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"耽美"来源于日本,是以女性读者群为主要受众、描写男性与男性之间浪漫关系或性关系的文学或艺术作品,也被称为BL(Boy's Love)。喜爱耽美的女性爱好者被称为"腐女"。耽美文化自1990 年代后期随着日本流行文化进入中国,至今已在中国网络空间中逐渐发展成为一个主要由女性网民所组成的,包含文本创作、阅读与交流的文化圈。与此同时,耽美文化的流行亦引发了中国当下种种对性与性别问题的思考。 ; 本研究将耽美文化解译为"女性幻想男男之爱"的欲望结构,从精神分析幻想理论与酷儿理论的视角来考察中国网络中的耽美文化现象。论文所围绕的一个问题是,耽美文化与中国社会文化中的性/别话语产生了怎样的关系,以及如何从腐女的耽美幻想中搭建起与现实性/别政治的联系。研究首先分析了两类网络耽美小说文本,分别来看它们与1990年代以后的"男同性恋"身份话语,和2000年代以后对"中国古典文化"想象之间的吸收、挪用与再创造;其次以网络腐女圈的论坛讨论与配对狂欢为对象,研究网络耽美式恶搞对官方媒体、主流男性形象和异性恋规范的权威所潜在的颠覆性;最后以2011年一桩"腐女被抓案"新闻报道为契机,来观察耽美文化与网络淫秽色情审查的纠葛、冲突与可能的出路。 ; 欲望幻想的流动性决定着它边界的模糊与开放,以及它承载、影响乃至侵扰"现实"秩序的功能。因此,作为一种女性的男性同性情欲幻想,本研究视耽美文化最引人注目的地方不在于其本身的出现与流行程度,而在于它与各种性/别话语的相互建构与矛盾冲突。此外,在对幻想文本、网络话语以及腐女群体的调查中,本研究也期待探索某种"酷儿"政治在中国网络文化中生产的可能性。 ; Boy's love (BL in short; danmei in Chinese) is a Japanese term for female-oriented fictional media, which focuses on love, sex and romance between beautiful androgynous boys or young men. Apart from the gay self-representations, BL is a genre of male homoeroticism by and for mostly heterosexual women. In China, the BL fans call themselves "Fu Nu", which means "rotten girl", to describe their enthusiasm for fantasizing male homosexuality. BL originated from Japanese amine, comic and game youth culture, and has since become a transnational phenomenon all over the world with a global fan base. As such, the phenomenon of boy's love had already aroused a lot of discussions in relation to ideologies of gender and sexuality from different cultural and social perspectives. BL fandom in China's culture context with its "Chinese characteristics" also deserves particular attention, when it opens up a fantastic space for Chinese woman to practice their sexuality beyond non-heterosexual norms. ; However there is limited work that considers the queer sexuality of female BL fans in China, in relation to the queer texts and queer discourses they create. There is also little research that explores the capacity of boy's love netizens to resist the on-going internet surveillance by the Chinese government of information deemed 'sexually inappropriate' ...

En las últimas décadas, la educación superior se sitúa en el cruce de la investigación, la educación y la innovación, y constituye el eje central de la economía y de la sociedad del conocimiento, así como el factor clave para la competitividad de cada país. Hoy en día, con el rápido desarrollo de la globalización, la internacionalización de la educación superior se está convirtiendo en una estrategia fundamental del desarrollo para los institutos educativos superiores de los países de todo el mundo, incluso para los de China y de España, dado el creciente intercambio entre ellos. Sin duda alguna, la investigación de las leyes españolas y las chinas respecto a la educación superior consiste en la necesaria condición previa para los intercambios y el desarrollo entre ambos países, y también es imprescindible llevarse a cabo una traducción concerniente a los documentos jurídicos. A estos se suma que son escasos los documentos existentes tanto en español como en chino acerca de la educación superior. El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar las dificultades de la traducción chinoespañol sobre los textos legislativos y las diferencias de dichos textos, y después intentar plantear unas soluciones. Para ello, tomamos la Ley de Educación Superior de China y la Ley relativa de España como corpus de la investigación, utilizando la metodología cualitativa, en que usamos técnicas de la etnografia y del análisis del discurso y libros, analizamos los datos estableciendo un contraste de la educación superior de ambos países. Asimismo, con el objetivo de obtener las estrategias para la traducción de la Ley de Educación Superior, por medio de la teoría de equivalencia dinámica planteada por Eugene A. N ida, un gran traductor estadounidense, estudiamos y comparamos las características de lenguaje del derecho educativo superior chino y el español, y las dificultades durante la traducción, aplicando la metodología contrastiva. Los resultados revelan que existen muchas diferencias entre dos lenguas, de ahí que, es menester ...

