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Abstract.  This article examines why the electorate in German‐speaking Switzerland has consistently opposed joining the European Union. It first shows that the region scores highly on a range of general correlates of negative attitudes towards European integration. However, this is compounded by more idiosyncratic factors, above all by the German‐speaking Swiss' peculiar political and cultural position. On the one hand, as Swiss they belong to a state that lacks a single national culture, is defined in civic and institutional rather than cultural terms, and therefore appears more vulnerable in the face of the European Union's own civic and institutional ambitions. On the other hand, as Swiss‐Germans, they belong to a cultural and linguistic region whose cultural boundaries are relatively fragile and lack institutional backup and articulation. Caught in this identitive double bind, the Swiss‐German electorate has developed an underlying sense of vulnerability and a desire to limit exposure to the outside world.

Dank -- 1 Einleitung -- 2 Prostitution um 1900 -- 2.1 Ein Großstadtphänomen -- 2.2 Lebensläufe von Prostituierten -- 2.3 Reaktionen auf die Prostitution -- 3 Die evangelischen Vereine zur Hebung der Sittlichkeit um 1900 -- 3.1 Die Anfänge der Sittlichkeitsbewegung -- 3.2 Die Mitglieder -- 3.3 Tätigkeitsfelder -- 4 Private Erziehungsheime für weibliche Jugendliche im 19. Jahrhundert -- 4.1 Genealogie der Heimerziehung für weibliche Jugendliche -- 4.2 Die Heimerziehung der Sittlichkeitsvereine -- 4.3 Handlungsstrategien der involvierten Akteure -- 4.4 Die Ambivalenz der Heimerziehung

Durch die Medienlogiken erhalten spektakuläre Aktionen extremistischer Akteure hohe Resonanz, und von Parteien und Medien zugespitzte Konflikte und Skandale um die Grenzen des Extremismus und Radikalismus erschweren eine sachliche Debatte über potenziell demokratiegefährdende Phänomene. Linards Udris beleuchtet die Frage nach den unterschiedlich hohen Resonanzchancen des politischen Extremismus und Radikalismus in der öffentlichen Kommunikation der Deutschschweiz. In einer Längsschnittanalyse seit den 1960er Jahren werden Unterschiede zwischen verschiedenen Phasen und zwischen dem Links- und Rechtsextremismus hinsichtlich der Aufmerksamkeit und Legitimität anschlussfähiger Protest-Themen erklärt. Eine Vertiefungsanalyse zeigt, wie die Medialisierung der politischen Kommunikation die Resonanzchancen des Extremismus und Radikalismus und den Umgang mit diesen zu prägen vermag.

Abstract
This article examines Muslim interpretations in the mass media public discourses in German-speaking Switzerland. It focuses on the period from the moment of the adoption of the initiative against the construction of minarets untill mid-2017. On the basis of a discourse analysis four fields of positions are presented. It can be shown that there is a considerable variety of inter-Muslim interpretations. Those positions with the highest reception are characterized by an intolerance of ambiguity and an incorporation of hegemonial interpretative patterns.

After the first transition to parenthood, most couples adopt a gendered labor division, where mothers become main caregivers and fathers breadwinners of the family. By comparing two distinct language regions within one country, the present article explores how parents' gendered labor division comes into existence and what role gendered culture and social policy play. The analysis draws on in-depth interviews with 23 German speaking and 73 French speaking participants from Switzerland. The results reveal that French speaking women and men presume an egalitarian labor division as parents. In German speaking regions, however, participants anticipate that mothers will become the main caregivers and fathers the breadwinners. It is shown that the labor market structure, which is in line with the male breadwinner norm, contributes to men's full-time employment, whereas mothers' labor market insertion is influenced by the acceptance of non-parental childcare and to a lesser extent by the offer of childcare facilities. Further, mothers experience more time conflicts than fathers, and the less mothers' paid work is accepted, the more they suffer from feelings of guilt when being employed.

