Suchergebnisse

Das römische Donaukastell Rißtissen Das römische Kastell Rißtissen liegt rund 20 km westlich von Ulm. Es ist Bestandteil des sogenannten Donaulimes, einer Kastellkette, die zwischen ca. 40/50 und 100 n. Chr. von der römischen Armee besetzt war und die von Hüfingen im Westen bis Oberstimm im Osten reicht. Während die meisten Lager dieser Kastelllinie nur unzureichend bekannt sind, wurden im Kastell Rißtissen von 1912-1914, 1959/60 und 1967 großflächige Ausgrabungen durchgeführt. In der vorliegenden Arbeit werden die Befunde und das gesamte Fundmaterial dieser Grabungen vollständig vorgelegt und ausgewertet, wobei die Dokumentation der Altgrabungen zwangsläufig der Detailinterpretation Grenzen setzt. Trotz gewisser Einschränkungen konnte so die Baugeschichte des Kastells, seine Funktion im Rahmen der militärischen Okkupation Süddeutschlands und seine genaue Datierung geklärt werden. Das Kastell wurde um 50 n. Chr. gegründet und diente vor allem als Sammel- und Umschlagstation des römischen Nachschubs, worauf mehrere große Magazingebäude hinweisen. Nach den gefundenen Militaria waren hier neben Legionssoldaten auch berittene Hilfstruppen stationiert. Diese 1. Kastellphase endete mit einem Brand, der wahrscheinlich mit den Unruhen des Jahres 69/70 n. Chr. zusammenhängt. Teile des Kastells wurden dabei zerstört und nur kurze Zeit später wiedererrichtet. Um 80 n. Chr. folgten dann weitere Umbaumaßnahmen, wobei besonders das Stabsgebäude komplett neu errichtet wurde. Diese Baumaßnahmen stehen im Kontext größerer Umstrukturierungen der römischen Armee im gesamten süddeutschen Raum. Ende des 1./Anfang des 2. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. wurden dann alle Militärlager an der Donau geräumt und durch eine neue Kastellkette am Neckar und auf der Schwäbischen Alb ersetzt. Im Kastell Rißtissen errichtete die Armee um 100 n. Chr. unter Einbeziehung älterer Kastellbauten nochmals ein großes Magazin, das wohl im Zusammenhang mit den Dakerkriegen des Kaisers Traian zu sehen ist. Spätestens 110 n. Chr. wurde der Militärstandort Rißtissen dann endgültig von der römischen Armee aufgegeben. ; The Roman Danube fort Rißtissen The Roman fort of Rißtissen lies about 20 km to the west of Ulm. It is part of the so-called Danube Limes, which was occupied by the Roman army between 40/50 and 100 A.D reaching from Hüfingen in the west to Oberstimm in the east. While most forts oft he Danube Limes are known only insufficiently, large scale excavations were carried out in the fort Rißtissen between 1912 and 1914, 1959 and 1960 and in 1967. In this study the features and the whole archaeological material of these excavations are presented and evaluated. The old excavations - due to their age – allow only a certain depth of interpretation. In spite of certain restrictions, the history of the fort's construction, its function within the scope of the military occupation of South Germany and its exact date could be clarified. The fort was founded around 50 A.D. and served above all as a supply station for the Roman army, which several big storage buildings and granaries attest to. The excavated Militaria show that legionary soldiers and mounted auxiliary troops were stationed here. This first phase of the fort ended with a fire, which seems to be connected to the riots of the year 69/70 A.D. Parts of the fort were destroyed, but rebuilt after just a short time. Then about 80 A.D. other rebuilding measures followed and the Principia – in particular - were newly constructed. These building measures must be seen in the broad context of the major reorganisation of the Roman army throughout the Southern German area. At the end of 1st and at the beginning of the 2nd century A.D. all Roman forts oft he Danube Limes were removed and substituted by new forts along the Neckar and on the Swabian Alb. At about 100 A.D. the army built yet another big storage building In Rißtissen using the existing fort buildings to some extent. The historical context are probably the Dacian Wars of emperor Trajan. Not later than 110 A.D. the military fortification of Rißtissen was finally given up by the Roman army.

The paper opens by stating that the history of change in Spanish urbanism over the last one hundred and fifty years is marked by a series of structuring options decided for as much in the mid-nineteenth century beginnings of what was to become the body of urbanistic legislation as in the inflections and strengthening of this - and such a line of thought - during the twentieth century. The continuity observable in this legislation and the updating and perfecting of the thought that inspires it are here seen to be the characteristic that not only typifies Spanish urbanism but also the feature that most clearly contrasts this with that of the rest of Europe. The paper comments and explains both socially and historically that the crucial factor to this phenomenum has been the public planning and execution of powers throughout a quasi-concessional giving up in favour of capacities and responsibility sharing roles granted to private land ownership. In so doing, the law precluded the option of endowing the professional entrepeneural developer as within a modernized industrialized framework for the sector. This is here seen to have led to a sophisticated and ever more perfect legal and economic status quo along with its powers and rights, duties and obligations all stemming from initial ground or property rights, a thing not to be encountered anywhere else in Europe. The paper sees the ultimate end of said set up to be the seeking on the part of Local Administration of both free land and development initiatives costing while avoiding any compulsory purchase complications in return for an increasing of the obligations and requirements usually required, this along with a strengthening of standing or future economic rights on the part of the original landownership involved. ; Las transformaciones históricas que definen la evolución del urbanismo español durante este siglo y medio han venido marcadas por algunas opciones estructurantes que se adoptaron tanto al inicio del proceso conformador de la legislación urbanística de mediados del XIX, como en la inflexión y refuerzo de dicha línea de mediados del XX. A partir de ellas, durante este período la continuidad estructural del modelo adoptado y el reformismo o perfeccionamiento técnico de dichas lógicas ha sido la característica que ha marcado al urbanismo español y lo ha diferenciado nítidamente del resto de Europa. En este trabajo se apunta y justifica social e históricamente cómo la nota desencadenante ha sido el otorgamiento cuasi-concesional de la función pública del planeamiento y su ejecución a la capacidad y corresponsabilización de la propiedad privada del suelo, desviándose así de la opción de depositar tal responsabilidad en la modernización del tejido empresarial de los urbanizadores profesionales. Con ello se ha ido construyendo un sofisticado y perfeccionado aparato jurídicoeconómico de facultades/derechos y deberes/cargas sobre la propiedad fundiaria, insólito en el panorama europeo, cuya última ratio viene impulsada por la obtención mediante cesión gratuita para la Administración local (sin expropiación) de los suelos destinados al dominio público y de todas las obras de urbanización, gravando el esfuerzo y los deberes, así como fortaleciendo los derechos económicos virtuales o de futuro de la propiedad fundiaria involucrada.

