The European Parliament and the European Council have adopted the Directive 2008/96/EC relating to the safety of traffic infrastructure. This Directive binds the EU Member States to implement the guidelines on roads comprising the parts of the Trans-European traffic network, regardless of the stage those roads are in. EU Member States have a possibility to adopt the guidelines and regulations from the Directive and build them into the national regulations on parts of the roads that are not a part of the Trans-European roads. Based on the facts stated above, there is a research problem in a form of a question "Can the Directive 2008/96/EC be applied in the traffic in Bosnia and Herzegovina?" i.e. are its guidelines implemented as a manner of approximation with the EU regulations, and what are the effects of its implementation. This is a traffic problem in its nature, closely related to road traffic safety, and we find the answer to the research problem in theoretical and empirical research in this area.
The financial crisis has adversely affected all the countries of the world in the conditions of globalization with different intensity, no matter if it is higher or lower level of development and different economic structures. In the context of globalization in the countries in transition, the banking system was reformed, thus creating a new financial market. The International Monetary Fund has taken an active part in the transition process of Eastern European countries by providing advice and approving financial arrangements. Developed countries of the world have implemented measures of non-standard monetary policy to overcome the global financial crisis. In some parts of Central and Eastern Europe, in addition to the general corporate identity (bank name, abbreviated name, trademark and slogan of the bank), the countries also applied qualitative features of the bank's corporate identity (image, reputation and goodwill). As they enter the 21st century, banks in developed countries are increasingly emphasizing the corporate culture and style of business of the bank. In the practice of banks, the following performances are most often present: financial, marketing, performance management, employee performance, business philosophy, reputation and the image of the bank. The banks' performance analysis included 13 Central and Eastern European countries divided into three groups. Performance over the period 2008-2018 is analyzed, related to: share of total assets in GDP, share of total loans in GDP, share of total deposit in GDP and level of capital adequacy of Central and Eastern European countries. The analysis shows that the central banks of the countries of Central Europe are dominant, and that in certain performances they are approached by the banks of the countries of Eastern Europe (members of the European Union and the Western Balkans). ; Finansijska kriza je negativno uticala na sve zemlje sveta u uslovima globalizacije sa različitim intezitetom, bez razlike da li se radi o višem ili nižem nivou razvijenosti i različitim privrednim strukturama. U uslovima globalizacije u zemljama u tranziciji izvršena je reforma bankarskog sistema i na taj način je započeto stvaranje novog finansijskog tržišta. Međunarodni monetarni fond uzeo je aktivno učešće u procesu tranzicije zemalja istočne Evrope pružanjem saveta i odobravanjem finansijskih aranžmana. Razvijene zemlje sveta su radi prevazilaženja svetske finansijske krize primenile mere nestandardne monetarne politike.Zemlje centralne i istočne Evrope su u određenom delu pored opšteg korporativnog identiteta (naziv banke, skraćenog imena, zaštitnog znaka i slogana banke) primenjivale i kvalitativna obeležja korporativnog identiteta (imidž, reputacije i gudvila) banke. Ulaskom u 21. vek banke razvijenih zemalja sve više stavljaju naglasak na korporativnu kulturu i stil poslovanja banke. U praksi banaka najčešće su prisutne sledeće performanse: finansijske, marketing, menadžment performanse, performanse zaposlenih, poslovne filozofije, ugleda, reputacije i imidža banke. Analiza performansi banaka obuhvatila je 13 zemalja centralne i istočne Evrope podeljenih u tri grupe. Analizirane su performanse u vremenskom periodu od 2008-2018. godine koje se odnose na: učešće ukupne aktive u BDP-u, učešće ukupnih kredita u BDP-u, učešće ukupnog depozita u BDP-u i nivo adekvatnosti kapitala zemalja centralne i istočne Evrope. Analiza pokazuje da su dominantne banke zemalja centralne Evrope, a da se njima u određenim performansama približavaju banke zemalja istočne Evrope (članice Evropske Unije i zapadnog Balkana).
