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This article explores the development of international relations (IR) in Indonesia with special focus on the changing trends in its theoretical perspectives. It argues that the academic works examined reflect the ways in which Indonesia's IR scholars perceive and theorize the nature of the dynamics of external political environments and their connections to the state's foreign relations. The argument is elaborated in two related parts. The first section discusses the theoretical perspectives that developed during the Cold War period, which focuses on the propensity toward historical realism and regionalism. The second part of the discussion examines recent developments in which Cold War perspectives have been reconsidered, and in many respects modified into three new categories of theoretical thinking, namely reform, resistance, and eclecticism. The changing theoretical trends reveal that Indonesia's IR scholarship is open and innovative. The conclusion comments on the development of the Indonesia's IR.

Economic growth is no longer just to improve the economy alone, but economic growth must also pay attention to the welfare of the community and be carried out by paying attention to the quality of the economic growth. Good economic growth is not only temporary but long term. One of the government's efforts by this concept is to create inclusive and sustainable economic growth. The measure of the quality of economic growth can be seen through the Inclusive Economic Development Index (IGI). However, achieving inclusive economic growth is not easy. The novelty of the research is that inclusive economic growth is not only approached with an economic approach but non-economic variables are also included, to see further this interrelation. The method used in this research is quantitative with a descriptive approach. Panel regression analysis models and techniques using stata. The results of this study indicate that technology and human resources have a significant and positive effect on inclusive economic growth in Indonesia from 2017 to 2019. Meanwhile, politics has a positive but not significant effect on inclusive economic growth in Indonesia from 2017 to 2019. From the results of this study, it can be seen that also that technology, politics, and human resources simultaneously have a significant and positive effect on inclusive economic growth in Indonesia from 2017 to 2019. The implications of this research include, among others, the government needs to optimize HR productivity. Keywords: Inclusive Economy; Political; Human Resources; Technology

This study considers the political aspects of the Joko Widodo government's megaproject to build an integrated marine logistic system known as the tol laut. Expanding the existing literature which gives details about the contextual obstacles faced by and the prospects for the Indonesian government to pursue its infrastructure ambitions, the study argues that notwithstanding the relevance of the tol laut for advancing the Indonesian economy, it is inevitably entangled with dynamic internal and external environments which can unfavourably distort the construction processes. This is the way of understanding the political economy of Indonesia's development issues which allows for the juxtaposition of domestic political and international relations factors as its framework of analysis. The discussion is divided into four sections. Section one explains the conceptual and methodological foundation of the study. Section two outlines the importance of the tol laut to Indonesian national economic development. Section three looks at how the current domestic political settings pose structural hurdles to Widodo's tol laut, and section four observes the effect of international relations of powerful regional actors and Jakarta's diplomatic capacity to the on-going tol laut. The concluding section summarizes the findings of the study.

Acceptance of technology for consumers is still an interesting part to be investigated to date. Although the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) has been widely referred by researchers from various sciences, there are still weaknesses that can be investigated, including not fully answering the problems related to cognitive and affective factors in understanding consumer behavior. The purpose of this study is to develop and test an integrated model to determine the intention of consumers to use technology. The object used is the go-pay application as e-Wallet-based Electronic Money which is one of the relatively new technology products as an alternative means of payment or transaction and is part of the National Non-Cash Movement by the government of the Republic of Indonesia. Modeling in this study, integrating the TAM model by involving affective factors namely Pleasure, Arousal, and Dominance (PAD) theory, and prior experience variables as a direct effect on perceived usefulness and attitude toward usage, then its effect on adoption intention. The sample in this study is millennial age people who have known go-pay in areas of East Java with a total sample of 270 respondents. Collecting data through questionnaires using a Likert scale with analysis techniques using Partial Least Square (PLS). The results of this study indicate that Perceived Usefulness, Perceived Easy of Use, Pleasure, and Arousal have a positive effect on attitude and intention to use go-pay, while Prior Experience supports perceived usefulness, but does not support attitude, neither does Dominance support the attitude of using gopay.

Problems arising from the relationship between Islam (dîn) and politics (siyâsah) became the polemics among Muslim political thinkers that have not been completely solved up until now. Hence, it is difficult to identify which countriy such as Turkey, Egypt, Sudan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Algeria, and Indonesia, that deserves to be a representation of an Islamic state. The consequence of different understandings about the relationship between Islam and politics – in the case in Indonesia- is the emergence of Indonesian Islamic State (NII). This movement attracted a number of responses from Indonesian Muslim intellectuals. Using a sociohistorical-politics approach in discussing these responses as they do not agree about the establishment of the NII, will lead to an understanding of coercion and oppression of understanding group that is different from other groups. ; Problems arising from the relationship between Islam (dîn) and politics (siyâsah) became the polemics among Muslim political thinkers that have not been completely solved up until now. Hence, it is difficult to identify which countriy such as Turkey, Egypt, Sudan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Algeria, and Indonesia, that deserves to be a representation of an Islamic state. The consequence of different understandings about the relationship between Islam and politics – in the case in Indonesia- is the emergence of Indonesian Islamic State (NII). This movement attracted a number of responses from Indonesian Muslim intellectuals. Using a sociohistorical-politics approach in discussing these responses as they do not agree about the establishment of the NII, will lead to an understanding of coercion and oppression of understanding group that is different from other groups.

