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Consociational democracy and its main purpose to create a stable democracy in deeply divided societies is the talking point among political scientists and politicians who want to consolidate regimes in conflicted countries. Together with the growing interest for consociational democracy comes a problem, when theories which were created on the basis of some model societies are tried to apply to societies which are very different in nature to the first ones. Because of this situation, there is a need to revise the theory and the challenges of consociationalism. A comprehensive evaluation of the perspectives and favorable conditions of consociationalism demands further analysis in this field. Trying to point out this problem, there was made an analysis of the main elements of consociationalism as well as the impact of favorable conditions for implementation of consociationalism in deeply divided societies and the implementation of consociationalism in Switzerland. The main finding of this article is that favorable conditions have more importance than it was first assumed by A. Lijphart in late 1970s. As a result there is strong evidence that the combination of such favorable conditions as the traditions of elite accommodation and segmental isolation has a great importance on success of consociationalism. Moreover, it can be assumed that plenty of favorable conditions caused successful implementation of consociationalism in Switzerland.

Consociational democracy and its main purpose to create a stable democracy in deeply divided societies is the talking point among political scientists and politicians who want to consolidate regimes in conflicted countries. Together with the growing interest for consociational democracy comes a problem, when theories which were created on the basis of some model societies are tried to apply to societies which are very different in nature to the first ones. Because of this situation, there is a need to revise the theory and the challenges of consociationalism. A comprehensive evaluation of the perspectives and favorable conditions of consociationalism demands further analysis in this field. Trying to point out this problem, there was made an analysis of the main elements of consociationalism as well as the impact of favorable conditions for implementation of consociationalism in deeply divided societies and the implementation of consociationalism in Switzerland. The main finding of this article is that favorable conditions have more importance than it was first assumed by A. Lijphart in late 1970s. As a result there is strong evidence that the combination of such favorable conditions as the traditions of elite accommodation and segmental isolation has a great importance on success of consociationalism. Moreover, it can be assumed that plenty of favorable conditions caused successful implementation of consociationalism in Switzerland.

Consociational democracy and its main purpose to create a stable democracy in deeply divided societies is the talking point among political scientists and politicians who want to consolidate regimes in conflicted countries. Together with the growing interest for consociational democracy comes a problem, when theories which were created on the basis of some model societies are tried to apply to societies which are very different in nature to the first ones. Because of this situation, there is a need to revise the theory and the challenges of consociationalism. A comprehensive evaluation of the perspectives and favorable conditions of consociationalism demands further analysis in this field. Trying to point out this problem, there was made an analysis of the main elements of consociationalism as well as the impact of favorable conditions for implementation of consociationalism in deeply divided societies and the implementation of consociationalism in Switzerland. The main finding of this article is that favorable conditions have more importance than it was first assumed by A. Lijphart in late 1970s. As a result there is strong evidence that the combination of such favorable conditions as the traditions of elite accommodation and segmental isolation has a great importance on success of consociationalism. Moreover, it can be assumed that plenty of favorable conditions caused successful implementation of consociationalism in Switzerland.

Over the centuries, Switzerland has developed a unique and inimitable statehood that functions in peculiar geographical, social and political conditions, shaped by the tradition of exercising direct forms of power. It appears, however, that these tools of direct democracy can sometimes obstruct the changes of utmost significance for the development of modern statehood and democracy. This was the case of granting voting rights to women. Although many European and other states granted the rights to vote and stand for election to women in the 1920s and 1930s, Switzerland needed much longer to introduce this change: on the federal level, women's suffrage was granted as late as in 1971, and the last to enjoy the right to partake in the political life of their canton were the women of Appenzell Innerrhoden, granted the right in 1990. The objective of this paper is to analyze the influence of the mechanisms of direct democracy on the introduction of voting rights for Swiss women. ; Over the centuries, Switzerland has developed a unique and inimitable statehood that functions in peculiar geographical, social and political conditions, shaped by the tradition of exercising direct forms of power. It appears, however, that these tools of direct democracy can sometimes obstruct the changes of utmost significance for the development of modern statehood and democracy. This was the case of granting voting rights to women. Although many European and other states granted the rights to vote and stand for election to women in the 1920s and 1930s, Switzerland needed much longer to introduce this change: on the federal level, women's suffrage was granted as late as in 1971, and the last to enjoy the right to partake in the political life of their canton were the women of Appenzell Innerrhoden, granted the right in 1990. The objective of this paper is to analyze the influence of the mechanisms of direct democracy on the introduction of voting rights for Swiss women.