Books reviewed in this article:Bray, Warwick (ed. (1994), The Meeting of Two Worlds: Europe and the Americas 1492–1650Marcus, Joyce (1992), Mesoamerican Writing Systems: Propaganda, Myth, and History in Four Ancient CivilizationsCervantes, Fernando (1994), The Devil in the New World: The Impact of Diabolism in New SpainPatch, Robert W. (1993), Maya and Spaniard in Yucatan 1648–1812Melville, Elinor G. K. 1994), A Plague of Sheep: Environmental Consequences of the Conquest of MexicoMinchom, Martin (1994), The People of Quito, 1690–1810: Change and Unrest in the UnderclassWard, Christopher (1994), Imperial Panama: Commerce and Conflict in Isthmian America, 1550–1800Gootenberg, Paul (1994), Imagining Development: Economic Ideas in Peru's 'Fictitious Prosperity' of Guano, 1840–1880Jacobsen, Nils (1993) Mirages of Transition: The Peruvian Altiplano, 1780–1930Hales, Charles R. (1994), Resistance and Contradiction: Miskitu Indians and the Nicaraguan State, 1894–1987Silva, Eduardo (trans. Moyra Ashford) (1993), Prince of the People: The Life and Times of a Brazilian Free Man of ColourBarthélémy, Gérard and Girault, Christian (eds) (1993), La République haitienne: etat des lieux et perspectivesLal, Brij V., Munro, Doug and Beechert, Edward D. (eds) (1993), Plantation Workers: Resistance and AccommodationNugent, Stephen (1993), Amazonian Cuboclo Society: an Essay on Invisibility and Peasant EconomyWhitten, Dorothea S. and Whitten, Norman E. (eds) (1993), Imagery and Creativity. Ethnoaesthetics and Art Worlds in the AmericasPeterson, Jeanette Favrot (1993), The Paradise Garden Murals of Malinalco: Utopia and Empire in Sixteenth‐century MexicoBritton, John A. (ed.) (1994), Molding the Hearts and Minds: Education, Communications, and social Change in Latin AmericaMartin, Christopher (1994) Schooling in Mexico, Staying in or Dropping OutSalinas Meza, René (1993), Elideario femenino chileno, entre la tradicióny la modernidad. Siglos XVIII al XXKuppers, Gaby (ed.) (1994), Compañeras: Voices from the Latin American Women's MovementLomnitz‐Adler, Claudio (1993), Exits from the Labyrinth: Culture and Ideology in the Mexican National SpaceLowenthal, Abraham F. and Burgess, Katrina (eds) (1993), The California‐Mexico ConnectionBrowne, Harry (1994), For Richer, For Poorer: Shaping US‐Mexican IntegrationCornelius, Wayne A., Craig, Ann L. and Fox, Jonathan (eds) (1994), Transforming State‐Society Relations in Mexico: the National Solidarity StrategyDe la Peña, Sergio and Wilkie, James (1994), La estadística económica en México. Los orígenesBulmer Thomas, Victor, Craske, Nikki and Serrano, Monica (eds) (1994), Mexico and the North American Free Trade Agreement: Who Will Benefit?Aspe, Pedro (1993), Economic Transformation: The Mexican WaySanchez, Manuel and Corona, Rossana (eds) (1993), Privatisation in Latin AmericaConitrot, Adolfo and Junco, Silva (eds) (1993), Macroeconomic Conditions and Trade LiberalisationBacha, Edmar L. (ed.) (1993), Savings and Investment Requirements for the Resumption of Growth in Latin AmericaBernecker, Walther L. and Tobler, Hans Werner (eds) (1993), Development and Underdevelopment in AmericaBaer, Werner and Tulchin, Joseph S. (eds) (1993), Brazil and the Challenge of Economic ReformPayne, Leigh A. (1994), Brazilian Industrialists and Democratic ChangeFurley, Peter A. (ed.)(1994), The Forest Frontier: Settlement and Change in Brazilian RoraimaRock, David (ed.) (1994), Latin America in the 1940s: War and Postwar TransitionsSelbin, Eric (1993), Modern Latin American RevolutionsMorley, Morris H. (1994), Washington, Somoza and the Sandinistas: State and Regime in US Policy Toward Nicaragua, 1969–1981Liss, Sheldon B. (1994) Fidel! Castro's Political and social ThoughtGills, B., Rocamora, J. and Wilson, R. (eds) (1993), Low Intensity Democracy: Political Power in the New World OrderManzetti, Luigi (1993), Institutions, Parties and Coalitions in Argentine Politics

