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Since WWII, there have been opposing views of the role & the importance of the state in international affairs. Some think that the importance of the state is slowly decreasing, since the increasing interdependence of the world has an enormous influence on both the internal & foreign policies of a state. On the other hand, some point out that the state has not lost any of its importance; on the contrary, this importance will only be enhanced since the world community has not yet come up with a model to replace sovereign state entities. States generate the structure that has a significant influence on individual & group security. This particularly applies to the post-Cold-War period, since the problems & threats of the present-day world -- economic collapse, political oppression, poverty, ethnic conflicts, uncontrolled population boom, nature degradation, terrorism, crime, & disease -- directly affect many other elements of security. It is these problems that turn our attention to the state as the most important institution of the contemporary world, since it still has at its disposal the resources for reducing or eliminating these threats. Adapted from the source document.

Upotreba dronova u smrtonosnim operacijama ciljanih ubojstava dovela je do povećane kontroverze i zanimanja javnosti. U ovom radu nastojat ćemo prikazati glavne etičke implikacije upotrebe dronova u ciljanim ubojstvima terorista. U promišljanju o etičnosti upotrebe dronova analizirat ćemo stavove pristaša i protivnika. Osnovna teza odnosi se na pretpostavku da upotreba dronova u ratu protiv terorizma predstavlja veliku opasnost za međunarodnu sigurnost, ljudska prava i demokraciju te ima snažne etičke implikacije. Očekivani je znanstveni doprinos rada u ukazivanju na mnogobrojne etičke probleme koji leže u upotrebi dronova u ciljanim ubojstvima terorista. ; The use of drones in the deadly operations of targeted killings has led to the increased controversies, and public interest. In this article we will try to show main ethical implications of the use of drones in the targeted killings of terrorists. Considering the ethics of the use of drones, we will analyze the views of supporters and opponents, which are diametrically opposed. The main thesis refers to the assumption that the use of drones in the war against terrorism represents a great danger to international security, human rights and democracy, and has strong ethical implications. The expected contribution of this paper is pointing out many ethical problems provoked by the use of drones in the targeted killings of terrorists.

The topic under discussion is the correlations between respect of the sovereign equality of all states, the balance of power in the World Community, & the capability of that Community for certain joint enforcement actions when necessary. All attempts throughout the history of radical elimination of the principle of sovereign equality of states by imposing hegemony by one power, or by several powers, finally failed. That happened with the rule of Napoleon I over continental Europe prior to 1815, or with attempts to impose a "New Order" by the Axis powers during WWII. At the same time, efforts to replace the balance of power by some integrated collective security systems failed. Within the League of Nations & the UN, that balance of power continued to operate among the leading member states. There is, however, a paradox in the fact that respect of the principle of sovereign equality of all states in the presence of a balance of power considerably diminish the probability of joint enforcement actions when they prove necessary. Today, only the US has the military potential & political will to face large-scale commissions of international crimes, as well as acts of international terrorism. At the same time, the lack of the balance of powers in the present World Community results in some distorted attitudes & practices by this unique superpower that are not always in perfect harmony with basic values of our civilization. 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

Tema ovog diplomskog rada je geopolitička strategija Saudijske Arabije u suvremenom svijetu. Bavi se utjecajem kojeg saudijsko kraljevstvo dobiva širenjem vehabizma te kakve posljedice to ostavlja na Bliski istok i ostatak svijeta. U radu će se analizirati savezništvo između Saudijske Arabije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država koje je u prošlosti bilo okarakterizirano kao "nafta u zamjenu za sigurnost". Budući da se smanjila ovisnost Sjedinjenih Američkih Država o nafti, promijenio se i odnos između te dvije države. Danas je taj odnos okarakteriziran kao "preklapanje interesa" , vidljivih u odnosu koje te dvije države imaju prema Iranu koji želi zauzeti dominantnu poziciju na Bliskom istoku. Uz analizu geopolitičkih odnosa Saudijske Arabije, Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Irana, u radu će se analizirati suvremeni saudijski utjecaj na ostale države Bliskog istoka. Na kraju rada istražit će se kakva je perspektiva saudijske države u budućnosti. ; This master thesis is about the geopolitical strategy of Saudi Arabia in contemporary world. It discusses the influence of Saudi kingdom through spreading of wahhabism and the impact which it has on both Middle East and the rest of the world. This thesis is going to analyze the alliance between Saudi Arabia and the United States, which in the past has been characterized as "oil in exchange for security". Since the dependence of the United States on oil has decreased, the relationship between the two countries has changed. Today, this relationship has been characterized as an "overlap of interests", visible in the relationship that these two countries have towards Iran, which wants to establish a dominant position in the Middle East. In addition to analyzing the geopolitical relations of Saudi Arabia, the United States of America and Iran, the paper will analyze contemporary Saudi influence on other countries in the Middle East. At the end of the thesis, the perspective of the Saudi state in the future will be explored.

