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The economic crisis since 2010 has affected Russia's political economy by reducing the income available to fund political loyalty—the key mechanism of neopatrimonialism. Through an investigation of key infrastructure development projects, we examine how this crisis has affected the preparations for the 2018 Football World Cup. In so doing we introduce the concept of crisis neopatrimonialism, referring to the political and economic adaptations of a neopatrimonial system in response to economic crisis. Our research uncovered three major adaptations of neopatrimonialism in the context of World Cup preparations: a retreat of private money and concomitant rise in public funding, a reordering of favored elites, and higher costs of loyalty.

The economic crisis since 2010 has affected Russia's political economy by reducing the income available to fund political loyalty—the key mechanism of neopatrimonialism. Through an investigation of key infrastructure development projects, we examine how this crisis has affected the preparations for the 2018 Football World Cup. In so doing we introduce the concept of crisis neopatrimonialism, referring to the political and economic adaptations of a neopatrimonial system in response to economic crisis. Our research uncovered three major adaptations of neopatrimonialism in the context of World Cup preparations: a retreat of private money and concomitant rise in public funding, a reordering of favored elites, and higher costs of loyalty. © 2018 The Author(s). Published by Taylor & Francis. ; FIGURE 1 Russian GDP and GNI/PPP, 2010 – 2015, with predictions through 2017 (indicated by the letter "e"). Adjusted for inflation. Sources: World Bank, Russian Ministry of Economic Development, Vedomosti, Russian Federal State Statistics Service, International Monetary Fund. ; This work was supported by a Swiss National Science Professorship under grant number PP00P1_144699.

This paper employs the multi-scalar approach towards mega-events (Flint, 2003; Peck, Theodore, and Brenner, 2009; Barret, 2013; and Trubina, 2019) to examine the results of fieldwork conducted in Ekaterinburg in the spring and summer of 2018, namely before, during, and after the 2018 World Cup. The multi-scalar approach allows the consideration of how the supra-local and supranational processes crystallize in complex urban systems, and their connections with other systems. The article addresses the question of the dynamics of the global, the national, and the local scales in the implementation and perception of the mega-event. Since the existing studies of the World Cup in Russia tend, as a rule, to focus on isolated topics and the national scale of the event's preparation, the article expands the focus of existing research. It demonstrates "the game of scales" in the citizens' perceptions of the World Cup. They, on the one hand, consider this mega-event as a part of the national strategy of development, including seeking investment, while on the other, they are aware that it is the transnational players (FIFA) and the federal and regional governments that predominantly benefit from the event. The authors argue that the respondents' judgements, on the one hand, are strongly informed by nationalist and geopolitical propaganda, while on the other hand, stem from the respondents' understanding of the global influences and the significance of economic logic, including the importance of the branding of the nations and cities. The citizens see both the political strategy devised to "force to show respect" and the economic driver of the national and urban growth in the mega-events. They, at the same time, are aware that it is the citizens who will be paying for the sporting festival with their taxes. The mega-events are ambiguous undertakings: while potentially open and bringing joy to everyone, they facilitate a social and geographic inequality. © 2020 National Research University Higher School of Economics.

Selection of personnel in organizations is usually a difficult task. The process gets even more complicated when the selection takes place in complex organizations where different areas can work towards multiple objectives. As many areas might be involved in the selection, the process can become complex and hard to manage. Therefore, it is desirable to use decision-making tools to make the process easier. In this article, we propose new methodology for personnel selection based on Multi-criteria Decision Analysis and the integration of qualitative and quantitative data. We demonstrate the selection process on the case of the Mexican football team selection for the 2018 World Cup in Russia. For the purpose of the article, experts' opinions are used to evaluate the crucial parameters for the selection.

The article addresses visualizations of the 2018 FIFA World Cup in Russian and international digital media. Drawing on the scholarship on discoursive hegemony, the authors intoduce a concept of hegemonic regime of visibility as a general frame for understanding the dominant ways of visualizing mega-events which comprise elements of attractiveness and enjoyment, on one hand, and surveillance, control, and security, on the other. Based on the cases of Nizhny Novgorod and Kazan, the authors argue, first, that the 2018 World Cup's hegemonic regime of visibility, co-administered by FIFA and Russian government, implied a hierarchy of performative roles prescribed to the host cities as major promoters of the event. Second, local authorities in Russia used this regime for self-(re)branding to advertise the cities/regions as parts of the global world and authentically specific spaces with unique folkloric and ethnic traditions. Third, the FIFA hegemonic regime of visibility was challenged by alternative incursions that destabilized and infused new meanings in the dominant visual order.