We are living in an extraordinary period of gay and lesbian history. As lesbian and gay civil rights gain increasing recognition throughout the country – through small but growing numbers of laws prohibiting sexual orientation discrimination, court rulings protecting lesbian and gay parents' custody of their children, and a historically unprecedented level of positive media coverage – our struggles also have escalated enormously. Not only must we litigate and negotiate for equal opportunity in employment, housing, and parenting rights as always, but also we face a nationally organized and terrifically well-funded assault on our fundamental rights as citizens. This nationwide anti-gay assault takes many forms – from hate-mongering talk shows, to anti-gay electoral campaigns, to citizen-sponsored initiatives aimed at repealing civil rights protections and domestic partner benefits programs, and ultimately to those measures which are the subject of this conference – measures that would prohibit future passage of antidiscrimination protections specifically for lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals and repeal any such existing protections. Although I focus these remarks on the latter measures, which have come to be known popularly as "anti-gay initiatives," we must bear in mind that these initiatives represent the tip of the iceberg in terms of the total organized opposition to lesbian and gay civil rights. Other orchestrated efforts, including programs such as "Project Spotlight," which seeks to make support for civil rights protections for lesbians and gay men the death knell of any candidate's campaign for elected office, will continue to grow in size and influence even as anti-gay legislation is declared unconstitutional around the country. Without a well-organized and well-informed response to these measures, the efforts to restrict the basic civic participation of lesbians and gay men will only grow stronger. Also, as we can see by the persistence of these initiatives despite their defeats in court, the radical right's purpose in promoting the measures is not simply to win at the ballot box or even in court. Rather, the promoters enjoy a victory each time an anti-gay measure is placed on the ballot for popular vote. The initiative process provides them with a "legitimate" forum in which to hold public debate about whether lesbians and gay men are entitled to full citizenship rights and even about whether lesbians and gay men should be free to live in peace. Material that would otherwise receive no attention or at most be buried in the media, such as falsified information about the lives and health of gay people, suddenly holds the public's interest because it bears on citizens' decisions about a proposed piece of legislation or a constitutional amendment. Under the guise of "information for the electorate," materials are circulated which do nothing more than appeal to popular prejudices against gay people. As I discuss in greater detail below, the danger of these initiatives goes far beyond their effect on lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals. This all-out assault on the structure of government and the basic framework of civil rights protections suggests that rather than being labeled ant-gay initiatives, these measures should really be known as antidemocracy initiatives – and I will sometimes call them just that.

The Edmonton Journal, Tuesday, May 21,1991 A7 Tribunal begins hearings on Buffalo Lake scheme Premier owns 7- acre parcel near shore of lake RICHARD HELM Journal Staff Writer Edmonton A plan to raise and stabilize the water level of Buffalo Lake, near Premier Don Getty's home, faces its final public hearings, beginning today. Twenty- two groups and individu­als have registered to speak before a government- appointed tribunal which will hold the two- day hear­ing at Alix, 60 km northeast of Red Deer and just a short drive from the lake. Don Thorne, the former mayor of Lacombe who was selected by Environment Minister Ralph Klein to chair the board, said he expects another dozen submissions will be read into the record. The $ 13- million water- stabili­zation scheme has had an on- again, off- again history because of con­flicting environmental assessments. The project would involve pump­ing water from the Red Deer River through a pipeline and canal to Alix Lake, and then via an upgraded local creek into Buffalo Lake. Its purpose is to improve the rec­reational capacity of the lake, whose water level has fluctuated for years, and provide an assured water supply to the villages of Alix and Mirror. Although he is a businessman from nearby Lacombe, Thorne says he is " sqeaky clean" and has no in­terest in whether the lake project proceeds or not. " I'm straight down the middle, I'm taking the view that would be expected of a chairman of such a hearing," Thorne said. " The financial impact on La­combe would be so minimal; it wouldn't be noticed at all. It doesn't put me into any sense of conflict whatsoever." A private consultant's study re­leased in February estimated the economic benefits of the lake plan at about $ 2 million less than the project's costs. The study by Environmental Management Associates was an update of an earlier report which gave the plan environmental approval. The cost- benefit analysis in the study indicated most of the benefits, such as increased prop­erty value because of a closer waterfront, would go to the present and future cottage owners near the lake. Getty, who built a hilltop home a few kilometres from the lake after winning the Stettler byelection last year, has since purchased a seven-acre subdivided parcel of land near the south shore of the lake. The Environmental Management Associates' plan reversed an earlier environmental study by finding that water diversion is not likely to stimulate algae growth in the lake, as had been feared. When Klein appointed the three-member review board in March, he said the hearings would try to ad­here to the guidelines used by the province's new Natural Resources Conservation Board. Thorne said he plans to keep the hearings " extremely informal" and expects the board will start compil­ing its report within two days of their conclusion. He hopes to re­port to Klein by mid- June. The scheduled presenters in­clude councillors and officials from surrounding communities, includ­ing Stettler, Rockland Bay, Rochon Sands, Alix and Mirror. Martha Kostuch, an environmentalist, says she doubts she'll be dwelling on the environ­mental drawbacks of the proposal. She said she has questions about the whole review process and the way in which the project was resur­rected. " My general feeling is that it's a foolish project," Kostuch said.