Politička stabilnost u velikoj mjeri djeluje na ekonomske performanse određene zemlje. U ovom će se radu primjenom panel-modela sa slučajnim efektom pokazati da politička stabilnost ima znatan utjecaj na produktivnost rada mjerenu BDP-om po zaposlenom. Pritom će se politička stabilnost određene zemlje procjenjivati s pomoću indikatora političke stabilnosti i izostanka nasilja/terorizma, rizika državnog udara i indikatora državne legitimnosti. U uzorak je odabrano 11 postsocijalističkih zemlja Europske unije od 2000. do 2017. godine. Provedena analiza pokazuje da politička stabilnost ima bitan utjecaj na produktivnost rada u postsocijalističkim europskim zemljama te je robusnost rezultata dodatno potvrđena provođenjem analize pri alternativnim specifikacijama. S obzirom na to da se u postojećim radovima većinom nastojalo otkriti uzroke političke nestabilnosti i kako ih spriječiti, ovaj rad stavlja naglasak na posljedice političke nestabilnosti na produktivnost i gospodarstvo u cjelini. ; Economic performance of a specific country is, to a large extent, affected by political stability. The aim of this paper is to show that political stability has a significant impact on labour productivity measured by GDP per person employed. An analysis has been made using the random-effects model on three different measures for estimating political stability of a specific country: political stability and absence of violence/terrorism, risk of coup, and state legitimacy. The sample consists of 11 post-socialist EU countries for the period between 2000 and 2017. The results indicate that political stability has a significant impact on labour productivity in post-socialist European countries. The robustness of results has been further conferment by alternative model specification. Given the fact that the majority of existing literature focuses on the causes of political instability and the measures of preventing them, this paper primarily points out the consequences of political instability on labour productivity and the economy.

U radu se analiziraju četiri slučaja diplomacije prinude od kojih svaka predstavlja jedan aspekt suvremenih sigurnosnih ugroza: teritorijalna agresija motivirana nacionalističkim i etničkim aspiracijama (Bosna), agresija protiv vlastitog stanovništva zbog želje za samoodređenjem (Kosovo), terorizam (Afganistan) i oružje za masovno uništavanje (Irak). Cilj je provedene analize identificirati čimbenike koji su utjecali na ishod (uspjeh/neuspjeh) provedene strategije. Kao kriterij vrednovanja ishoda koristi se Jentlensonov cost/benefit model koji se temelji na zadovoljenju kriterija proporcionalnosti, recipročnosti i vjerodostojnosti. Uspjeh diplomacije prinude u Bosni imao je značajan utjecaj na odabir strategije za Kosovo, koji se smatra graničnim uspjehom s obzirom na dugotrajnost zračne kampanje. Diplomacija prinude u slučaju Afganistana i Iraka nije polučila željene rezultate te su ciljevi ostvareni primjenom sveobuhvatne vojne sile. Uzevši u obzir rezultate analize koji upućuju na zaključak da je diplomacija prinude, unatoč konceptualnoj jednostavnosti, kompleksna strategija čiji je ishod uvelike određen nizom kontekstualnih varijabli uz prilično ambivalentan karakter, svrha je ovoga rada spoznaja korisnosti i perspektive primjenjivosti Jentlensonova modela u objašnjenju uspjeha, odnosno neuspjeha strategije prinude. ; This paper analyzes four cases of coercive diplomacy each representing one aspect of contemporary security threats: territorial aggression motivated by nationalist and ethnic aspirations (Bosnia), aggression motivated by self-determination (Kosovo), terrorism (Afghanistan) and weapons of mass destruction (Iraq). The aim of the analysis is to identify factors that had impact on the outcome (success/failure) of coercive strategy. Jentleson cost benefit model based on the criteria of proportionality, reciprocity and credibility is used as the criterion for valuing outcome. The successfull aplication od coercive diplomacy in Bosnia played a major role in creating Kosovo`s coercive strategy witch is regarded as a marginal success due to continuance of the air campaign. Coercive diplomacy in cases of Afganistan and Iraq had faild and goals were achieved through application of brute force. Taking into account the results of the analysis that points to the conclusion that coercive diplomacy, despite conceptual simplicity, is a complex strategy whose outcome is influenced by a number of contextual variables with rather ambivalent character, the purpose of this paper is to comprehend the effectiveness and perspectives of the applicability of Jentlenson model in verification of success or failure of coercive strategy.