熊躍根. ; 論文(博士)--香港中文大學社會工作學部, 1998. ; 參考文獻: p. 192-213. ; 中英文摘要. ; Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong. ; Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Mode of access: World Wide Web. ; Xiong Yuegen. ; Lun wen (Bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue she hui gong zuo xue bu, 1998. ; Can kao wen xian: p. 192-213. ; Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.

Con la globalización económica y cultural, la movilidad demográfica se ha convertido en un fenómeno muy frecuente. Dentro de este marco, España, siendo un país desarrollado, se ha transformado en un destino popular de inmigración de ciudadanos chinos. En virtud de los datos proporcionados por el Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE) hasta el año 2018, la población china que reside en España asciende a 215.970, representando 4,6 % de toda población extranjera en España. Por su parte, las leyes son un elemento esencial tanto para el Estado de un país, como para los ciudadanos, dado a que estas ayudan a garantizar la estabilidad social. Por ello, es imprescindible que los inmigrantes acumulen conocimientos en materia de legislaciones y normativas locales del país al que emigran, sobre todo cuando acaban de llegar a su destino. Sin embargo, la mayoría de los inmigrantes chinos jamás ha recibido formación lingüística, es decir, el idioma vendría siendo un importante obstáculo durante el proceso de aprender acerca de las leyes y normativas del país de destino. En estos casos, los intérpretes y traductores jurídicos desempeñan un rol relevante con el que son capaces de dar apoyo a los inmigrantes. Sin embargo, a pesar del avance de las investigaciones en materia de la traducción jurídica, todavía existen algunas limitaciones y carencias. De forma paralela, el sistema de seguridad social tiene se caracteriza por ser una cimentación cada vez más indispensable para la estabilidad social, para la promoción de la integración social y para garantía de la integridad de la vida de los individuos. Al igual que otros sistemas de seguridad, el sistema correspondiente para satisfacer las necesidades de personas discapacitadas también ha experimentado un largo proceso de evolución. Empero, si comparamos el avanzado sistema español de Seguridad Social que atiende los derechos de las personas con discapacidad con su equivalente sino, en el sistema de China aún queda mucho por mejorar. Ahora, en cuanto a la concepción que se tiene ...

Tang, Li. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 130-137). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.9 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.9 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Public Sphere: Liberal Model --- p.9 ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- Criticism on Unitary Public Sphere --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.1.3 --- Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.1.4 --- Criteria for Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.14 ; Chapter 2.1.5 --- External Parties --- p.16 ; Chapter 2.1.6 --- Public Sphere in the Cyberspace --- p.17 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Public Sphere in Contemporary China --- p.19 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Application of the Concept of Public Sphere in China --- p.19 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Dominant Public Sphere in China --- p.21 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- Subaltern Groups in China --- p.23 ; Chapter 2.2.4 --- Subaltern Public Spheres in Chinese Cyberspace --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.2.5 --- HBV Carriers Group and the Forum --- p.28 ; Chapter 3 --- Research Design --- p.32 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Overall Conceptual Framework --- p.32 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Research Questions --- p.33 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Research Methods --- p.36 ; Chapter 3.3.1 --- Textual Analysis --- p.36 ; Chapter 3.3.2 --- Interviews --- p.39 ; Chapter 4 --- Brief Overview of the Forum --- p.43 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Overall Development --- p.43 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Structure --- p.46 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Users --- p.50 ; Chapter 5 --- Empowerment on the Discursive Level --- p.53 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Characteristics of the Forum --- p.53 ; Chapter 5.1.1 --- Alternative Topic --- p.53 ; Chapter 5.1.2 --- Alternative Information of HBV --- p.54 ; Chapter 5.1.3 --- Discourse of Self-Narrative --- p.59 ; Chapter 5.1.4 --- Forum Accessibility --- p.61 ; Chapter 5.1.5 --- Relative Equality --- p.62 ; Chapter 5.2 --- Rhetoric of Innocence --- p.64 ; Chapter 5.2.1 --- Attribution of the Spread of HBV --- p.65 ; Chapter 5.2.2 --- Attribution of Discrimination --- p.68 ; Chapter 5.3 --- ...

