Suchergebnisse

The fact that universities have become complex organisations characterised by multiple missions including teaching, research, and entrepreneurship agenda served as a starting point for this enquiry. This study strives to offer a deeper insight into the views of the academics pertaining to the creation of an entrepreneurial university ideal within the context of a research university. The underlying complexities in achieving this mission were extracted from a series of semi-structured interviews conducted among academicians spanning the diverse disciplines within the university. The findings revealed a vast array of definitions given to the concept of an entrepreneurial university that ranges from the soft spectrum to the hard spectrum of entrepreneurial activities. This study adds value to the existing literature through the identification of dilemmas surrounding the creation of the entrepreneurial university that encompass challenges related to the academic resistance, internal factors and social capital issues. It is concluded that the right balancing between teaching, research and entrepreneurship is crucial to ensure that learning institutions do not digress from their core functions. Effective links between university, industry and government could assist to fast-track the transition from the traditional university to the entrepreneurial university concept. ; Činjenica da su sveučilišta postala kompleksne organizacije koje provode raznovrsne i višestruke aktivnosti poput predavanja, istraživanja i poduzetničkih aktivnosti, služila je kao polazište ovog istraživanja. Cilj mu je omogućiti dublji uvid u stajališta akademika vezano uz stvaranje idealnog poduzetničkog sveučilišta u kontekstu istraživačkog sveučilišta. Temeljna kompleksna pitanja bitna za postizanje ovoga cilja dobivena su polustrukturiranim intervjuom provedenim s akademicima iz različitih sveučilišnih disciplina. Rezultati su pokazali širok raspon definicija poduzetničkog sveučilišta koje variraju od mekog do tvrdog spektra poduzetničkih aktivnosti. Ovo istraživanje daje dodatnu vrijednost postojećoj literaturi prepoznavanjem dilema koje postoje oko stvaranja poduzetničkog sveučilišta, a koje obuhvaćaju i izazove povezane s akademskim otporom, unutarnjim faktorima i pitanjima društvenog kapitala. Zaključak je da je pravilan omjer poučavanja, istraživanja i poduzetništva neophodan da bi se osiguralo da obrazovne institucije ne odstupaju od svojih temeljnih funkcija. Učinkovite veze između sveučilišta, industrije i vlade mogle bi pomoći brzoj tranziciji iz tradicionalnog sveučilišta u poduzetničko sveučilište.

Funkcionalna suradnja NATO-a i Ruske Federacije u suvremenim međunarodnim odnosima je nužna, ali zbog još uvijek obostranog nepovjerenja i natjecateljski postavljenih ciljeva teško se ostvaruje. Autorica polazi od prikaza i analize postojećih odnosa suradnje ta dva aktera oko globalnih pitanja (borba protiv terorizma, krijumčarenje droga i narkotika, elementarne nepogode, obuka afganistanskih sigurnosnih snaga) najvećim dijelom operacionaliziranih u Afganistanu. Potom prikazuje prostor Arktika kao prostor na kojem se NATO i Ruska Federacija tek interesno pozicioniraju. Globalni izazovi sigurnosti (klimatske promjene, sigurnost transportnih ruta, eksploatacija energenata) ponovno mogu približiti stavove ta dva aktera, ali iz dosad poduzetih akcija autorica zaključuje da će i taj prostor biti poprište konfrontacija. Na kraju analizira dva osnovna problema (raketni štit u Europi i daljnje širenje NATO-a) koji su od završetka Hladnog rata pa do danas glavni problemi u odnosima NATO-a i Ruske Federacije. Bez obzira na trenutnu ukrajinsku krizu očito je da će se i budući odnosi NATO-Ruska Federacija paralelno odvijati na dva kolosijeka: funkcionalnoj suradnji i odnosima hladnog mira. ; Functional cooperation between NATO and the Russian Federation is a necessity within the contemporary international relations. However, due to a lack of mutual trust which is still being felt and competitively set objectives of both players, such cooperation is sometimes difficult to achieve. Author starts by presenting and analyzing the existing examples of cooperation between the two states on global issues (fight against terrorism, drug trafficking, natural disasters, training of security forces in Afghanistan) – most of which is taking place in Afghanistan. She continues by elaborating on the situation in the Arctic territories where both NATO and the Russian Federation are just starting to position their interests. Again, it is the global challenges to security that might bring the positions of the two players closer in this area (such as climate changes, safety of transport routes, energy exploitation), but based on their activities so far the author concludes that this area might also become an area of confrontation. Finally, the author analyses two major issues (missile defense in Europe and further NATO enlargement) that have been principal problems in NATO-Russia relations ever since the end of the Cold War. Regardless of the current crisis in Ukraine it is apparent that future relations between NATO and the Russian Federation will continue on two parallel tracks: functional cooperation on one, and "cold peace" on the other.

A number of contemporary states have undergone a transformation of their constitutions. One of the reasons is the process of increasing tensions between the majority democracy & constitutionalism. In a special way, this tension is the lot of the new democracies having problems both with a lack of democratic experience & a lack of genuine constitutionalism. Although the Republic of Croatia's 1990 Constitution apparently uses the paradigm of constitutional democracy, it is becoming even more obvious that its ontology is to a large extent determined both by the general & the particular aspect of the tension between democracy & constitutionalism. Adapted from the source document.

