach and mentality".
The process of Eastern enlargement is embedded into a prospective and global framework. The final conclusion is that Eastern enlargement has to be considered as a strategic task of all countries involved in order to sustain the European balance of power and to enhance Europe's global competitiveness. Finally, some remarks are made on Hungary's integration strategy, focusing on the possibility of gradual enlargement in geographic terms, and improved cooperation possibilities with CEFTA.

The Internet Governance debate opposes multilateral thinking, favoring the role of State and interstate bodies, with a multistakeholder model, which aims to unite all concerned actors: states, business, experts, academics and internet groups, among others. It is a debate on the nature of power, extending across multiple meetings and international summits. Civil society remains highly divided, however, and leads one to consider the notion of global governance of global Internet. Adapted from the source document.

Following the example of Paul-Henri Spaak's Combats inacheves (Unfinished Combat, Paris, Beech, 1969), by the president of the first general meeting of UNO in 1946, Secretary General of NATO of 1957-1961, and Belgian minister for Foreign affairs, the article discusses and concludes that neither the debates, preparatory at the meeting of the Heads of State and government of Atlantic Alliance in November the 2006 nor Summit itself arrived at final decisions. Belgium's diplomatic preoccupation is clear however: to develop and reinforce the connections between the EU and the NATO. Another of its strong points lies in its attachment to the UN; NATO operations should be mandated or at least authorized by the Security Council. Regarding NATO "global partnership", pressed upon by the USA, Belgium diplomacy shriveling pragmatic and progressive attitudes and actions. The article concludes by saying that the Riga Summit has not been in vain: the transformation of the alliance is a continuous process, which places Riga in the line of continuity since Prague. References. Adapted from the source document.