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has emerged as a new model of regional governance at a moment of an increasing deficit of global governance and a governance dilemma in the European Union. In the past several years, during the consultations with the respective countries, the BRI has shocked the traditional western governance paradigm from the perspective of governance concept, structure and regulation. The BRI has also marked a change from Western governance emphasizing good-governance to Oriental and Chinese governance, emphasizing good-administration. From actor-oriented governance to topic-oriented governance and from pluralistic integration governance to multivariate, multibody governance. Those changes indicate the characteristics of the BRI based on resolving problems under shared circumstances, building consensus with shared ideals, searching for new ideas with shared needs, and would help to provide a regional governance transition with a feasible and referable model providing promising prospects. Key words: The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), Governance Paradigm, Concept, Structure, Regulation ; 全球治理赤字突显、欧盟治理遭遇困难之际,"一带一路"这一新型区域治理形式出现。几年来,在与沿线周边国家共商共建实践中,"一带一路"倡议合作在治理理念、结构、规范几个方面动摇了西方传统治理范式,预示着区域治理的改变和转向:从强调良治的西方治理模式向强调良政的东方方式、中国方式转变,从主体导向治理向主题导向治理转变,从多元一体治理向多元多体治理转变。这些转变体现了"一带一路"基于共同处境解决问题、出于相同理念凝聚共识、立于共同需求寻找方案的新特点,有望为区域治理转型提供可行的经验、可鉴的模式与可期的前景。 【关键词】:"一带一路";治理范式;理念;结构;规范

香港教育歷史書寫以教育政策史為核心,一直缺乏有關鄉村學校的研究。本地教育史研究者多數將鄉村學校納入傳統中國學塾的想像,或簡化成一種過渡式的教育模式。在殖民管治新界的歷史時空下,鄉村學校的具體面貌,及其在不同階段的轉型和社會功能都被忽略。本研究以有別於主流教育歷史研究的書寫方式,嘗試將鄉村學校與新界殖民管治、新市鎮規劃、鄉村社群與城市文化拉扯等範疇連結起來,多角度重塑新界鄉村學校與整體社會脈絡的互動。本研究透過說明新界鄉村學校的歷史發展過程,目的是為了突顯鄉村學校並非鐵板一塊。鄉村教育與鄉村社區文化緊密結合,學校的發展形態多樣而且教學生活化。 ; 本研究先從描繪鄉村學校與新界殖民歷史的關係出發,指出鄉村學校的興起與戰後殖民政府改變新界管治方針,普及教育的政治功能,以及現代教育體制的建立有密切關係。為強調鄉村學校的地緣特色,本文會以兩所新界鄉村學校為個案研究對象。本文藉著訪問、挖掘學校文獻、整理現存的口述歷史研究報告及相關歷史資料,介紹兩所新界鄉村學校的辦學理念、發展沿革、教學特色。本研究最後將提到1997 年後鄉村學校面臨大規模結束的困境,當中反映政府及民間社會對鄉村學校的不同理解和定位。本地教育史研究以線性叙事磨平地區發展差異和鄉村學校的多義性,因此本研究通過探討新界鄉村學校在本地教育史中的位置為鄉村學校研究補遺,並進一步批判以城市價值為核心的單一教育模式。 ; The writing of Hong Kong education history has always focused on the side of education policy. The majority of the studies describe village schools in the New Territories as traditional and transitional form of education, which makes village school unnoticed in the academic field. It is important to review village schools differently in each historical era, and to rethink its intersection with the colonial policy, urban and rural tension, and its significant position in the process of education modernization. Unlike the mainstream education policy studies, this study relate education development with colonial governance, urbanization and evolvement in local education model. With these angles, this study will provide both macro and micro perspectives to understand how the social and cultural environments reshape village schools in the New Territories in the post-war era. ; This study will first pointed out the closely linkage between village school in New Territories and the colonial rule of New Territories. The rise of village schools in the post-war period is much related to the changing ruling principle in New Territories. The political purpose of promoting mass education and the establishment of the local education system also provide a favorable environment for the booming development of village schools. ; In order to emphasize how geographical factors affect village schools, this study will use two village schools in New ...