U ovoj se studiji analizuju normativni učinci odnosa konstitutivne moći i konstitucionalnog identiteta u osnivačkim ustavima. Uvodni deo naglašava centralnost ustava u procesu normativne integracije postkomunističkih poredaka, a u drugom delu analizuju se konkurirajući konstrukti "konstitutivne moći" u procesu izgradnje moderne evropske države. Treći deo je oslonjen na teorijsku i normativnu mapu prof. Ivana Prpića, i u njemu se analizuju strukturni deficiti osnivačkih ustava i osobita forma napetosti između "konstitutivne moći" i konstitucionalnog identiteta. Argumentira se da ova strukturna napetost proizvodi podjednako liberalne i demokratske deficite ovih poredaka. ; The author analyses the normative consequences of the relationship between constituent power and constitutional identity in founding constitutions. In the first part of the article, the author points to the centrality of the constitution in the normative integration process of post-communist regimes, while in the second part he analyzes competing constructs of 'constituent power' in the modern state building processes in Europe. In the third part the author uses the normative theoretical map of professor Ivan Prpić to analyze the structural deficits of post-communist founding constitutions and the specific form of tension between 'constituent power' and constitutional identity. The argument is that this tension can produce both democratic and liberal deficits of these regimes.

The author analyzes two different views of nationalism, Arendt's & Kedourie's. Arendt focuses on the link between racism, nationalism, & imperialism. According to her, nationalism differs from totalitarianism, which represents a more recent development. Kedourie sets out from Acton's critique of the French revolution & concludes that radical nationalism is a product of Franco-German national tensions. Finally, the author offers both concepts as his contribution to an easier understanding of the antagonisms that brought about the war on the territory of the former Yugoslavia. Adapted from the source document.

The essay reconstructs Robert A. Dahl's democratic theory as a combination of empirical research of democratic regimes & the theoretical reinterpretation of democratic tradition. The elements of this theory are analyzed, the continuity & the phases in the evolution of Dahl's concept of democracy are highlighted (pluralist theory, neopluralist approach, & the theory of democratic pluralism). The author concludes that a sort of dualism in Dahl's theory of democracy is not only a consequence of his methodical approach, but also of the tension among the central tenets of liberal democracy, which Dahl critically elucidated & tried to reconcile. 23 References. Adapted from the source document.

Since its declaration of independence Kosovo has clearly postured itself towards Euro-Atlantic integration with NATO, keeping its door open towards Western Balkan states. This integration process faces major challenges stemming from different dimensions: NATO's internal unity and its stance towards Kosovo's political status having direct impact in consensual decision making processes; current geopolitical tensions from a global perspective, particularly between the West and Russia; and Kosovo's ability to fulfil NATO's standards and criteria. These challenges might prove very difficult to overcome at least in the current global political and security environment. The objective of this paper is to discuss from legal and geopolitical perspectives the relations between Kosovo and NATO and the challenges, dynamics and perspective of NATO opening a formal integration process for Kosovo. ; Since its declaration of independence Kosovo has clearly postured itself towards Euro-Atlantic integration with NATO, keeping its door open towards Western Balkan states. This integration process faces major challenges stemming from different dimensions: NATO's internal unity and its stance towards Kosovo's political status having direct impact in consensual decision making processes; current geopolitical tensions from a global perspective, particularly between the West and Russia; and Kosovo's ability to fulfil NATO's standards and criteria. These challenges might prove very difficult to overcome at least in the current global political and security environment. The objective of this paper is to discuss from legal and geopolitical perspectives the relations between Kosovo and NATO and the challenges, dynamics and perspective of NATO opening a formal integration process for Kosovo.

Autor u članku daje pregled programa hrvatskoga književnog predromantizma i romantizma i s njima preklapajućega narodnog preporoda i ilirizma te pokazuje kako su se u programskim tekstovima, u okolnostima mađarsko-hrvatskih napetosti i neoapsolutizma, izmjenjivale tendencije nacionalnoga romantizma i romantičnoga nacionalizma, kako ih je u europskim okvirima definirao Joep Leerssen. ; In this article the author gives an overview of the programmes of Croatian literary pre-Romanticism and Romanticism and the National Revival and Illyrian Movement that overlap with them. He also shows how the tendencies of national Romanticism and Romantic nationalism, as defined by Joep Leerssen in European terms, interchanged in the programmatic texts in circumstances defined by Hungarian-Croatian tensions and neo-absolutism.

The author analyzes the relationship among legal nationhood, social nationhood, & democracy in democratic constitutional states. After identifying the definitions of democratic constitutional state, he concludes that it is an efficient structure within which one can investigate the relationship among democracy, legal, & social nationhood. He suggests that these three principles have their normative roots in human freedom, ie, in the freedom of participating in political negotiation, in the freedom from coercion & unjust rule, in the freedom from exigency, & in the free participation in the "we" of the modern industrial, technological & information society. Finally, the author analyzes the tension between the legal & social nationhood which may be fruitful only if democracy contributes to the accomplishment of major social changes that maximize human freedom. Adapted from the source document.