In this study, I provide evidence that the educational achievement of second-generation immigrants in German-speaking Switzerland is greater than in Germany. The impact of the first-generation immigrants' destination decision on their offspring's educational achievement seems to be much more important than has been recognized by the existing literature. I identify the test score gap between these students that cannot be explained by differences in individual and family characteristics. Moreover, I show how this gap evolves over the test score distribution and how the least favorably-endowed students fare. My results suggest that the educational system of Switzerland, relative to the German system, enhances the performance of immigrants' children substantially. This disparity is largest when conditioning on the language spoken at home, and prevails even when comparing only students whose parents migrated from the same country of origin.

This article presents part of the findings that came out of a two-year research conducted within the frame of a FKFO project.1The purpose of this project was to show how the study of the evolving language policies of public service broadcasting (PSB),2can give a good insight into the (self-) ascribed role of PSB in the nation-building project and wider identity formation within communities. In other words, it showed how the evolving language policies of PSB can be explained by looking at their wider socioeconomic, political, cultural and sociolinguistic context.3The study was comparative in the sense that the language policy of the Flemish, German-Swiss and Dutch PSB were taken as case studies. As we show, their seemingly different language policies must be understood as the result of different `accents' in the process of nation-building and in the position of language in this process. The study was also diachronic. Throughout time, the PSB services have modified their language policies considerably. These changes must be understood as a symptom of sociocultural transformations and consequent changes in identity formation within these communities. As such, the language policies of PSB can be situated within the shift from a modern to a postmodern or postmaterialist society.

Ergebnisse eines über zwei Jahre laufenden Forschungsprojektes, das von der belgischen FKFO-Stiftung gefördert wurde. Das Ziel des Projektes war zu zeigen, daß eine Untersuchung der Sprachenpolitik des öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunks (PSB) wichtige Einsichten in das Selbstverständnis von PSB als einer Institution, die nationales Bewußtsein fördern und zur Identitätsbildung auf Gemeindeebene beitragen will, liefern kann. Mit anderen Worten, die Sprachenpolitik von PSB muß im weiteren im sozioökonomischen, politischen, kulturellen und soziolinguistischen Kontext gesehen werden. Es handelt sich um eine vergleichende Untersuchung in dem Sinne, daß die Sprachenpolitik des flämischen, deutsch-schweizerischen und holländischen PSB jeweils als Fallstudien einbezogen wurden. Es kann dabei gezeigt werden, daß die scheinbar unterschiedlichen Ansätze das Resultat unterschiedlicher "Akzente" beim Prozeß der Herstellung eines nationalen Bewußtseins und der Rolle, die Sprache in diesem Prozeß zu spielen hat, sind. Die Untersuchung erstreckte sich über unterschiedliche Zeitabschnitte. Über den gesamten Zeitraum hinweg läßt sich feststellen, daß die Sprachenpolitiken der öffentlich- rechtlichen Rundfunkanstalten beträchtliche Modifikationen erfahren. Diese Veränderungen müssen als Symptome soziokultureller Transformationsprozesse und daraus folgender Änderungen bei der Identitätsbildung innerhalb dieser Gemeinschaften verstanden werden. Insgesamt kann festgestellt werden, daß sich in der Sprachenpolitik der untersuchten öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunkanstalten die Entwicklung der modernen Gesellschaft hin zu einer postmodernen bzw. postmaterialistischen Gesellschaft widerspiegelt. (UNübers.)

AbstractThe extent to which the many Albanian-speaking children and adolescents in Switzerland apply a bilingual mode differs considerably. As part of a larger project, a quantitative exploratory study seeks to understand whether the frequency of code-switching is determined by demographic, individual, and peer-group-related factors. The fact that no striking relationships between these factors can be observed will be discussed with a view to the specificity of Albanian migration. Furthermore, these results raise questions with regard to the determinants of bilingual practice and the characteristics of "prototypical code-switch-speakers."