本研究聚焦2009年到2013年,中國廣州的一場圍繞垃圾處理展開的社會運動。運動最初是當地居民動員起來反對市政府垃圾焚燒項目的鄰避抗爭。勝利後,運動領袖成立了一個環保組織,和政府從對抗走向合作,力圖推动焚燒技術以外的替代性垃圾治理方案。不過,儘管政府和環保者致力於解決垃圾,垃圾問題在消費社會中始終無法消除。本研究試圖理解後社會主義中國的綠色治理和環保行動之間的對抗與合作。 ; 首先,我分析當代中國高速城市化和消費社會急速發展所帶來的垃圾危機。然后,我檢視圍繞垃圾焚燒技術的主要爭議,並描繪廣州居民是如何針對政府計劃中的垃圾焚燒項目做出抗爭的。我指出,他們結合地方性知識和科學話語,將自己建構為"常民專家",對全球性的焚燒科技的"地方適用性"作出成功挑战。接下來,我提供一個民族誌,追溯抗議成功后運動的歷史軌跡。我注意到,通過成立一個環保組織"EC",反焚運動走向合法化、組織化和制度化,抗爭被體制吸納,轉變為參與協助國家環境治理的運動。最後,我描繪EC與广州政府聯手推動的垃圾分類運動。指出,國家在此運動中的尷尬身份、以利潤為導向的回收市場影響、理想化的垃圾分類知識與普通民眾的知識存在斷裂,都使得推動垃圾分類異常艱難。 ; 通過展示運動變遷與國家治理轉型相互交織的辯證关系,本研究挑戰了國家與社會的二元對立,指出在國家在治理轉型過程中不斷收編反抗的行動和話語,而於此同時反焚者又在不斷生產新的另類知識做出挑戰。此外,本研究還貢獻於對廢棄物的理解,將廢棄物視為是一個動態的範疇,國家、市場、科學技術、普通消費者、環保行動者等多個行動者共同生產、競爭、建構其意義。還有,本研究對於科技知識的普遍性的探討,對科學技術研究領域做出了貢獻。 ; This is a study on social movements that focused on waste treatment in Guangzhou, China from 2009-2013. The campaign began as a NIMBY (Not-In-My-Backyard) movement that mobilized community residents to protest against municipal government's proposed incineration projects. After its success, the movement leaders changed their dissident role to form an environmental protection NGO, collaborating with the state to explore alternative waste treatment solutions other than incineration. However, despite of the politicians and activists' attempt to eliminate waste, waste continues to exist in tandem of our consumption spree. I endeavor to understand the contradiction as well as collusion between green governance and environmental activisms in post-socialist China. ; Firstly, I analyze the garbage crisis caused by the rapid urbanization and the dramatic growth of consumer society in contemporary China. Then I examine a few major technological controversies of waste incineration and depict how the activists protest against the pro-incineration government. I argue that through deploying local knowledge, the activists, as "lay experts", successfully challenged the "local appropriateness" of the global technology of incineration. Next, I provide an in-depth ethnography of the transformation of this campaign after its ...