The Edmonton Journal, Tuesday, May 21,1991 A7 Tribunal begins hearings on Buffalo Lake scheme Premier owns 7- acre parcel near shore of lake RICHARD HELM Journal Staff Writer Edmonton A plan to raise and stabilize the water level of Buffalo Lake, near Premier Don Getty's home, faces its final public hearings, beginning today. Twenty- two groups and individu­als have registered to speak before a government- appointed tribunal which will hold the two- day hear­ing at Alix, 60 km northeast of Red Deer and just a short drive from the lake. Don Thorne, the former mayor of Lacombe who was selected by Environment Minister Ralph Klein to chair the board, said he expects another dozen submissions will be read into the record. The $ 13- million water- stabili­zation scheme has had an on- again, off- again history because of con­flicting environmental assessments. The project would involve pump­ing water from the Red Deer River through a pipeline and canal to Alix Lake, and then via an upgraded local creek into Buffalo Lake. Its purpose is to improve the rec­reational capacity of the lake, whose water level has fluctuated for years, and provide an assured water supply to the villages of Alix and Mirror. Although he is a businessman from nearby Lacombe, Thorne says he is " sqeaky clean" and has no in­terest in whether the lake project proceeds or not. " I'm straight down the middle, I'm taking the view that would be expected of a chairman of such a hearing," Thorne said. " The financial impact on La­combe would be so minimal; it wouldn't be noticed at all. It doesn't put me into any sense of conflict whatsoever." A private consultant's study re­leased in February estimated the economic benefits of the lake plan at about $ 2 million less than the project's costs. The study by Environmental Management Associates was an update of an earlier report which gave the plan environmental approval. The cost- benefit analysis in the study indicated most of the benefits, such as increased prop­erty value because of a closer waterfront, would go to the present and future cottage owners near the lake. Getty, who built a hilltop home a few kilometres from the lake after winning the Stettler byelection last year, has since purchased a seven-acre subdivided parcel of land near the south shore of the lake. The Environmental Management Associates' plan reversed an earlier environmental study by finding that water diversion is not likely to stimulate algae growth in the lake, as had been feared. When Klein appointed the three-member review board in March, he said the hearings would try to ad­here to the guidelines used by the province's new Natural Resources Conservation Board. Thorne said he plans to keep the hearings " extremely informal" and expects the board will start compil­ing its report within two days of their conclusion. He hopes to re­port to Klein by mid- June. The scheduled presenters in­clude councillors and officials from surrounding communities, includ­ing Stettler, Rockland Bay, Rochon Sands, Alix and Mirror. Martha Kostuch, an environmentalist, says she doubts she'll be dwelling on the environ­mental drawbacks of the proposal. She said she has questions about the whole review process and the way in which the project was resur­rected. " My general feeling is that it's a foolish project," Kostuch said.

FROM 1896 until the early 1930's, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (LDS or Mormon), executed what was in my opinion a quest to regain and establish it's own political legitimacy as an institution. Since early in the Church's comparatively brief history, the very mention of their religion in the majority of modern societies carries negative connotations. I hypothesize that the quest to eliminate or at least "back seat" this stereo type was the primary motivating factor behind many of the decisions made by leaders of the Church during that time period. I will focus on the national level rather than local or regional (but these could be aptly argued individually), and it is in this arena that many decisions were made which affect church policy and official position to this day. It is true that Mormons have gone from viewing the United States as "the mother of all enemies" (excuse the vernacular), to seeing themselves as one of the most politically involved and loyal groups in America. Not only this, but the Mormons also teach that the founding of this country was inspired, the drafters of the constitution being recipients of divine guidance. This change is what interests me most, mainly because it didn't occur in a single day but, rather, evolved. Nor in any way was the evolution a response to changing conditions outside of the church, but rather took place from within. I hypothesize that many decisions made by the LDS Church leaders were politically motivated, but not in the sense that other historians have portrayed them. Many have tried to draw the conclusion that these were the specific instances that ushered in a new era in the church and thus began the polarization from a theocratic organization to one with more political interests. This notion I refute. I believe that the church, by making these clearly political moves, tried and succeeded in removing road blocks that threatened the growth and well-being of the church and it's progress, and it's goals as an organization. I believe that it was the leaders' intentions all along that once the dust settled from their road-block demolition, they would resume building the Kingdom of God where they had left off. I approach this thesis hypothetically because of the difficulty of obtaining primary sources to support my conclusions, and although I use peripheral sources in my documentation I welcome critique. I feel confident in this invitation because a responsible would-be critic needs these same, virtually inaccessible sources, (namely First Presidency Minutes, found in LDS Church archives) to prove any inaccuracies. Though it is possible that the conclusions drawn may be off mark, the paper will be a success if it encourages one person to prove me wrong and obtain loftier heights of more accurate historical understanding. Although I have relied heavily on the scholarship of others and their documentation on specific topics, so far as I know, the macro approach which I will be taking is original and only implied if at all intended by other authors. I think the specific issues refered to are related in so much that at the time the individual decisions were made, leaders of the church recognized each conscientious move as a piece in the puzzle entitled "Quest For Political Legitimacy."