"Despite many negative expectations of the 2018 FIFA World Cup, Russia delivered one of the best World Cups in living memory. This book brings together leading scholars working in Russian studies, sociology and political science to analyse the 2018 World Cup and assess its significance for sport, Russia and the world. The book explores the connections between sport, soft power, populism, protest, and international politics, and investigates topics including security, surveillance, social media and patriotic mobilization, shining new light on key contemporary themes in the social sciences. It reflects upon the importance of sporting mega-events for public diplomacy, and considers what the 2018 World Cup can tell us about the current condition of Russian society and the Russian state. This is fascinating reading for anybody with an interest in soccer, sport and society, Russia, international politics, events, or post-Soviet societies"--Provided by publisher.

This paper is devoted to the study of the role international sporting events in forming image of state. The goal of research is to study the role of the FIFA World Cup in forming Russia's image. The front-end content analysis is used, which is focused on drawing up the most detailed idea of the information Vow over a certain period in order to identify meaningful dynamics and is of an applied nature. The physical unit of content analysis was the article number (release date), and the text publication was the unit of analysis. Texts for processing were searched in English using a Google search for the period from May 1, 2018 to August 1, 2018. Ne articles should simultaneously contain the words "Russia" and "World cup". In a generalized form, the search query looked like this: site: [publication site] Russia and World cup. Ne sample population includes the most popular Google search queries. Articles containing only a summary of sports indicators were excluded from the texts found, since the research objectives were satisfied with articles affecting the social, political and economic aspects of the 2018 World Cup. The information priorities of different foreign media are different. For the American and British media, it is important, in particular, to respect human rights in Russia, and for the Chinese media, the opportunity to profit from the supply of our own products. However, after the end of the 2018 FIFA World Cup, negative rhetoric gave way to positive. Ne results of the study indicate the positive role of the 2018 World Cup in shaping the image of the Russian state.

FIFA has been organizing a series of Anti-Racist activities all over the world since the 2002. FIFA brought some regulations against the ever rising racist actions for the last 25 years by primarily working with EU. Cooperations among Non-governmental organizations was developed and a joint declaration with FARE was announced in 2003 and 2006. In 2006, UEFA and FARE announced and enforced the Ten Point Plan. EU, published its White Paper on Sport in 2007. The report includes new path of sport as well as consisting measures and advices against racism. Prior to the 2018 World Cup, Russia took measures against racism with the lead of Robert Ustian and by working in cooperation with UEFA and FARE. It was effective on Russian football fans hospitality. The study investigates the social reflections of racism on national and international media in 2018 World Football Cup. The study covers media broadcast durations of May-July 2018. The racist discourses and behaviors towards the Turkish origin football players Jimmy Durmaz from Sweden, Mesut Özil and İlkay Gündoğan from Germany was studies. In terms of literature, the avowedly racist statements and interviews aiming the Turkish origin football players made by not only from the fans from those countries but also from politicians, federation managers and media interpreters was evaluated as surprising. The opposite attitude of Sweden in ministry level was noted meanwhile no institutional oppose from Germany was observed. The mistake of disbanding the commission of fighting against racism by means of completing its mission is obvious in the light of current racist events. The racism shown in 2018 Russia World Football Cup is the tangible indicator of racism all over the world. Inefficiency of the institutional precautions is clear and the mandatory need for new functional measures and sanctions starting from education curriculums is explicit.