Izbori i izborni sistemi su veoma važan faktor funkcionisanja političkih sistema i njihove demokratizacije. Kraj prošlog veka doneo je temeljite promene bivšim socijalstičkim društvima širom starog kontinenta. Politički pluralizam, demokratija i tržišna ekonomija postale su široko prihvaćene vrednosti za bivša komunistička društva. Ovo je, sa druge strane, povećalo značaj izbora u svim ovim zemljama, uključujući Republiku Makedoniju. Veoma je teško tvrditi da li su izbori u Republici Makedoniji, od početka njenog postojanja kao nezavisne države, uvek bili u skladu sa pravilima naprednih demokratija, ali svejedno ostaje činjenica da su omogućili demokratiju u ovoj zemlji. Republika Makedonija prihvatila je parlamentarizam i u kontinuitetu iskazivala sve veće poštovanje za volju građana izraženu na fer i slobodnim izborima, iako je u nekoliko aspekata pokazala nedostatak političke kulture i tendencije koje bi se mogle nazvati demokratskim manipulisanjem demokratijom. Glavni cilj ovog rada je da pruži pregled izbora i razvoja izbornih modela u političkom sistemu Republike Makedonije. Kao što će to u radu biti predstavljeno, Republika Makedonija je u ove dve decenije svoje nezavisnosti primenjivala čist većinski izborni model, kombinovani izborni model i proporcionalni model, koji je trenutno u upotrebi. ; Elections and electoral systems are a factor of great importance for the functioning of political systems and their democratization. The end of the last century brought fundamental changes to ex socialist societies all over the old continent. Political pluralism, democracy and market economy became the largely accepted values for ex communist societies. This on the other hand resulted in an increased importance of elections in all these countries, including the Republic of Macedonia. It is very hard to argue weather election in the Republic of Macedonia from the very beginnings of its functioning as an independent country have always been in accordance with the rules of advanced democracies, but never the less the fact remains that they have made democracy in this country possible. The Republic of Macedonia has accepted parliamentarism and has shown in continuity an increasing respect for the will of citizens expressed in fair and free elections, although in several aspects it has shown a lack of political culture and tendencies for what might be called a democratic manipulation of democracy. The main objective of this paper is to provide an overview of elections and the evolution of the electoral models in the political system of the Republic of Macedonia. As will be presented in the paper the Republic of Macedonia in these two decades of functioning as an independent country has implemented the pure majoritarian electoral model, the combined electoral model and the proportional model which is being actually implemented.
Oвa диcepтaциje ce бaви законодавнoм функцијoм паpламентa и њeгoвим oднocoм ca дpyгим кoнкpeтним инcтитyциjaмa, кoje пpeyзимajy oд парламента пoвjepeнe мy надлежности, yзpoкyjyjyћи њeгoвy мapгинaлизaциjy. Oвaj пpoцec ниje нoв, aли пocтaje cвe комплeкcниjи. Нa почeткy cy тo билe влaдa и политичке партије, aли ce вpeмeнoм бpoj cyбjeкaтa кojи yгpoжaвajy законодавнy надлежност паpламентa пoвeћaвao. У oвoм кoнкpeтнoм питaњy, парламент ce cyoчaвa ca oзбиљним изaзoвимa, диjeлeћи надлежност joш и ca шeфoм дpжaвe, ycтaвним cyдoм, нeзaвиcним peгyлaтopим тиjeлимa. Нaжaлocт, тy ниje кpaj. Пpoцec eвpoпcкиx интeгpaциja, кpoз eвpoпcкy лeгиcлaтивy, кpeиpao je jeднy нoвy oблacт законодавнe дjeлaтнocти изyзeтe oд надлежности нaциoнaлниx парламенaта. Cнaжнe и вeoмa диcциплинoвaнe политичке партије дoминиpajy, нe caмo политичким пpoцecимa, вeћ и кoмплeтним парламентарним пpoцeдypaмa и њиxoв нapacтajyћи yтицaj yгpoжaвa пoдjeлy влacти кojy ycпocтaвљa ycтaв и пpoyзpoкyje прoблeме y фyнкциoниcaњy парламентa yoпштe. C oбзиpoм нa њиxoв знaчaj, oнe cy y oвoм paдy aнaлизиpaнe кao нeпocpeдни aктep, aли и индиpeктнo, кao чинилaц кojи кoнтpoлишe oдpeђeнe инcтитyциje кoje yгpoжaвajy законодавнy надлежност парламента. Знaчaj диcepтaциje oглeдa ce y тoмe штo oвoj пpoблeмaтици дo caдa ниje пocвeћeнa пyнa пaжњa, кoja yкљyчyje пpoцec eвpoпcкиx интeгpaциja и нeзaвиcниx peгyлaтopниx тиjeлa. Зaкљyчaк кojи cмo дoниjeли нaкoн иcтpaживaњa je дa oчиглeднo пocтojи пoтpeбa за парламентарнoм peфopмoм коja ћe yчинити законодавни пocтyпaк eфикacниjим, a законодавнo тиjeлo cнaжниjим. Гeнepaлнo, cмaтpaмo дa je нeoпxoднo cнaжeњe тpaдициoнaлнe пoдjeлe влacти. Диcepтaциja тaкoђe пpeдлaжe cпeцифичнa кoнкpeтнa pjeшeњa y кoнтeкcтy peфopмe законодавнoг пocтyпкa. ; Ova diceptacije ce bavi zakonodavnom funkcijom paplamenta i njegovim odnocom ca dpygim konkpetnim inctitycijama, koje ppeyzimajy od parlamenta povjepene my nadležnosti, yzpokyjyjyći njegovy mapginalizacijy. Ovaj ppocec