Book Reviews in This Article Theory and Policy in Political Economy: Essays in Pricing, Distribution and Growth. Edited by Philip Arestis and Yiannis Kitromilides. (Aldershot, Edward Elgar Publishing Limited, 1990, pp Export‐Oriented Industrialisation: The Asean Experience. By Mohamed Ariff and Hal Hill. (London, Unwin Hyman Limited, 1988, pp The Market and the State: Government Policy Towards Business In Europe, Japan and the USA. By David B. Audretsch. (Hemel Hempstead, Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1989, pp Modern Business Cycle Theory. Edited by Robert J. Barro. (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1989, pp The Economic Theory of Central Planning. By John Bennett. (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1989, pp Themes in Value and Distribution: Classical Theory Reappraised. By Krishna Bharadwaj. (London, Unwin Hyman Ltd, 1989, pp Macroeconomics Under Debate. By Alan S. Blinder. (Hemel Hempstead, Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1989, pp British Economic Policy, 1931‐49: Was There a Keynesian Revolution? By Alan Booth. (Hemel Hempstead, Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1989, pp Macroeconomic Theory and Stabilization Policy. By Willem H. Buiter. (Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1989, pp Wrestling with Time: Problems in Economic Theory. By Martin Currie and Ian Steedman. (Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1990, pp Macroeconomic Problems and Policies of Income Distribution. Edited by Paul Davidson and Jan A. Kregel. (Aldershot, Edward Elgar Publishing Limited, 1989, pp Current Issues in Macroeconomics. Edited by David Greenaway. (Basingstoke, Macmillan Education Ltd., 1989, pp Economic Aspects of Regional Trading Arrangements. Edited by David Greenaway, Thomas Hyclak and Robert J. Thornton. (Hemel Hemp‐stead, Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1989, pp The Political Power of Economic Ideas: Keynesianism Across Nations. Edited by Peter A. Hall. (Princeton, N.J., Princeton University Press, 1989, pp The Making of Neoclassical Economics. By John F. Henry. (London, Unwin Hyman Limited, 1990, pp Current Issues in Microeconomics. Edited by John D. Hey. (Basingstoke, Macmillan Education Ltd., 1989, pp Trade Unions, Employment, and Unemployment Duration. By Bertil Holmlund, Karl‐Gustav Loufgren and Lars Engstroum. (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1989, pp Interactions in the World Economy: Perspectives from International Economic History. Edited by Carl‐Ludwig Holtfrerich. (Hemel Hempstead, Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1989, pp Changing Exchange Rate Systems. Lloyds Bank Annual Review, Volume 3. Edited by Christopher Johnson. (London, Pinter Publishers Limited, 1990, pp The Political Economy of International Trade. Edited by Ronald W. Jones and Anne O. Krueger. (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1989, pp The Economics of the Short Period. By Richard Kahn. (Basingstoke, Macmillan Press Ltd., 1989, pp New Seeds and Poor People. By Michael Lipton with Richard Longhurst. (London, Unwin Hyman Limited, 1989, pp Reflections on Money. Edited by David T. Llewellyn. (Basingstoke, Macmillan Press Ltd. in association with the Economic Research Council, 1990, pp Current Issues in Labour Economics. Edited by David Sapsford and Zafiris Tzannatos. (Basingstoke, Macmillan Education Ltd., 1989, pp Mr. Srqffa on Joint Production and Other Essays. By Bertram Schefold. (London, Unwin Hyman Limited, 1989, pp Conflict and Effective Demand in Economic Growth. By Peter Skott. (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1989, pp The Balance of Payments: New Perspectives on Open‐Economy Macroeconomics. By Mark P. Taylor. (Aldershot, Edward Elgar Publishing Limited, 1990, pp Investment Banking in Europe: Restructuring for the 1990s. By Ingo Walter and Roy C. Smith. (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1990, pp

Book Reviews in This Article Theory of Markets. By Michael Allingham. (Basingstoke, Macmillan Press, 1989, pp Contemporary Issues in Money and Banking, Essays in Honour of Stephen Frowen. Edited by Philip Arestis. (Basingstoke, Macmillan Press, 1988, pp Trade Policy Issues and Empirical Analysis. Edited by Robert E. Baldwin. (Chicago and London, The University of Chicago Press, 1988, pp Commercial Bank Lending and Third‐World Debt. By Graham Bird. (Basingstoke, Macmillan Press, 1989, pp Third World Debt: The Search for a Solution. Edited by Graham Bird. (Aldershot, Edward Elgar Publishing Limited, 1989, pp Disequilibrium and Macroeconomics. By Volker Bouhm. (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1989, pp Statistical Games and Human Affairs: The View from Within. By Roger J. Bowden. (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1989, pp From Marx to the Market: Socialism in Search of an Economic System. By Wodzimierz Brus and Kazimierz Laski. (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1989, pp Controversy in Applied Economics. Edited by Mike Campbell, Mike Hardy and Nige Healey. (Hemel Hempstead, Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1989, pp Money, Trade and Payments. Essays in Honour of D. J. Coppock. Edited by David Cobham, Richard Harrington and George Zis. (Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1989, pp Efficiency, Competition, and Policy. The Organization of Economic Activity, Volume II. By Harold Demsetz. (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1989, pp Alternatives to Capitalism. Edited by Jon Elster and Karl Ove Moene. (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1989, pp Limiting Exchange Rate Flexibility: The European Monetary System. By Francesco Giavazzi and Alberto Giovannini. (Cambridge, Mass, and London, The MIT Press, 1989, pp Money, Information and Uncertainty. (Second Edition) By C. A. E. Goodhart. (Basingstoke, Macmillan Education Ltd., 1989, pp Pioneers of Modern Economics in Britain, Volume 2. Edited by David Greenaway and John R. Presley. (Basingstoke, Macmillan Press, 1989, pp Rationality in Economics. By Shaun Hargreaves Heap. (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1989, pp A History of Marxian Economics. Volume I, 1883‐1929. By M. C. Howard and J. E. King. (Basingstoke, Macmillan Education Ltd., 1989, pp Economic Exiles. By J. E. King. (Basingstoke, Macmillan Press, 1989, pp The Distribution and Redistribution of Income. By Peter J. Lambert. (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1989, pp Kaldor's Political Economy. Edited by Tony Lawson, J. Gabriel Palma and John Sender. (London, Academic Press Limited, 1989, pp Liberalization and Entrepreneurship: Dynamics of Reform in Socialism and Capitalism. By Branko Milanovi. (Armonk, N.Y., M. E. Sharpe Inc., 1989, pp Political Macroeconomics. By Keizo Nagatani. (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1989, pp New Directions in Post‐Keynesian Economics. Edited by John Pheby. (Aldershot, Edward Elgar Publishing Limited, 1989, pp Classical Economic Growth. By Gavin Reid. (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1989, pp Real Wages in 19th and 20th Century Europe: Historical and Comparative Perspectives. Edited by Peter Scholliers. (Oxford, Berg Publishers Limited, 1989, pp Business, Time and Thought: Selected Papers of G. L. S. Shackle. Edited by Stephen F. Frowen. (Basingstoke, Macmillan Press, 1988, pp Free Market Morality: The Political Economy of the Austrian School. By Alexander H. Shand. (London, Routledge, 1989, pp Foundations of Economic Justice. By Morris Silver. (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1989, pp The Economic Role of the State. By Joseph E. Stiglitzet al. Edited by Arnold Heertje. (Oxford, Basil Blackwell in association with Bank Insinger de Beaufort NV, 1989, pp A Critique of Neoclassical Macroeconomics. By John Weeks. (Basingstoke, Macmillan Press, 1989, pp