As an expression of China's eagerness to modernize its foreign policy in line with the modified global conditions at the start of the 21st century, a new official Chinese foreign policy doctrine has emerged -- the theory of "peaceful rise." After the top echelon of the Chinese leadership have adopted this doctrine, now it is being peddled to the international public. The fundamental tenet of the theory of "peaceful rise" is that a vigorous long-term growth of Chinese economy & China's affirmation in the arena of international relations does not represent a regional or global threat; on the contrary, China's rise may be good for its neighbors (by bringing economic opportunity & strengthening their security) & the global community in general. After the successful resolution in the 1990s of the border disputes with Russia, Kazakhstan & Tajikistan, & the settlement of the issue of the land border with Vietnam, China has directed its efforts to the resolution of the remaining territorial disputes with Japan & India. China joined the ASEAN in October 2003, a sign of the continued improvement of China's relations with the countries in this region. China has also been very keen on improving its -- primarily economic -- relations with Russia & Japan that will bring economic benefits to all the parties. It is interesting that most China's neighbors, unlike the countries of the EU & the US, have a trade surplus with China. China's most important bilateral relation, that with the US, has been marked with the strategic rapprochement of those two great powers after "September 11" concerning the fight against international terrorism, but is nevertheless still burdened with an array of troublesome issues: Taiwan, criticisms of China due to its violation of human rights & intellectual property, the huge American trade deficit with China. The main challenges to the process of China's "peaceful rise" are the following: the imbalance of its economic growth, particularly its overdependence on exports, the deteriorated relationships with Taiwan after President Chen Shui-bian, a strong advocate of Taiwan's independence, won the 2000 elections. The author concludes that the Chinese foreign policy doctrine of "peaceful rise" is a welcome effort to allay the fears that have been fueled by China's prominence & to explain its new role in international relations. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