nije nov, ali poctaje cve komplekcniji. Na početky cy to bile vlada i političke partije, ali ce vpemenom bpoj cybjekata koji ygpožavajy zakonodavny nadležnost paplamenta povećavao. U ovom konkpetnom pitanjy, parlament ce cyočava ca ozbiljnim izazovima, dijeleći nadležnost još i ca šefom dpžave, yctavnim cydom, nezavicnim pegylatopim tijelima. Nažaloct, ty nije kpaj. Ppocec evpopckix integpacija, kpoz evpopcky legiclativy, kpeipao je jedny novy oblact zakonodavne djelatnocti izyzete od nadležnosti nacionalnix parlamenata. Cnažne i veoma dicciplinovane političke partije dominipajy, ne camo političkim ppocecima, već i kompletnim parlamentarnim ppocedypama i njixov napactajyći yticaj ygpožava podjely vlacti kojy ycpoctavlja yctav i ppoyzpokyje probleme y fynkcionicanjy parlamenta yopšte. C obzipom na njixov značaj, one cy y ovom pady analizipane kao nepocpedni aktep, ali i indipektno, kao činilac koji kontpoliše odpeđene inctitycije koje ygpožavajy zakonodavny nadležnost parlamenta. Značaj diceptacije ogleda ce y tome što ovoj ppoblematici do cada nije pocvećena pyna pažnja, koja ykljyčyje ppocec evpopckix integpacija i nezavicnix pegylatopnix tijela. Zakljyčak koji cmo donijeli nakon ictpaživanja je da očigledno poctoji potpeba za parlamentarnom pefopmom koja će yčiniti zakonodavni poctypak efikacnijim, a zakonodavno tijelo cnažnijim. Genepalno, cmatpamo da je neopxodno cnaženje tpadicionalne podjele vlacti. Diceptacija takođe ppedlaže cpecifična konkpetna pješenja y kontekcty pefopme zakonodavnog poctypka. ; This dissertation is dealing with legislative parliament function and its relation with other particular institutions that take away stipulated powers from parliament causing his marginalization. This process is not new but it"s become more complex to deal with. In the beginning there was government and political parties, but during the time, number of actors that threaten the legislative competence of parliament increased. On this particular issue, modern parliament facing difficult challenges, sharing his competence with head of the state, constitutional court, independent regulatory agencies. Unfortunatelly, that is not the end. EU integration process, through the European legislation, creates new area of legislative activity excluded from the national parliaments. Strong and highly disciplined political parties are dominating not only political process but whole parliamentary procedures, and its increasing influence causes further damage to separation of powers that constitution establishes and harms parliament particulary. Considering their impact in this process, they are studied in this work directly, and indirectly – as an acter that control other particular institutions which threaten legislative competence of parliament. The importance of the dissertation is reflected in the fact that this issue does not have full attention including EU integration process, indepedent regulatory bodies. The conslusion that we made after the research is that obviously there is a need for parliamentary reform which will make law-making process more efficient, and legislative body stronger. Basically, we find it necessary strengthening of the traditional separation of powers. Dissertation also proposes specific solutions in the context of the law-making process reform.
Rad analizira problem neadekvatne teritorijalne reprezentacije parlamenata koji se biraju putem proporcionalnog izbornog sistema sa jednom izbornom jedinicom. Predmet posmatranja su predstavnička tela Srbije, Holandije i Izraela sa tvrdnjama da na njihovu geografsku reprezentativnost dominantno utiču faktori koji nemaju direktne veze sa izbornim pravilima, kao što su etnička struktura društva i broj lista koje prelaze cenzus. Utvrđuje se da ne postoji jedinstvena pravilnost koja utiče na geografski sastav parlamenta u svakoj od ovih država, već se presudni faktori teritorijalne reprezentativnosti razlikuju u zavisnosti od društvenog konteksta u kome izborni sistem egzistira. ; This paper analyzes the problem of insufficient territorial representation of parliaments elected through a proportional electoral system with a nationwide electoral district. The subject of analysis are the representative bodies of Serbia, the Netherlands, and Israel, with the claim that their geographical representativeness is dominantly influenced by factors that have no direct connection with election rules, such as the ethnic diversity of society and the number of party lists that win seats in parliament. It is established that there is no single regularity that has an equal effect on the geographical composition of the parliament in each of these countries. Instead of that, the key factors of territorial representation are different depending on the social context in which the electoral system exists.
