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International audience ; In 1307-1308, pope Clement V had an inquiry made into a series of crimes attributed to bishop of Albi Bernard de Castanet by two canons of the cathedral, who had presented at the roman Curia a list of accusations against their spiritual ruler. The bishop was accused of pastoral negligence, of simony, of dilapidation, of irregularities and systematic cruelty in the practice of justice, of murders and of incontinence. Soon after the hearing by pontifical commissioners of a hundred and fourteen witnesses presented by the denouncers, the pope called off the procedure. But three days later, he implicitly penalized the bishop, removing him from the see of Albi to that of Le Puy, which was much less prestigious. The study of this case develops from the critical edition of the records of the inquiry at Albi, which are held at the Vatican Archives (register 404 of the Collectoriae). The initiative of the denouncers is examined in the perspective of the conflictual history of Bernard de Castanet's episcopate (1276-1308). A continuity is shown between the witnesses' will to have the bishop's guilt admitted, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the struggle of the urban élite against the bishop's lordly jurisdiction, but also the anti-inquisitorial movement lead by brother Bernard Délicieux in 1299-1306. The heresy of the good men, which was vigorously fought by the bishop, proves to be at the heart of the matter, though the denouncer didn't mention it at all. The analysis show the informal consistency and the social and theologico-political grounds of religious dissent. Besides, by replacing the procedure in the series of processus inquisitionis dealing with " enormous crimes " (enormia) launched by popes against prelates since the beginning of the XIIIth century and by examining it from a juridical point of view, the study of this casus shows the role played by inquiry, as a tool of State government, in the construction of a public opinion (fama), and in the differentiation of an ...

International audience ; In 1307-1308, pope Clement V had an inquiry made into a series of crimes attributed to bishop of Albi Bernard de Castanet by two canons of the cathedral, who had presented at the roman Curia a list of accusations against their spiritual ruler. The bishop was accused of pastoral negligence, of simony, of dilapidation, of irregularities and systematic cruelty in the practice of justice, of murders and of incontinence. Soon after the hearing by pontifical commissioners of a hundred and fourteen witnesses presented by the denouncers, the pope called off the procedure. But three days later, he implicitly penalized the bishop, removing him from the see of Albi to that of Le Puy, which was much less prestigious. The study of this case develops from the critical edition of the records of the inquiry at Albi, which are held at the Vatican Archives (register 404 of the Collectoriae). The initiative of the denouncers is examined in the perspective of the conflictual history of Bernard de Castanet's episcopate (1276-1308). A continuity is shown between the witnesses' will to have the bishop's guilt admitted, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the struggle of the urban élite against the bishop's lordly jurisdiction, but also the anti-inquisitorial movement lead by brother Bernard Délicieux in 1299-1306. The heresy of the good men, which was vigorously fought by the bishop, proves to be at the heart of the matter, though the denouncer didn't mention it at all. The analysis show the informal consistency and the social and theologico-political grounds of religious dissent. Besides, by replacing the procedure in the series of processus inquisitionis dealing with " enormous crimes " (enormia) launched by popes against prelates since the beginning of the XIIIth century and by examining it from a juridical point of view, the study of this casus shows the role played by inquiry, as a tool of State government, in the construction of a public opinion (fama), and in the differentiation of an ...

International audience ; In 1307-1308, pope Clement V had an inquiry made into a series of crimes attributed to bishop of Albi Bernard de Castanet by two canons of the cathedral, who had presented at the roman Curia a list of accusations against their spiritual ruler. The bishop was accused of pastoral negligence, of simony, of dilapidation, of irregularities and systematic cruelty in the practice of justice, of murders and of incontinence. Soon after the hearing by pontifical commissioners of a hundred and fourteen witnesses presented by the denouncers, the pope called off the procedure. But three days later, he implicitly penalized the bishop, removing him from the see of Albi to that of Le Puy, which was much less prestigious. The study of this case develops from the critical edition of the records of the inquiry at Albi, which are held at the Vatican Archives (register 404 of the Collectoriae). The initiative of the denouncers is examined in the perspective of the conflictual history of Bernard de Castanet's episcopate (1276-1308). A continuity is shown between the witnesses' will to have the bishop's guilt admitted, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the struggle of the urban élite against the bishop's lordly jurisdiction, but also the anti-inquisitorial movement lead by brother Bernard Délicieux in 1299-1306. The heresy of the good men, which was vigorously fought by the bishop, proves to be at the heart of the matter, though the denouncer didn't mention it at all. The analysis show the informal consistency and the social and theologico-political grounds of religious dissent. Besides, by replacing the procedure in the series of processus inquisitionis dealing with " enormous crimes " (enormia) launched by popes against prelates since the beginning of the XIIIth century and by examining it from a juridical point of view, the study of this casus shows the role played by inquiry, as a tool of State government, in the construction of a public opinion (fama), and in the differentiation of an ...