Inaugurating the Asian Relations Conference some thirty-five years ago, Jawaharlal Nehru had mused that both India and Asia were poised on the threshold of a new period of history–a watershed dividing two epochs of endeavour. The colonial world was crumbling and old empires were being transformed into young nations. The dynamic continent of Asia was slowly finding itself again and stirring to take its place. In the years immediately after India's independence its foreign policy was informed and marked by a strong Asian consciousness. The transition from this Asian phase to global concerns has disturbed many Indians as it is felt that it was only due to its Asian orientation that newly independent India was able to carve out for itself a prominent role in world affairs. However, it is useful to remember that when imperialism was establishing itself India was the hub of its power. Colonial control of China or Iran hinged on it. It is difficult to escape the conclusion then, that Nehru's consciousness was shaped more by anti-imperialist fervour and not merely conditioned by a vague awareness of an Asian identity. To many persons Asia today is just a geographical expression—a continent which unlike Europe or Latin America is not dominated by a single culture. The term Asia is used by most non-Asians to mean diverse things; "Asia" is usually distinguished from the Islamic World, and China and Japan are excluded. It is easy to exaggerate the strength of cultural bonds that unite the Asians. The vast Asiatic continent has seen the flourishing of at least three major civilizations—Indian, Sinic and Islamic. These divisions are further complicated by ethnic and racial differences and not much useful purpose can be served by trying to base programmes for peace and stability in Asia on this elusive shared heritage and kindred identity. In the aftermath of the Second World War there was a keen desire on the part of the Asian countries to work together, to confer together and to look to one another to accelerate the process of decolonisation and to consolidate their newly won independence. This was undoubtedly due to a feeling that the Asian countries might still be exploited or dominated by Europe or countries elsewhere. Against such a backdrop, India could not be ignored. Nehru strove throughout his life to build and reinforce an Asian personality inspite of many obstacles so that the Asian nations may be better equipped to grapple with complex challenges they were confronted with. He was not entirely successfic! in this heroic ettdeasour. There is 110 point in lanienting over the failure. That phase is over. What should be remembered and emphasised is that the Indo-centric Asian policy was not born of some idle fancy of a whimsica1 leader but had emerged from the material facts of life. The international scene has altered considerably with the passage of time and Indlan perspectives on Asia hare changed correspondingly. To many of us it seems, at times at least, that todays problems are quite different front the challenges of yesteryears. We cannot solve out individual or regional problems unless we look at them in a global perspective. What then remains of the concept of Asia?

American central cities have long faced problems associated with population losses and deteriorating economies. As middle-class citizens move to the suburbs and as shopping centers and industry join them, the city experiences considerable difficulty raising money to fund the services needed by its growing low-income population. Just as the dwindling middle class produces strains in the city's economy, it also alters and reshapes the contours of the city's politics. This was particularly true of the 1960s since the vast majority of the out-migrants was white and a large proportion of the growing number of low-income city residents was black. Cities that historically were dominated by the white elite were so changed demographically that the political status quo was threatened. Quick, effective remedies were necessary for the white elite to achieve political stability and to reduce the dangers confronting the established order. A strategy traditionally employed by most cities and still available to some cities is annexation. Such a strategy works equally well for cities faced with an erosion of established power as for cities encumbered with declining bases of public revenue. For those cities surrounded by suburban municipalities, annexation is a useless device. Other cities, however, by expanding their boundaries to include unincorporated suburban areas, can acquire additional land, commercial/industrial enterprises, and people, all of which may generate new revenue to match their increased expenditures. Furthermore, additional population drawn from predominately white suburbs may represent new votes for a city faced with an increasing black population. This strategy has proven to be particularly useful in the South where, generally, the annexation laws are less restrictive than those in other parts of the country, where the cities are less likely to be hemmed in by other municipalities, and where racial politics over the years has been most acute. After an eight year effort to expand its boundaries, the City of Richmond, Virginia, on January 1, 1970, annexed twenty-three square miles and 47,000 people from Chesterfield County. At first glance, apart from the length of time involved in the land acquisition, this 1970 Richmond annexation could be viewed as one of hundreds of municipal annexations since 1945. In fact, however, the boundary expansion was unique. It so captured the attention of public officials and academicians across the nation that it may now constitute the most celebrated municipal annexation in recent American history. Apart from the legal issues raised during the litigation following the annexation (U.S. District Court Judge Robert E. Merhige once classified the case as the most complex since the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka), and the questions which the case poses for urban planners, economists, and political and social thinkers, the annexation primarily reflects an intense power struggle between establishment whites and the city's activist blacks. It is the politics surrounding the Richmond annexation that invokes such interest among scholars and the lay public as well. This book constitutes a political analysis of the 1970 annexation. Specifically, this study explores the political rationale for annexation, the process by which the intent was converted into public policy and the political actors involved in the process. Though the study of. the annexation includes legal, economic, and urban planning issues, those issues are only peripheral to the central concern-power. ; https://scholarship.richmond.edu/bookshelf/1325/thumbnail.jpg