According to Luhmann, religion transforms the indefinable/undefined into the definable/defined complexity, thus outlining the problems of the whole society. Due to this function, religion remams bound to the level of the entirety of a social system. Nevertheless, in time, in the course of the functional differentiation of society, different sub-systems have been created for different tasks (economy, science, politics, education, etc.) and religion has been accorded the status of one such system. Besides distinguishing among various subsystems, this process implies the separation of diverse task-areas within the religious system itself. By and by, within the Christian religion, three functionally differentiated spheres have emerged which Luhmann labels as a) the church, i.e. the entirety of spiritual communication in which the function of the system of religion is fulfilled for the whole social system; b) Diaconate (Diakonie), which performs the system's tasks towards other social sub-systems (these tasks, in line with the theory of systems, may be termed services -Leistungen) as well as towards personal systems (in line with the theory of systems they may be termed pastoral - Seelsorge); and c) theology (Theologie) whose role within the religious system may be described as reflexion (Reflexion) i.e. the task of the reflexive contact of one's own identity. (SOI : PM: S. 255)
Although it is not the primary reason for Russian economic collapse which occurred in August of 1998, the permanent crisis of Russian political system after 1991 had contributed to this breakdown. A major role in all this was played by the process of privatisation by which Russian natural and economic resources remained in the hands of the political/economic elite. The crisis of the political system in Russia has another consequence - bringing into question not only the attained degree of democratic development but also the future of democracy in Russia. (SOI : SOEU: S. 117)
Since the end of the 1980s, the intensifying of the politicization process has been one of the important characteristics of the EU integration process. The politicization in the EU is understood as the way of contesting and decision-making on public issues, the way that is opposite to the elitist and technocratic mode of decision-making, typical for the first decades of EU integration. Thus, the politicization, and also the politicization in the EU, is grasped as complementary to the public character of modern politics, especially with democracy. The European union is conceptualized as an extremely compound and non-centralized political system of a non-state type with the elements of consensus democracy and with a deeply segmented society as its basis, divided by national and many transnational lines. Within that society, as well as within its political institutions, the politicization process has been developing which has been influencing the functioning of the system considerably. We explore the experiences of politicization in other compound, consensus democracies in Europe – Belgium and Switzerland – and by comparing the specific cases of politicization, we are searching for the possible specific characteristics of politicization in the EU that stem from its described nature. Also, we are analyzing the possible impact of such politicization on the future of integration and politics in the EU. Although not always contributing to deepening of integration, the politicization in the EU, under specific circumstances, could have a democratizing effect. It serves as the opportunity for stimulating the debates on important issues and articulating the will of the citizens while the adequate forms of participation in the political process are still missing in the EU. In addition, we discuss the potential impact of the politicization of European issues on the gradual creation of the European public sphere or the Europeanisation of the national public spheres, as well as on the Europeanisation of society and emergence of the European political identity among the EU citizens. ; Jedna od značajnijih karakteristika u razvoju evropske integracije od kraja 1980- ih godina jeste intenziviranje procesa politizacije. Politizacija u Evropskoj uniji se razume kao način raspravljanja i odlučivanja o javnim pitanjima suprotan elitističkom i tehnokratskom načinu donošenja odluka, uobičajenom naročito za prve decenije razvoja evropske integracije. Stoga se politizacija, pa i politizacija u Evropskoj uniji, shvata kao komplementarna sa javnim karakterom moderne politike, posebno sa demokratijom. Evropska unija je konceptualizovana kao izrazito složen i necentralizovan politički sistem nedržavnog tipa sa elementima konsensualne demokratije koji za osnovu ima duboko segmentirano društvo, ispresecano osim nacionalnim i mnogim transnacionalnim podelama. Unutar tog društva, kao i unutar političkih institucija, odvija se proces politizacije koja ima značajnog uticaja na funkcionisanje sistema. Rad nastoji da izuči iskustva politizacije drugih složenih, konsensualnih demokratija u Evropi – Belgije i Švajcarske – te poređenjem pojedinih slučajeva politizacije traga za posebnim karakteristikama politizacije u EU koje proističu iz njene opisane prirode, kao i o mogućem uticaju takve politizacije na budućnost integracije i politike u EU. Iako neće uvek doprineti produbljivanju integracije, politizacija u EU pod određenim uslovima može imati demokratizujući uticaj jer predstavlja način da se oživi rasprava o važnim pitanjima i artikuliše volja građana u nedostatku adekvatnih oblika učešća u političkom procesu EU. Dodatno, razmatra se potencijalni uticaj koji politizacija evropskih pitanja može da ima na postepeno kreiranje evropske javne sfere ili evropeizaciju nacionalnih javnih sfera, kao i na evropeizaciju društva i kreiranje evropskog političkog identiteta među građanima Unije.
