Suchergebnisse

V članku, ki temelji predvsem na arhivskem gradivu in publicistiki, je predstavljeno politično delovanje Ivana Švegla, nekdanjega avstro-ogrskega konzula v Združenih državah Amerike in Kanadi, ki je po prevratu deloval na pariški mirovni konferenci. V Začasnem narodnem predstavništvu v Beogradu je predstavljal Trst, na volitvah leta 1927 pa je kandidiral na listi Hrvaške kmečke stranke Stjepana Radića. V tem prispevku so predstavljene širše okoliščine Šveglove povezanosti z Radićevo stranko. ; This article presents the political activities of the Slovene diplomat and legal expert Ivan Krizostom Švegel (a.k.a. Hans Schwegel, 1875–1962), who primarily served as an Austro-Hungarian consul in the United States and Canada before the First World War. Although his involvement in the delegation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 has not passed unnoticed in Slovene historiography, less is known about his political career. Švegel already expressed his sympathies for the Croatian national demands at the Paris Peace Conference, especially by interceding with American diplomats for the incorporation of Rijeka by Yugoslavia and helping his Croatian counterparts settle the question concerning the affiliation of the Repaš (Hung. Répás) area along the Drava River. In the Temporary National Representation in Belgrade, Švegel represented Trieste and worked within the framework of the Yugoslav Club, headed by the president of the Pan-Slovene People's Party, Anton Korošec. However, Švegel soon parted ways with Korošec and withdrew from active politics for a few years. In the election of 1927, he ran on the ticket of the Croatian Peasant Party in the Gorski Kotar region at the personal proposal of Stjepan Radić and made his way into the Croatian parliamentary representation in the Belgrade assembly. Radić's decision to nominate Švegel as a Slovene candidate in one of the traditionally winnable Croatian constituencies for his party undoubtedly added to the chagrin of Korošec, who had long been at odds with Radić. Much to the surprise of Radić's most intimate circle, at the end of 1927 Švegel joined the rebellious faction of Ljudevit Kežman, a priest and long-standing secretary of the Croatian Peasant Party. Yet rather than hold him to blame, Radić continued to cooperate with Švegel until the fateful shooting incident in the Belgrade assembly on June 20th, 1928. During the assassination against Radić and his colleagues, Švegel, according to his own testimony, was composed enough to help lift Svetozar Pribićević from his bench to safety. In the early period of the royal dictatorship, Švegel maintained a low profile until the spring of 1930, when he joined the government as a minister without portfolio, together with three other dissidents from the former Croatian Peasant Party. After he was soon forced to leave his position in the royal government, he briefly returned to diplomacy in 1931 by being appointed envoy of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia to Buenos Aires. However, no later than 1932, he was forced to leave his office due to disagreements with other officials at the legation and the heads of the foreign ministry and to retire. As his correspondence with Marija Radić reveals, Švegel also remained a faithful adherent to Radić's views after the Second World War.

V članku, ki temelji na analizi posebne študije, ki jo je leta 1916 pripravilo avstro-ogrsko poveljstvo jugozahodne fronte, so predstavljeni pogledi visokega vojaškega poveljstva na politično dogajanje na Hrvaškem v času prve svetovne vojne. Skladno z vsebino omenjene študije bo tudi v pričujočem članku posebna pozornost posvečena italijanskemu iredentizmu in južnoslovanskim težnjam na otokih Kvarnerja, kot tudi delovanju Jugoslovanskega odbora. V sklopu avstro-ogrskega vojnega absolutizma je poveljstvo, ki je nastalo ob vstopu Kraljevine Italije v vojno, ob vodenju vojne proti novemu nasprotniku pridobilo tudi obsežna politična pooblastila. Slednja so vojaškim organom omogočila nadzor nad v očeh oblasti nevernimi in cesarju ter državi nezvestimi skupinami in posamezniki. ; The outbreak of the First World War Apart presented Austria-Hungary not only with military questions but also with major political issues. The very existence of the state now crucially rested on the attitude of civilian population, with any possible unrest in the rear threatening the stability of the entire country. In this regard, the onset of the war ushered in the period of the so-called "war absolutism", with which the state boosted its surveillance of what it considered "dangerous" individuals and groups. The state surveillance apparatus incorporated numerous state and provincial bodies, including military structures. This article aims to analyze a special study that the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front issued in 1916, with a particular focus on analyzing the political attitude among the Italian and Croatian population of Istria, and the activities of the Southern Slav Committee. The said command also prepared similar studies evaluating the disposition of the Slovenian and Italian inhabitants of Southern Tyrol. The study of the developments in Istria is titled Staatsfeindliche Bewegungen in Fiume und Kroatien sowie auf den Inseln im Quarnero (Anti-State Movements in Rijeka, Croatia, and the Kvarner Islands). In the first part, the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front analyzed local irredentism and provided a detailed description of organizations and individuals at the heart of the movement. Surveillance of irredentist cells grew in its importance especially after the Kingdom of Italy declared war on Austria-Hungary in May 1915. The empire and its army began to perceive irredentism as a serious threat, deeming that organized resistance, diversion operations, and political disobedience in the rear might aggravate the military situation on the front. The second part of the study, more interesting from the Croatian point of view, centers on activities of the Southern Slav Committee and the Southern Slav movement on Krk Island. Regarding the latter, it is especially noteworthy that the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front declared Anton Mahnič, Bishop of Krk, as its central figure. Although most views presented are based on the analysis of various newspaper articles and individual reports, the booklet offers an interesting insight into the dimensions of state surveillance both at home and abroad. More specifically, an association of the Southern Slav emigration, the Southern Slav Committee was regarded by the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front and the state leadership as a dangerous organization embodying, through its desire to unify the Austro-Hungarian Southern Slavs with the Kingdom of Serbia, a destabilizing force undermining the Habsburg unity. Accordingly, the study focused more closely on the prominent members of the Southern Slav Committee, such as its president Ante Trumbić, as well as Franjo Supilo, and Bogumil Vošnjak. Although the study clearly established that many data contained therein were of questionable credibility, its authors nevertheless maintained that this did not diminish its significance or the significance of the views regarding all "dangerous" individuals and associations within and beyond the state borders. The study presented in the article offers an extremely interesting insight into the dimensions of the Austro-Hungarian state and military surveillance during the First World War. Such examples not only further substantiate the existing knowledge about "war absolutism" but above all testify to the diligence with which the state addressed the threat of war by exerting surveillance of all "dangerous" structures. In the event of an unrest, the state and the army could use detailed inventories, many also listing names, to persecute and imprison individuals and associations. Moreover, in light of the events that unfolded towards the end of the First World War, both in relation to the Southern Slav integrations and Italian territorial aspirations in Istria and the Bay of Kvarner, it is safe to conclude that the study conducted by the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front accurately evaluated individual "dangerous" cells, which in late October and early November 1918 played a notable role in the destruction of the Habsburg state and the creation of new political entities.