This report focuses on two concrete developments. One is the historical process that produced the Bay Area Rapid Transit District in 1957 and the district's particular regional rapid transit plan, approved by the voters of Alameda, Contra Costa, and San Francisco counties in November, 1962. The other is the process that produced the Alameda-Contra Costa Transit District in 1955 and 1956, and the particular transit service this District began operating in 1960. The relation between the two districts, the latter is contained within the former's territory, is one of the central concerns. These developments are analyzed as contingent outcomes of a regional transit movement that was active during this period. Several aspects of this movement's history are analyzed. Its origins are located in the context of postwar automobile-based suburban growth and the decline of privately owned interurban transit. Government-owned interurban rapid transit, in addition to freeways and off-street parking, are discussed as the transport means sought by business and political leaders in downtown San Francisco and Oakland to maintain and enhance their competitive positions and to gain shares of postwar economic growth. The composition of movement leadership groups is described; the informal and formal regional organizations they created are analyzed with particular reference to the internal conflicts which delayed the movement's progress in the early years, and then caused it to fracture and partially disintegrate during the latter period. These conflicts are interpreted as instances of urban mercantilist politics. Existing central business districts were in competition with each other while they were also in competition with growing suburban commercial zones. Transit was a controversial political terrain on which the many places in the region sought to gain competitive locational advantages. The movement sponsored a pioneering venture in regional transportation planning; the central planning innovation was a regional rapid transit system designed to function in a metropolitan area where land use patterns had been and would continue to be shaped by the motor vehicle. The important roles of private consulting firms and representatives of private financial capital in the public works planning process are high-lighted. Several alternative transit system designs were technically feasible and were advocated by various interested individuals and groups. The political and economic reasons why some technical features, such as an underwater tube, were adopted, and others, such as the bus rapid transit, were rejected are discussed; the priorities of an alliance between downtown Oakland and San Francisco account for many of the technical choices made. In addition to its internal, mercantilist dimension, two aspects of the movement's situation are considered. One of these is its relation to the three major privately owned interurban transit companies in the region. The decline of Key System, which was controlled by national City Lines from 1946 through 1960, and its consequences are traced in detail. The role of the California Public Utilities Commission, which closely regulated privately owned transit companies, is analyzed. The other aspect is the relation of the transit movement to the large-scale program of freeway and bridge building conducted by state government agencies. The movement's progress was intimately linked with bridge location controversies that raged during the period; the political and design connections between transit and freeways are explored, particularly with regard to the San Francisco freeway "revolt" of 1959.

SUMMARYAgrarian movements, viewed here under a broad definition, play an important role for the course of modern history, since even today the majority of mankind lives in a rural society. Recent research on the subject is analysed and synthesised in the article.Needs felt by the agrarian population, which cause their movements, differ according to the prevailing agrarian system of a region. Everywhere the movements encounter difficulties specific to the rural conditions. Thus, they are distinct from workers' movements, as is peasant class‐consciousness, which is not easily formulated. During the historical processes, in which the cultivators play a sometimes decisive part, their role changes. Agrarian reform satisfies their demands and undermines their organisations. Successful reform turns radical tenants into conservative small landowners (willing to conserve the new status). In capitalist industrial countries, part or the upper strata supported fascism or right‐wing radicalism. Leftist trends among peasants have occurred, but are more rare. Agrarian revolutions, supported and borne by the peasants, may exclude them from politics for a long period, because they afterwards oppose the economic demands of rigid socialist planning.Several attempts to develop typologies are discussed. A general theory of these movements is still missing.RÉSUMÉLes mouvements agraires, compris dans cet article dans un sens large, jouent un rôle important dans le cours de l'histoire moderne, parce que même aujourd'hui la majorité des hommes vit dans une société rurale. La recherche récente est analysée et synthétisée.Les besoins ressentis par la population agraire, qui causent ces mouvements, diffèrent selon le système agraire dominant dans chaque région. Partout, les mouvements expériencent des difficultés spécifiques aux conditions rurales. Ainsi, ceux‐ci sont distincts des mouvements ouvriers, de même que la conscience de la classe paysanne diffère et est difficile à formuler. Pendant les processus historiques, dans lesquels les cultivateurs prennent une part parfois décisive, leur rôle change. La réforme agraire satisfait leurs demandes et mine leurs organisations. Une réforme couronnée de succès tourne des métayers radicaux en petit propriétaires conservateurs (voulant conserver le nouveau status). Dans les pays capitalistes industrialisés, une partie des couches rurales supérieures a supporté le fascisme et le radicalisme de droite. Il y a eu aussi des courants de gauche parmis les paysans, mais plus rarement. Les révolutions agraires, supportées et initiées par les paysans, finissent parfois en les excluant pour longtemps de la politique, parce qu'ils s'opposent par la suite aux demandes économiques d'une planification socialiste rigide.Différents auteurs ont essayé de développer des typologies, qui sont discutées ici. Une théorie générale de ces mouvements n'existe pas encore.ZUSAMMENFASSUNGAgrarische Bewegungen, die hier nach einer sehr breiten Definition betrachtet werden, spielen eine bedeutende Rolle für den Gang der modernen Geschichte, da auch heute die Mehrheit der Menschen in der Landwirtschaft lebt. Neuere Forschungsarbeiten zu dieser Frage werden in diesem Artikel analysiert und synthetisiert.Die Bedürfnisse der agrarischen Bevölkerung, die ibre Bewegungen verursachen, unterscheiden sich je nach dem vorherrschenden Agrarsystem einer Region. Überall stossen sie auf Schwierigkeiten, die den ländlichen Bedingungen spezifisch sind. So unterscheiden sie sich von proletarischen Bewegungen, wie auch das Klassenbewusstsein von Bauern sich unterscheidet und nicht leicht zu formulieren ist. Wahrend der historischen Prozesse, an denen die Landbewirtschafter manchmal einen entscheidenden Anteil haben, verandern sich auch ihre Rollen. Agrarreform befriedigt ihre Bedürfnisse und unterminiert gleichzeitig ihre Organisationen. Eine erfolgreiche Reform macht radikale Pächter zu konservativen kleinen Landbesitzern, die den neuen Status konservieren wollen. In kapitalistisch‐industriellen Ländern hat ein Teil der ländlichen Oberschichten Faschismus oder Rechtsradikalismus unterstützt. Linke Tendenzen innerhalb der Bauernschaft sind vorgekommen, waren aber seltene Phänomene. Agrarische Revolutionen, unterstützt und getragen von den Bauern, können unter Umständen diese für eine längere Periode von der Politik ausschliessen, weil sie nach der Revolution sich den ökonomischen Forderungen einer strengen sozialistischen Planung widersetzen.Mehrere Versuche, Typologien zu entwickeln, werden diskutiert. Eine allgemeine Theorie dieser Bewegungen fehlt noch.