The FIFA World Cup completely interrupts the Brazilian society's daily life, as this reason dominates and emerges strong emotions, thus making watching the game with the national team an essential act of media communication. This study thus describes and analyzes the distribution of content originating from the transmission of a soccer game from the 2018 FIFA World Cup offered by Brazilian television networks that hold the license for the event's broadcasting rights, either in the programing strip of television channels or on the Internet through web applications. To do so, Yin's delimited multiple case study method was employed. The study results revealed that the three licensed Brazilian television networks distributed the transmission through 14 different configurations between television broadcasts and the Internet. Further, we argue that while the idea of productive chain proposed by the institution responsible for the event (FIFA) seeks to unify sports television broadcasting worldwide, in practice, it suffers interference from national aspects in distribution. For this reason, it is vital to produce the event broadcast to distribute it worldwide. This is the responsibility of the national channels licensed by FIFA, as they adapt the broadcasts to regional and local variations in political, technical, and social issues. ; La Copa del Mundo interrumpe totalmente la cotidianidad de la sociedad brasilera, domina la razón y aflora fuertes emociones de modo que ver un juego de la selección nacional es un acto de comunicación mediada imprescindible. El objetivo de este artículo es describir y analizar la distribución de contenidos oriundos de la transmisión de una partida de fútbol de la Copa del Mundo de 2018 realizada por las cadenas de televisión brasileras poseedoras de la licencia de los derechos de transmisión del evento, ya sea en la franja de programación de los canales televisivos o en internet en aplicaciones o páginas web. Para esto, se utiliza el método de estudio de caso múltiple delimitado por Yin. Como resultado se obtiene que las tres cadenas de televisión brasileras licenciadas distribuyeron la transmisión por 14 configuraciones diferentes entre emisiones televisivas e internet. Se argumenta que la idea de cadena productiva propuesta por la institución responsable del evento (FIFA) busca unificar mundialmente la transmisión televisiva deportiva, pero en la práctica, sufre interferencia de elementos nacionales en la distribución. Por esto, tan importante como producir la transmisión del evento es distribuirla por el mundo, acto que compete a las cadenas nacionales licenciadas por la FIFA , pues ellas adaptan las transmisiones a las variaciones regionales y locales en las cuestiones políticas, técnicas y sociales. ; A Copa do Mundo interrompe totalmente cotidianidade da sociedade brasileira, domina a razão e aflora fortes emoções de modo que assistir a um jogo da seleção nacional é um ato de comunicação mediada imprescindível. O objetivo deste artigo é descrever e analisar a distribuição de conteúdos oriundos da transmissão de uma partida de futebol da Copa do Mundo de 2018 realizada pelas emissoras de televisão brasileiras detentoras da licença dos direitos de transmissão do evento, seja na grade de programação dos canais televisivos ou na internet em aplicativos ou sites. Para isso, utiliza-se o método do estudo de caso múltiplos delimitado por Yin. Como resultado tem-se que as três emissoras brasileiras licenciadas distribuíram a transmissão por 14 configurações diferentes entre emissões televisivas e internet. Argumenta-se que a ideia de cadeia produtiva proposta pela instituição responsável pelo evento (fifa) visa unificar mundialmente a transmissão televisiva esportiva, mas, na prática, sofre interferência de elementos nacionais na distribuição. Por isso, tão importante quanto produzir a transmissão do evento, é distribuí-la pelo mundo, ato que compete às emissoras nacionais licenciadas pela fifa, pois elas adaptam as transmissões às variações regionais e locais nas questões políticas, técnicas e sociais.