本研究針對中國城市教會信徒年輕化的現象,以北京一三自教會為個案分析,了解「八零後」的中國基督徒如何理解和實踐基督信仰,並探討這個群體的崛起如何改造城市基督教的面貌。八零後的中國基督徒在信徒身份建構上所強調的是理性學習及積極入世的。他們在對信仰的理解和實踐的過程中塑造了一種中產價值。這種中產價值不單體現在「高學歷」、「城市」、「創新」等文化資本上,更重視回歸到傳統的家庭價值和對社會的正面價值。本文也反映了基督教與國家權力之間的互動,指出兩者相互依存和調適,但教會仍受制於政府主導的宗教政策。教會在限制中調動信徒的力量發掘空間,實踐他們的信仰理念。 ; Christianity in China has been traditionally attracted socially disadvantaged groups; however, this has recently changed with the rising number of young and educated worshipers in China's urban churches, especially in metropolitan cities. This study examines a group of Post-80s Chinese Christians at a Three-Self church in Beijing by looking at (1) How these young followers understand and practice religion in their everyday lives? (2) And how their everyday practice and understanding of religion shape and change the image of urban Christianity? The Post-80s Chinese Christians place the importance of rational study and social engagement in constructing religious identity. The ways they interpret their faith reflect the middle class values by emphasizing family values and favoring economic and political stability. The study also shows that the state-church relation is mutually dependent and adaptive but the religious matters are still largely controlled by the political authority. Subject to the limitations imposed by the government, the church has managed to find room by making use of the creativity of the Christians to actualize their faith. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; 陳丹. ; Parallel title from English abstract. ; Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 131-139). ; Abstracts in Chinese and English. ; Chen Dan.

India's Indo-Pacific diplomacy is born out of its 'Look East' policy, initially aimed at extending its influence into the Asia-Pacific region. Modi's June 2018 address at the Shangri La Dialogue marked New Delhi's full embracing of the Indo-Pacific concept. Thereafter, Indo-Pacific diplomacy, or such a vision, has become a new pillar of Indian foreign policy, and a new angle through which it is observed. India's Indo- Pacific diplomacy will continue to put emphasis on its relationship with ASEAN and respect for ASEAN's centrality in regional security cooperation. Meanwhile, India is expected to strengthen multilevel exchanges and cooperation in different areas with like-minded countries such as the US, Japan, and Australia, and continue to engage in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) – but probably keep a relatively low profile. Though it may share common interests with the US in dealing with a rising China, India so far seems to prefer hedging its bets on both China and the US, and is reluctant tochoose a side too early. Consequently, India's Indo-Pacific diplomacy will maintain a relatively clear-cut strategic independence. Limitations of India's Indo-Pacific diplomacy include: the kind of competition and confusion that seems to exist between its two ambitions, i.e. the Indian Ocean region as India's paramount strategic focus, and the Asia-Pacific as the hub of its Indo-Pacific diplomacy; ASEAN's centrality may be diminished by the Indo-Pacific; and India's simultaneous engagement with Quad and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization may leave the awkward impression of straddling two boats. ; 印度的印太外交脱胎于其东向政策,初心是为融入亚太。以莫迪2018 年6 月香格里拉论坛讲话为标志,印度已全面接受"印太"概念,印太外交或印太构想将成为印度对外政策的新视角和新支柱。印度的印太外交将继续重视东盟外交,尊重东盟在地区安全合作中的中心地位。同时,印度将与美、日、澳这些"志同道合"的国家在多个层面、多个领域强化互动与合作,会继续参与四国集团但会适度保持低调。尽管在应对中国崛起上印度与美国有共同利益,但印度目前仍希望在中美间采取对冲战略,不想过早选边站队,因此其印太外交将保持较强的战略自主性。印度印太外交的局限在于:印度的主要战略方向印度洋与其印太外交的主要方向——亚太之间似乎存在某种矛盾;印太本身冲击东盟的地区中心地位;以及印度同时参与四国集团和上合组织也让人感觉印度"脚踩两只船"。