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AbstractMany of the fundamental research questions in public administration relate to individual‐ or organization‐level temporal dynamics, including the impact of public sector reforms, (in)stability of public policies and organizations, development of public service motivation, or the workplace socialization of public employees. However, theoretical, methodological, and empirical public administration scholarship continues to take time and temporal dynamics insufficiently seriously. This constitutes a major shortcoming within the profession and implies that we are yet to unlock the transformative potential of longitudinal research. Building on the recent development of novel research infrastructures that can support the study of temporal dynamics of—and within—public organizations, this Symposium pushes for a "longitudinal turn" in the study of public administration. We maintain that more concerted efforts to apply a temporal lens to our research endeavors are critical to theorize, empirically assess, and understand public administrations as well as the bureaucrats employed within them.

To govern his diocese, a diocesan Bishop exercises the threefold power of governance, namely legislative, executive and judicial power. As regards the executive power he can exercise personally or through another person. Administrative power becomes the area for the exercise of the executive power, including in the administration of temporal goods of the diocese and of other public juridical persons subject to him. In performing a good administration of the temporal goods of the Church, a diocesan Bishop needs to comply with pertinent canonical norms as well as to collaborate with respective council or persons concerned to avoid the abuse of power or misuse of temporal goods. The matter in question is discussed in the view of canonical analysis. This research aims at obtaining canonical assessments to the authority of diocesan Bishop in administering Churchs properties according to their proper purposes.

In this article I reply to three critics. Responding to Cinzia Arruzza, I argue that capital encounters a large spectrum of differences of gender, religion and ethnicity, as well as differences generated by racism. Capital is able to use these differences to its own profit in order to differentiate wages and intensities of exploitation and thereby divide the working class. Responding to Peter Osborne, I contend that my temporal-layered framework elucidates how capital organises and synchronises different temporalities according to the dominant temporality of socially-necessary labour time. I combine Bloch's idea of 'multiversum' and Benjamin's idea of history in order to show how conflicting temporalities can disclose new political possibilities of liberation. Responding to Harry Harootunian, I articulate the relationship between my reading of Marx and the Postcolonial critique.

La Administración Pública española presenta numerosas debilidades en la ordenación jurídica de sus empleados temporales. En la actualidad, las cifras oficiales afirman que el 30 por ciento de los empleados públicos mantienen un vínculo temporal y, entre ellos, un número considerable ha prestado servicios durante más de diez años en puestos de trabajo que, en realidad, son de naturaleza permanente o estructural. Situación que ha sido reprochada por los Tribunales españoles y de la Unión Europea. Con la finalidad de corregir, en parte, esta situación el legislador apuesta por corregir esta situación mediante, la ampliación del porcentaje de la tasa de reposición que, en algunos ámbitos, alcanza hasta el 100 por ciento de las vacantes en los sectores de las Administraciones Públicas que prestan servicios esenciales; por otro lado, autorizar un proceso "extraordinario" de estabilización de las plazas ocupadas por personal temporal y, por fin, el establecimiento de fuertes restricciones al uso del empleo temporal pro futuro que la hagan sostenible en el conjunto del sistema. ; The Spanish public administration presents numerous weaknesses in the legal regulation of temporary employees. Currently, official figures say that 30 percent of public employees retain a temporary link and, among them, a considerable number has provided services for more than ten years in jobs which, in reality, are permanent or structural nature. A situation that has been charged by the Spanish courts and the European Union. In order to correct, in part, this situation the bet legislator to correct this situation through enlargement of the percentage of the rate of replenishment, in some areas, it reaches up to 100 percent of the vacancies in major sectors of the public administration; on the other hand, authorize an "extraordinary" process of stabilization of the seats occupied by temporary staff and, finally, the establishment of strong restrictions on the use of temporary employment future pro guaranteeing its sustainability.

Public values are still considered by some authors to be universal, that is, applicable to all settings and constant through time. Despite this, a growing number of publications have appeared indicating that they are in fact quite context dependent, highly mutable over time, subject to modification, and thus far from universal. This article focuses on the latter temporal aspect and demonstrates how technological competency, political structures, and availability of economic resources affect the institutionalization of public values by molding citizen/consumer preferences and expectations. The salience and indeed the existence of public values pertaining to infrastructure have varied quite considerably over the past 2,000 years in Western Europe, although commonalities emerge in cognate institutional settings. This article develops a line of thought as to how public values and the systems through which these are delivered are institutionalized following societal demand, which in turn is based on specific technological, political, and economic contexts. To demonstrate this argument, we have selected two policy areas in which public values can be recognized (transport infrastructure and access to foodstuffs) in four different Western European historical settings (the Roman Empire, Medieval England, 18th-century France, and Industrial England). We do not make any claim to completeness or representativeness, but aim to demonstrate how different public values have been conceptualized and institutionalized in different eras, and how wider societal forces color this institutionalization process. The article concludes with lessons for the present day.

The present paper attempts to focus on the administrative factors of Kengal Hanumanthaiah's regime by considering the temporal and spatial dimensions of Kengal Hanumanthaiah period. Apart from providing the background of Kengal Hanumanthaiah the paper highlights the participation of Kengal Hanumanthaiah in the freedom movement and his role in the unification of Karnataka. Besides the paper also discusses Kengal Hanumanthaiah's role in Politics, the administrative vision of Kengal Hanumanthaiah and how the temporal and spatial dimensions got interlinked with politics during his period. The main objective of this paper is to discuss and understand administration in Karnataka in the context of development by emphasizing the temporal and spatial dimensions of Kengal Hanumanthaiah's regime in particular.