The relationship between democracy & human rights is twofold: on the one hand, the demand for democracy historically emerged as a result of increased individual rights -- & the democratic regimes were instituted as a guarantor of the protection of human rights. On the other hand, there is a tension between them, since within the democratic state human rights must be protected from the will of the majority. The author examines the complex relationship between democracy & human rights from three perspectives. First, he examines the connection between the right to political participation & the idea of human rights. This connection was unequivocally established only in the 20th century in the way that the right to the freedom of conscience was interpreted as the right to taking part in the political communication process that shapes a community's self-definition. However, whereas the right to democratic participation is morally undeniably founded, its concrete institutionalization is faced with numerous dilemmas & challenges. The author further analyzes the controversy between the liberal & the republican understanding of democracy & human rights. Liberals claim that the foundation of human rights in the law of nature requires universal respect, & that democracy is a rather challenging political regime that may be established in some societies only if some preconditions are already in place. Contrary to this, the republican view, as championed by Habermas, claims that there is an inherent link between human rights & democracy & thus both principles must be universalism of human rights & the inherent particularism of democracy. This tension cannot be overcome by creating a global state, but may be alleviated by formulating a definition of internal state-guaranteed fundamental rights applicable to non-citizens as well, for example by the right to seek asylum, as well as by the requirement that all democratic communities globally promote respect for human rights & for the establishment of democratic institutions worldwide. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the tension which exists in constitutional states between the popular sovereignty & the constraints of the people by constitutional order. After explaining & historically interpreting the significance of popular sovereignty as well as the danger hidden in the unequivocal adherence to this principle, he describes the functioning of popular sovereignty in several European constitutions. Most of them express certain misgivings about the people & its direct participation, so that its activities are limited to constitutionally predictable decisions. The author also highlights certain ethical dilemmas & perimeters of popular sovereignty. Constitutional state is based on the compromise between the liberal & the democratic principle; recently, this compromise has been endangered in some newly-created constitutional regimes by non-liberal democracy or the disequilibrium between these two principles. Adapted from the source document.

This article offers several interlinked hypotheses aimed at greater understanding of sustainable internal self-determination (political autonomy) within multinational states. At its core is the argument that political grievances of the largest national collective are a critical element in understanding the possibility of accommodation of claims for internal self-determination. Where majority grievances are intense and directly linked with the claims to self-determination of smaller national communities, self-determination will be a constant source of destabilizing political tensions. The second part of the article posits that even in such circumstances, there are ideational and organizational pathways through which majority grievances can be tempered. I use the example of socialist Yugoslavia and post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina to illustrate this point and suggest future areas for research. Adapted from the source document.

The author emphasizes the necessity of linking thought & action in order to avoid the dangers of calamitous abstractions of sheer philosophy & sheer politics. Only a tension between philosophy & politics can be fruitful both for philosophy & politics. Jaspers's political writings, the author thinks, are not an appendage of philosophy but its component part. Philosophy is political in itself because it exists & functions solely in freedom. Nevertheless, Jaspers is not an acolyte of Plato's thesis about rulers-philosophers but of Kant's demand that philosophers have the right to speak in public. A man as a man is not only a political but also a philosophical being whose freedom depends on the encounter of philosophy & politics. This does not mean to neglect the fact that philosophers & politicians are faced with a different set of tasks. Adapted from the source document.

Czech Republic started deploying its soldiers abroad shortly after the fall of communism. However, there are still questions which need to be answered: What were the main motives for sending out these operations? Did they change in time? How strong is the political consensus in this matter? These questions are answered by conducting a content analysis of political debates in the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Parliament from 1999 to 2009. Based on theoretically founded analytical categories, the article conducts a quantitative survey of the discourse, which is then interpreted in relation to key variables (eg., the positions of supporters & opponents of the missions, types of operations). The resulting findings reveal the motives which helped legitimize the decisions on deployments during the period under review & demonstrate the tensions which threaten to undermine the existing political consensus. Adapted from the source document.

The author deals with the issue of the relationship between liberalism & multiculturalism & points out certain tensions stemming from the debate between liberals & multiculturalists. The paper mentions the theoretical interventions of political philosophers such as Charles Taylor (multiculturalist), John Gray (postmodern liberal conservative) & Brian Barry (liberal universalist). By looking into Barry's attack on Taylor & Gray, the author tries to show Barry's mistake in accusing those two of relativism derived from incommensurability, but also gives him credit for unerringly recognizing the weaknesses of the relativist criticism of liberalism. According to the author, many theoreticians participating in the academic dispute between the liberals & the multiculturalists assume that the real targets are the liberal egalitarians (Rawls & his disciples). This has created a dramatically erroneous impression that the USA are liberal in an egalitarian way. Thus, while the leftist critics of egalitarian liberalism were finding fault with the abominable universalist theory, the antiliberals (& the antimulticulturalists) have gained prominence. 7 References. Adapted from the source document.