The first news that the literaries text adduce us about Malaca, there are referring to his inclusion in Semitic town's group of the coast, who, with, others of the Guadalquivir Valley (Canno, Bardo} revolt against the newly erected roman administration in Spain. This revolt, which was generated along the years 198-197 B. C. (Liv. XXXIII, 21, 7-9), included a settlements with different legal status, from what in the same way, there are several reasons to the same revolt. Malaca. as civitas foederata, like others towns of the coast, also with Semitic origin, in order to his foedus with Roma, hadn't to contribute with the regular tax, but indeed it had to pay one special contribution at troops to the legions, and we know that, during these years, there is a great provincialism in the roman army in Spain. Perhaps this dutie's increase, roused to Malaca for the revolt, while that the revolt's motive in the Guadalquivir Valley it would be the imposition of the regular stipendium, since that year, taxed tribute for his conditions like civitates stipendiariae (Liv. XXXIll, 27, 1; Liv. XXXIV, 10). The usual sources keep silent about almost kind following happenings to the 197 B. C., about the roman Malaca. The town must proceed with his Semitic tradition's industries, such as it were the bad luck fish's industry and the sauce's preparation, for which there are documents since preroman times. The libiophoenices. who the latines texts mentions, perhaps they should can make up the work's hand who, being carried during previously times towards the South-East region, support the peak of this industries, whose direction Semitic minority secure of the place the presence of the African peoples in the town, attested in the texts, it is not a surprise to one community, as Malaca, which always maintained contacts of all sort with the neighbouring coast. From the hostile contacts, because of true invasions of Moorish people, attested since the end of the roman Republic until Adrian and Marc Aurel emperors (CIL, VI, 31856), attracts possibly on account the wealth of the Malacitano market, until the contacts that the trade had promoted in the apparition of the Corpus negotiantium salsarum, of Syrian's corporation {CIL, II, p. 254), public officials about the trade (CIL, II, 1970), people of African origin (CIL, II, 1976), etc., all these things ratify one important economic activity, possibly uninterrupted along of the history of the town, and one interest from Roma to defend such institutions for his self profit. Malaca, city alike in weight to Gades o Carthago Nova, with a privileged legal status, in flavian limes passed to be included in the municipal rule, like there is attested in the important discovery of his lex municipalis. Malaca passed to the full roman administration without evident problems and like answer of the centralist wish of the emperor, who were interested in to make firm the services of the one town, which directed toward his economic projection, and outside the political convulsions, there is warranting the continuity of the programs of the emperors. Perhaps the omission of news in the texts about Malaca, it is responding for this condition of pacific evolution, which the town would have, really very little attractive to the Latin writers, always with attention for the incidents with historical prominence.

The problem of training scientists in librarianship has lately acquired additional importance. The more sophisticated needs of the age of scientifical-technical revolution require a qualitatively higher stage in the development of librarianship and therefore profound studies and revised definitions of its characteristic regularities and organizational forms. This new scientific approach to the problems of librarianship has to be implemented not only by scientists doing library research, but also, and in no less degree, by practical workers, organizers of library services. The organizers and engineers of library development at this new and complex stage should not only be experienced practical workers and administrators, but they should be able to study and solve all the emerging problems with the insight and methodical approach of a scientist.The principal form of training scientists and research personnel in the USSR is "aspirantura" (post graduate studies). At present there are more than 100.000 aspirants, apart from the considerable guantity of specialists writing their thesises independently, without the "aspirantura". A successful completion of aspirantura training (full time aspirantura duration – three years, and by correspondence – four rears) is crowned with the presentation and the defense of a candidate dissertation (thesis) which must show the applicant's apritude for research. The degree of candidate of science is equivalent to the degree of doctor phil. in the USA. As to the doctoral dissertation, it must prepresent an independent research paper, containing theoretical analysis and conclusions and suggesting solutions of significance for the general development of the branch of science as well as for immediate practical application. The aspirantura to train scientific library personnel was first established in 1930 at the Leningrad N. Krupskaya political-educational Institute (now Institute of Culture). Later – in 1934 – at the Moscow Institute for Librarianship.According to the data presented by the All-Union Book Chamber, during the period of 25 years (1945–1970) in the field of bibliology only 11 dissertations have been granted the doctoral degree and 290 the degree of candidate of science. The majority of these dissertations deals with problems of traditional bibliology 50 treat problems of the history of book and printing, 77 – problems of bibliography, 101 – those of librarianship. Besides the Leningrad and Moscow Institutes of culture, a significant contribution to the training of scientists in the field of bibliology has been made by the Moscow Poligraphic Institute, the Moscow Historical-Archival Institute, the All-Union Institute of Scientific and Technical Information, some universities (Moscow, Vilnius, Tbilisi) etc. As to the topics of the dissertations we can witness a growing interest in the problems of information science, automation and mechanization of library work and similar actual topics.One of the main problems on which largely depends the training of scientific library personnel is the "doctoral" problem, for the possibility to have as aspirantura at a certain research institute or establishment of higher education depends upon the number of doctors of science they possess.In the coming 2–3 years we can expect from 10 to 12 doctoral bibliological dissertations to be presented at the Leningrad and Moscow Institutes of Culture and the Vilnius university and elsewhere. This will make the conditions for the training of scientific library personnel even more favourable.