Plant variety protection is a relatively new concept for many Indonesians. It was developed because of the patent regime's failure to provide appropriate protection for new plant varieties. This new sui generis legislation for the protection of plant varieties was enacted in response to Article 27.3(b) of the TRIPS Agreement, which requires WTO Members to provide an effective sui generis law for the protection of new plant varieties. This paper analyses the current state of plant variety protection in Indonesia. It covers the threshold of protection, the subject, scope, right and obligation of breeders, exceptions to infringement, farmers' rights and local varieties. It also analyses the current policy to revise the Plant Variety Protection Act and the underlying reasons for this, including Indonesia's national interest and its international and bilateral commitments. The main focus of the paper explores why such policy is not broadly compatible with the Indonesian agricultural tradition of seed sharing. Accordingly, this paper explores the tradition of seed sharing in Indonesian culture known as adat. In addition, it explores the likely implication of such protection for national agricultural innovation.

The refugee crisis is a global problem that needs serious attention. Responsibility-sharing is a core tenet of international responses to refugee crises. However, global governance, within the framework of the global refugee regime, is often practically ineffective to respond such problems. In this aspect, conceptual evaluation and reform are needed. In this particular momentum, civil society groups are able to be involved, in both performance evaluation and framework formulation related to global governance on refugees. One of the formal form of civil society is a non-governmental organization (NGO). Amnesty International is one of the NGOs involved in the process of evaluating and reforming global governance on refugees. This article aims to find out the form of Amnesty International's involvement in global governance on refugees. This study used descriptive-qualitative method. The findings in this article are that Amnesty International has a direct involvement in order to evaluate and to reform the global governance framework related to refugees through the 2016 UN High Summit for Refugee and Migrant. This involvement was demonstrated through performance evaluations and proposals for more genuine responsibility-sharing, both at the conceptual and technical level. Amnesty International in this involvement pursued an agenda that has two dimensions, namely: the dimension of institutional evolution and the agenda dimension.

The existing literature on Indonesia's foreign policy has excluded the state from the category of an agent which shapes the country's external affairs. This trend certainly ignores the notion that foreign policy is a unique state activity taking place in the interface between domestic and international politics. To fill the gap, this article explores the idea about the family state and looks at its influence on the conduct of Indonesia's international relations. The argument is that the family state pursues order in international society in which sovereignty can be maintained. Indonesia plays the role of an order-maker in Southeast Asia through the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The order-oriented actions are displayed by Jakarta's diplomacy to resolve border disputes with neighbouring countries in the region

Global surveys indicate that massive disillusionment with economic globalisation, upheld by the liberal order, which is ignored by governments in European, Asian and Latin American countries, has paved the way for the ascent of nationalist forces. This trend is also visible in Indonesia. President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) has consolidated power against opponents who exploit nationalist, populist and religious causes. On the international front, Jakarta has been actively engaged within a variety of multilateral organisations where liberal institutionalist agendas are enforced. Therefore, it is worthwhile considering the influence of internal and external environments on Jokowi's economic policy which is getting increasingly nationalistic. This article argues that nationalist economic practices have emerged as the Jokowi government's response to domestic and international challenges which can have an impact on its perceived legitimacy. The discussion proceeds in five steps. To begin, this article presents a comparative perspective to understand the position of Indonesia in the developing international political economic context. This is followed by an overview of the definition of economic nationalism and its connections to domestic politics and foreign relations. The third section is about the Indonesian government's efforts to put economic nationalism into effect. The next two parts investigate how the inside and outside dynamics generate Jokowi's inward-looking policies. The conclusion emphasises what can be learnt from the Indonesian case.

This paper would like to analyze the development of study of International Relations in Indonesia which has progressed very rapidly. The science of lucrative International Relations since April 1919 in Britain and into Indonesian territory since the 1945's, has been in great demand by the public, gaining a place in the hearts of the social scientific community, and contributing a lot to the foreign decision-making played by the government. Therefore, it is important to look at opportunities, challenges, and prospects for the development of International Relations studies in Indonesia to date. ; This paper would like to analyze the development of study of International Relations in Indonesia which has progressed very rapidly. The science of lucrative International Relations since April 1919 in Britain and into Indonesian territory since the 1945's, has been in great demand by the public, gaining a place in the hearts of the social scientific community, and contributing a lot to the foreign decision-making played by the government. Therefore, it is important to look at opportunities, challenges, and prospects for the development of International Relations studies in Indonesia to date.