This dissertation discusses the political activities of Lithuanians in Switzerland during World War I. Several perspectives presenting this activity have been selected for the analysis: international and national conferences and their organization, development and dissemination of state projects, press publishing, internal and external correspondence. These issues are dealt with in five chronologically arranged chapters, within the problem analysis is presented. The data collected from new primal sources unknown for historiography. Due to that, analysis of their content and context provides a new insight into the problems of the development of Lithuanian statehood in the 20th century and tries to identify the contribution of Lithuanians in Switzerland to the development of Lithuania's independence. Also, the model of this Lithuanian group as a mediator of the two warring parties, its peculiarities, failures and achievements are important. This allows us to reveal not only the role of particular personalities in the theory and practice of statehood, but also the images of these Lithuanians about the form of state governance, its territory, its relations with citizens and neighboring states.

This dissertation discusses the political activities of Lithuanians in Switzerland during World War I. Several perspectives presenting this activity have been selected for the analysis: international and national conferences and their organization, development and dissemination of state projects, press publishing, internal and external correspondence. These issues are dealt with in five chronologically arranged chapters, within the problem analysis is presented. The data collected from new primal sources unknown for historiography. Due to that, analysis of their content and context provides a new insight into the problems of the development of Lithuanian statehood in the 20th century and tries to identify the contribution of Lithuanians in Switzerland to the development of Lithuania's independence. Also, the model of this Lithuanian group as a mediator of the two warring parties, its peculiarities, failures and achievements are important. This allows us to reveal not only the role of particular personalities in the theory and practice of statehood, but also the images of these Lithuanians about the form of state governance, its territory, its relations with citizens and neighboring states.

This dissertation discusses the political activities of Lithuanians in Switzerland during World War I. Several perspectives presenting this activity have been selected for the analysis: international and national conferences and their organization, development and dissemination of state projects, press publishing, internal and external correspondence. These issues are dealt with in five chronologically arranged chapters, within the problem analysis is presented. The data collected from new primal sources unknown for historiography. Due to that, analysis of their content and context provides a new insight into the problems of the development of Lithuanian statehood in the 20th century and tries to identify the contribution of Lithuanians in Switzerland to the development of Lithuania's independence. Also, the model of this Lithuanian group as a mediator of the two warring parties, its peculiarities, failures and achievements are important. This allows us to reveal not only the role of particular personalities in the theory and practice of statehood, but also the images of these Lithuanians about the form of state governance, its territory, its relations with citizens and neighboring states.

This dissertation discusses the political activities of Lithuanians in Switzerland during World War I. Several perspectives presenting this activity have been selected for the analysis: international and national conferences and their organization, development and dissemination of state projects, press publishing, internal and external correspondence. These issues are dealt with in five chronologically arranged chapters, within the problem analysis is presented. The data collected from new primal sources unknown for historiography. Due to that, analysis of their content and context provides a new insight into the problems of the development of Lithuanian statehood in the 20th century and tries to identify the contribution of Lithuanians in Switzerland to the development of Lithuania's independence. Also, the model of this Lithuanian group as a mediator of the two warring parties, its peculiarities, failures and achievements are important. This allows us to reveal not only the role of particular personalities in the theory and practice of statehood, but also the images of these Lithuanians about the form of state governance, its territory, its relations with citizens and neighboring states.

The most fundamental principle in the law on self-regulation of a religious community is the corporative freedom of religion, as it protects religious communities first and foremost from the impermissible interference of the State. Subsequently, the right of religious communities to self-governance and autonomy is among the elements of the corporative freedom of religion. However, as noted earlier, the state does not treat all religious communities on an equal basis in the legal sense. The recognized churches (religious communities) as public law corporations, are unions of persons, who form a certain part in the sphere of the state sovereignty. Therefore, their right to self-regulation is restricted by the Canton through the recognition act of religious communities as such, and the requirements for observing in their activities of democratic procedures and legal principles of the state. However, the state is also undertaking to protect their autonomy, and the Federal Court has expanded the right of church communities to lodge a constitutional claim concerning the violation of their autonomy, not only by top state institutions, but also by higher institutions of the Church. Meanwhile, the fundamentals of the origin of religious communities existing on the basis of the private law are contractual, and due to observe only the imperative norms of the private law. The Canton should not interfere with the organization of private religious legal entities, therefore a wide right to autonomy is guaranteed for them.

The most fundamental principle in the law on self-regulation of a religious community is the corporative freedom of religion, as it protects religious communities first and foremost from the impermissible interference of the State. Subsequently, the right of religious communities to self-governance and autonomy is among the elements of the corporative freedom of religion. However, as noted earlier, the state does not treat all religious communities on an equal basis in the legal sense. The recognized churches (religious communities) as public law corporations, are unions of persons, who form a certain part in the sphere of the state sovereignty. Therefore, their right to self-regulation is restricted by the Canton through the recognition act of religious communities as such, and the requirements for observing in their activities of democratic procedures and legal principles of the state. However, the state is also undertaking to protect their autonomy, and the Federal Court has expanded the right of church communities to lodge a constitutional claim concerning the violation of their autonomy, not only by top state institutions, but also by higher institutions of the Church. Meanwhile, the fundamentals of the origin of religious communities existing on the basis of the private law are contractual, and due to observe only the imperative norms of the private law. The Canton should not interfere with the organization of private religious legal entities, therefore a wide right to autonomy is guaranteed for them.