Funkcionalna suradnja NATO-a i Ruske Federacije u suvremenim međunarodnim odnosima je nužna, ali zbog još uvijek obostranog nepovjerenja i natjecateljski postavljenih ciljeva teško se ostvaruje. Autorica polazi od prikaza i analize postojećih odnosa suradnje ta dva aktera oko globalnih pitanja (borba protiv terorizma, krijumčarenje droga i narkotika, elementarne nepogode, obuka afganistanskih sigurnosnih snaga) najvećim dijelom operacionaliziranih u Afganistanu. Potom prikazuje prostor Arktika kao prostor na kojem se NATO i Ruska Federacija tek interesno pozicioniraju. Globalni izazovi sigurnosti (klimatske promjene, sigurnost transportnih ruta, eksploatacija energenata) ponovno mogu približiti stavove ta dva aktera, ali iz dosad poduzetih akcija autorica zaključuje da će i taj prostor biti poprište konfrontacija. Na kraju analizira dva osnovna problema (raketni štit u Europi i daljnje širenje NATO-a) koji su od završetka Hladnog rata pa do danas glavni problemi u odnosima NATO-a i Ruske Federacije. Bez obzira na trenutnu ukrajinsku krizu očito je da će se i budući odnosi NATO-Ruska Federacija paralelno odvijati na dva kolosijeka: funkcionalnoj suradnji i odnosima hladnog mira. ; Functional cooperation between NATO and the Russian Federation is a necessity within the contemporary international relations. However, due to a lack of mutual trust which is still being felt and competitively set objectives of both players, such cooperation is sometimes difficult to achieve. Author starts by presenting and analyzing the existing examples of cooperation between the two states on global issues (fight against terrorism, drug trafficking, natural disasters, training of security forces in Afghanistan) – most of which is taking place in Afghanistan. She continues by elaborating on the situation in the Arctic territories where both NATO and the Russian Federation are just starting to position their interests. Again, it is the global challenges to security that might bring the positions of the two players closer in this area (such as climate changes, safety of transport routes, energy exploitation), but based on their activities so far the author concludes that this area might also become an area of confrontation. Finally, the author analyses two major issues (missile defense in Europe and further NATO enlargement) that have been principal problems in NATO-Russia relations ever since the end of the Cold War. Regardless of the current crisis in Ukraine it is apparent that future relations between NATO and the Russian Federation will continue on two parallel tracks: functional cooperation on one, and "cold peace" on the other.

Štićene su osobe fizičke osobe zaštićene tjelesnom i tehničkom zaštitom, a osobita se briga pridaje štićenju vodećih političkih dužnosnika, kao i predstavnika najviših tijela vlasti. Poslovi tjelohranitelja moraju biti regulirani zakonom gdje će biti izričito navedeno ono bitno za uspješnu provedbu zahtjevnih poslova, a samo iznimni pojedinci mogu zadovoljiti potrebne uvjete posla. Društvo je u današnje vrijeme osobito izloženo političkom sukobljavanju i nasilju, te je potrebno posebnu brigu dati zaštiti vodećih političkih dužnosnika i predstavnika najviših tijela vlasti države. Svakako je najosjetljiviji trenutak u sveukupnom procesu nasilja dolazak počinitelja u konkretnu priliku da počini napad iz neposredne udaljenosti pogodnim oružjem. Kada dođe do ugrožavanja njihove sigurnosti postavlja se pitanje o učinkovitosti sustava sigurnosti u cijelosti. Atentati imaju isti učinak kao terorizam, a to znači da je krajnji cilj atentata kompatibilan s krajnjim ciljem i efektima. Primarni učinak izazivaju osjećaj straha, panike i nesigurnosti većeg broja ljudi što snažno utječe na djelovanje vlasti, a što je krajnji cilj političkog nasilja. Kad je riječ o državnicima, atentati su osjetljivi događaji koji mogu imati katastrofalne posljedice. Upravo je stoga kao tema ovog rada odabrana studija slučaja atentata na srbijanskog premijera Zorana Đinđića. Đinđić je pokušao reformirati i modernizirati Srbiju zbog čega je došao u sukob s radikalnim nacionalističkim krugovima. ; Protected persons are natural persons protected by physical and technical protection, and particular care is given to the protection of leading political officials as well as representatives of the highest authorities. Bodyguard jobs must be regulated by law, which will explicitly state what is essential for the successful execution of demanding jobs, and only exceptional individuals can meet the required job requirements. Today, the society is particularly exposed to political conflict and violence, and special care must be taken to protect leading political officials and representatives of the highest bodies of state power. Certainly the most sensitive moment in the overall process of violence is the arrival of the perpetrator in a concrete opportunity to commit an attack from close range with a suitable weapon. When their security is compromised, the question arises as to the effectiveness of the security system as a whole. Assassinations have the same effect as terrorism, which means that the end goal of the assassination is compatible with the end goal and effects. The primary effect is caused by the feeling of fear, panic and insecurity of a large number of people, which significantly influences the work of the authorities, which is the ultimate goal of political violence. When it comes to statesmen, assassinations are sensitive events that can have catastrophic consequences. That is why the case study of the assassination of Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic was chosen as the topic of this paper. Djindjic tried to reform and modernize Serbia, which led him to clash with radical nationalist circles.