La Copa del Mundo interrumpe totalmente la cotidianidad de la sociedad brasilera, domina la razón y aflora fuertes emociones de modo que ver un juego de la selección nacional es un acto de comunicación mediada imprescindible. El objetivo de este artículo es describir y analizar la distribución de contenidos oriundos de la transmisión de una partida de fútbol de la Copa del Mundo de 2018 realizada por las cadenas de televisión brasileras poseedoras de la licencia de los derechos de transmisión del evento, ya sea en la franja de programación de los canales televisivos o en internet en aplicaciones o páginas web. Para esto, se utiliza el método de estudio de caso múltiple delimitado por Yin. Como resultado se obtiene que las tres cadenas de televisión brasileras licenciadas distribuyeron la transmisión por 14 configuraciones diferentes entre emisiones televisivas e internet. Se argumenta que la idea de cadena productiva propuesta por la institución responsable del evento (FIFA) busca unificar mundialmente la transmisión televisiva deportiva, pero en la práctica, sufre interferencia de elementos nacionales en la distribución. Por esto, tan importante como producir la transmisión del evento es distribuirla por el mundo, acto que compete a las cadenas nacionales licenciadas por la FIFA , pues ellas adaptan las transmisiones a las variaciones regionales y locales en las cuestiones políticas, técnicas y sociales. ; The FIFA World Cup completely interrupts the Brazilian society's daily life, as this reason dominates and emerges strong emotions, thus making watching the game with the national team an essential act of media communication. This study thus describes and analyzes the distribution of content originating from the transmission of a soccer game from the 2018 FIFA World Cup offered by Brazilian television networks that hold the license for the event's broadcasting rights, either in the programing strip of television channels or on the Internet through web applications. To do so, Yin's delimited multiple case study method was employed. The study results revealed that the three licensed Brazilian television networks distributed the transmission through 14 different configurations between television broadcasts and the Internet. Further, we argue that while the idea of productive chain proposed by the institution responsible for the event (FIFA) seeks to unify sports television broadcasting worldwide, in practice, it suffers interference from national aspects in distribution. For this reason, it is vital to produce the event broadcast to distribute it worldwide. This is the responsibility of the national channels licensed by FIFA, as they adapt the broadcasts to regional and local variations in political, technical, and social issues. ; A Copa do Mundo interrompe totalmente cotidianidade da sociedade brasileira, domina a razão e aflora fortes emoções de modo que assistir a um jogo da seleção nacional é um ato de comunicação mediada imprescindível. O objetivo deste artigo é descrever e analisar a distribuição de conteúdos oriundos da transmissão de uma partida de futebol da Copa do Mundo de 2018 realizada pelas emissoras de televisão brasileiras detentoras da licença dos direitos de transmissão do evento, seja na grade de programação dos canais televisivos ou na internet em aplicativos ou sites. Para isso, utiliza-se o método do estudo de caso múltiplos delimitado por Yin. Como resultado tem-se que as três emissoras brasileiras licenciadas distribuíram a transmissão por 14 configurações diferentes entre emissões televisivas e internet. Argumenta-se que a ideia de cadeia produtiva proposta pela instituição responsável pelo evento (fifa) visa unificar mundialmente a transmissão televisiva esportiva, mas, na prática, sofre interferência de elementos nacionais na distribuição. Por isso, tão importante quanto produzir a transmissão do evento, é distribuí-la pelo mundo, ato que compete às emissoras nacionais licenciadas pela fifa, pois elas adaptam as transmissões às variações regionais e locais nas questões políticas, técnicas e sociais.

This thesis uses the 2018 World Cup in Russia to engage with the processes of neoliberal restructuring and the conception of soft power. Based on a comparison of the host cities of Ekaterinburg and Volgograd, it unpacks the World Cup at multiple scales of analysis and offers a light and revisable framework for understanding mega-events. Grounded in primary qualitative and secondary documentary data, the thesis demonstrates multiple dimensions of Potemkinism in the articulation of this World Cup. Inspired by but moving beyond traditional post-colonial thought, it attempts to make good on the premise of theorizing from anywhere, making a case for the relatively invisible cities of the Global East in a landscape of urban theory dominated by the hegemonic North or the subaltern South. This ambition represents the overall frame for the thesis, while the work itself focuses more specifically on the planning and impacts of hosting the World Cup. This work is composed of two central thrusts. Within an understanding of mega-events as fundamentally urban events, the first thrust explores hosting as the vanguard of neoliberal restructuring, one of the traditional means of making sense of mega-events. In this view, bidding and hosting are seen as a strategy for inter-urban competition and a ploy to attract increased flows of tourists and capital. This is understood as one of the markers of a shift to a more entrepreneurial mode of urban governance and is part of wider global political economic restructuring that de-emphasizes the national in favor of regional or municipal scales. Using Neil Brenner's conceptualization of rescaled competition state regimes, this part of the thesis explores how rescaling worked on the ground in Russia and demonstrates that these processes of neoliberalization are not as easily understood as they might first appear. Instead, what is revealed in the articulation of the Russian World Cup is a seemingly paradoxical combination of national state-led projects to develop the peripheries in ...

This paper studies the distribution of politically motivated intergovernmental transfers in Russia focusing on the case of the 2018 FIFA World Cup. It investigates what factors have accounted for the selection of the 2018 FIFA World Cup venues. Qualitative Comparative Analysis of 14 cases reveals that well-connected political elites were able to secure the right for their regions to host the championship and, as a result, to extract additional funds from the center. These findings are in line with the argument that the regional governments in Russia play an important role in the distribution of politically sensitive transfers. Taking into account that these transfers have been increasing over the past years, there is no surprise that the regional elites have developed various lobbying strategies and mechanisms for attracting them.