The federal principle in Switzerland has been developing for centuries. It was a process that has not always proceeded in a peaceful manner. The creation of Swiss statehood required reconciling different groups and interests. Today's federal solutions in Switzerland allow for the peaceful co-existence of different language and religious groups. Another challenge is to reconcile the interests of wealthy and poor cantons. Understanding how this happened can provide guidance for further integration within the European Union, which in many aspects might be compared to Switzerland. ; Zasada federalizmu w Szwajcarii rozwijała się przez wieki. Był to proces, który nie zawsze przebiega ł w sposób pokojowy. Stworzenie szwajcarskiej państwowości wymagało pogodzenia różnych grup i interesów. Dzisiejsze rozwiązania federalne w Szwajcarii umożliwiają pokojowe współistnienie różnych grup językowych i religijnych. Kolejnym wyzwaniem było pogodzenie interesów bogatych i biednych kantonów. Poznanie mechanizmów federalizmu szwajcarskiego może stanowić wskazówkę dla dalszej integracji w ramach Unii Europejskiej, która pod wieloma względami przypomina Szwajcarię.

Switzerland is an example of a state that has adopted specific solutions as regards the election and execution of executive power, which has generated the common conviction that the Swiss Confederation is among the most solid democracies in the world. Recent years have shown, however, that political practice has brought about a significant evolution of Swiss solutions as the distribution of power in the parliament has resulted in the abolition of the 'magical formula' that guaranteed the great (and stable) government coalition, and the emergence of initiatives aiming at changing the principles along which executive power is elected in Switzerland. The purpose of considerations presented in this paper is to analyze the specific character of how the executive institutions function in the Swiss Confederation, answer the question of what directions the changes to the composition of the Federal Council are taking, as well as address the directions of evolutionary changes to the principles of electing the members of the Swiss government. ; Switzerland is an example of a state that has adopted specific solutions as regards the election and execution of executive power, which has generated the common conviction that the Swiss Confederation is among the most solid democracies in the world. Recent years have shown, however, that political practice has brought about a significant evolution of Swiss solutions as the distribution of power in the parliament has resulted in the abolition of the 'magical formula' that guaranteed the great (and stable) government coalition, and the emergence of initiatives aiming at changing the principles along which executive power is elected in Switzerland. The purpose of considerations presented in this paper is to analyze the specific character of how the executive institutions function in the Swiss Confederation, answer the question of what directions the changes to the composition of the Federal Council are taking, as well as address the directions of evolutionary changes to the principles of electing the members of the Swiss government.

In recent years the growth of direct democratic procedures in the world has become far more noticeable. Never before such a large number of people could vote for the actual issues since over the past decade. More frequently applied initiative law, general voting with a view to resolving essential problems and using mechanism of cancelation of the elected officials has fundamentally changed the political dynamics. Around the world representative democracy is being transformed and modernized. Thus the topic of the Master's thesis was chosen not randomly but to the more extensive context of the analysis of the referendum institute and aims to approach the experience of the referenda and assessing their prospects in Lithuania, Switzerland and California. The objective has been achieved by analyzing legal doctrine and legislation in terms of Lithuania and the experience of the selected states (Switzerland and California) organizing the referendums as well as their effects on representative democracy. The first part disputes the referendum in detail referring to it as the institute of direct democracy, concept and classification since the researchers' opinion concerning the terminology is different. The second part deals with the practice of referendum law in Lithuania and its assessment is presented. The third part analyzes the institutions of direct democracy in Switzerland and their assessment. The direct democracy in California is assessed in the fourth part while and arguments disapproving sceptics' opinion are presented in the fifth part.

In recent years the growth of direct democratic procedures in the world has become far more noticeable. Never before such a large number of people could vote for the actual issues since over the past decade. More frequently applied initiative law, general voting with a view to resolving essential problems and using mechanism of cancelation of the elected officials has fundamentally changed the political dynamics. Around the world representative democracy is being transformed and modernized. Thus the topic of the Master's thesis was chosen not randomly but to the more extensive context of the analysis of the referendum institute and aims to approach the experience of the referenda and assessing their prospects in Lithuania, Switzerland and California. The objective has been achieved by analyzing legal doctrine and legislation in terms of Lithuania and the experience of the selected states (Switzerland and California) organizing the referendums as well as their effects on representative democracy. The first part disputes the referendum in detail referring to it as the institute of direct democracy, concept and classification since the researchers' opinion concerning the terminology is different. The second part deals with the practice of referendum law in Lithuania and its assessment is presented. The third part analyzes the institutions of direct democracy in Switzerland and their assessment. The direct democracy in California is assessed in the fourth part while and arguments disapproving sceptics' opinion are presented in the fifth part.