作為社會主義國家中央計劃的遺產,國民經濟和社會發展五年計劃/規劃是調節中國經濟社會與空間發展的重要工具。隨著中國政治經濟的轉型,五年計劃/規劃也經歷了多次顯著的轉變。尤其在"十一五"時期,五年規劃體系分別在三個地理尺度上加強了其中的空間規劃元素和地位。這包括在國家層面提出主體功能區劃,在區域層面加強區域空間規劃功能,在市縣層面進行規劃體制改革。 ; 目前,學術界還未有對五年計劃/規劃在中國轉型中所扮演的角色展開深入研究,特別是空間規劃如何轉變和行使空間管治功能。基於此,本論文採用管治的視角,構建一個基於過程的概念分析框架,以揭示五年計劃/規劃體系中的空間規劃元素轉變的基本原理和機制,也即在於探討各利益主體、制度、規劃管理和機制如何作用於五年規劃中空間規劃的發展,以及空間規劃在地方具體管治事務上的成效。具體而言,論文試圖回答以下三個相關研究問題。第一,五年規劃為何要植入新的空間規劃方法?第二,"十一五"期間,將空間規劃植入五年規劃體系的機制是什麼?第三,植入的空間規劃是否能有效的進行空間管治?通過分析空間規劃內容在國家五年計劃/規劃體系中的演變特點,以及結合江蘇省"十一五"期間的兩個案例(區域和城市兩個尺度)的研究,論文得出以下結論: ; 隨著市場化改革和經濟權力下放,中國空間發展的政治經濟環境發生了重要變化。這在客觀上需要五年計劃/規劃體系中的空間規劃內容做出相應的調整。初期,空間規劃的形式體現在以部委主導的發展項目;改革開放到"十五"計畫期間,空間規劃的形式主要體現在劃定特殊的政策區域;"十一五"規劃以來,空間規劃則以空間分類引導與約束並舉的空間發展政策框架形式出現。"十一五"以來轉變的目的是使經濟規劃與空間規劃的結合更加緊密,以克服中國當前空間管治的各種困境。但是,這種在空間規劃方法上的創新也受到了來自地方層級政府和不同規劃部門的挑戰,為其實施帶來了一些不確定因素。 ; 在區域尺度上,論文選取了江蘇省五年規劃體系中的沿江規劃作為案例。研究發現,作為省政府自上而下引導區域協調發展和區域經濟整合,約束空間無序開發的手段,沿江規劃的發展高度依賴於地方的政治經濟環境,反應了省內複雜的空間管治機制。沿江規劃稍早於省"十一五"規劃出臺。隨後,省政府將沿江規劃進行調整並植入五年規劃體系。其主要目的是為了加強沿江規劃的政治地位,以克服其早期實施時出現的危機。調整後的沿江規劃進一步突出了空間管治、區域協調發展和可持續性的目標。但是,在規劃實際實施中,沿江規劃戰略成為區內城市政府為資本積累推動新的發展項目的工具,而區域協調發展和空間可持續性問題反而被一再忽略。 ; 在城市尺度上,論文選取了國家發改委主導的蘇州"十一五"市縣規劃改革作為案例。其改革的目的主要是加強規劃協調和發展控制。然而,蘇州"十一五"時期的發展表明,市"十一五"規劃中所植入的空間規劃框架儘管加強了空間發展約束和引導的內容,但實際上其無力調整市域部門分割的空間管治關係。這主要是因為,地方的空間規劃受到來自中央規劃部門的條例、法規和指標控制等垂直管理體系的約束。另外,為了創造土地財政和刺激地方發展,城市政府試圖突破自上而下的規劃控制指標和操縱地方規劃的資料,尤其是土地開發。為此,蘇州"十一五"規劃中的空間規劃處於一個嵌套的規劃管理環境。空間規劃進而成為中央和地方在空間管治理念上博弈的犧牲品。這種空間規劃的創新,不但無法融合部門割裂的規劃功能,更不能觸動地方政府對土地財政依賴,因此無法建立空間管制的機制。 ; 總體上,經濟增長仍然是地方最為重要的規劃管治問題,進而決定了空間規劃中政治的走向。目前的空間規劃理念還主要是緩解經濟增長的限制性因素,如土地供應緊張和環境門檻提升等,而非為了建立有效的空間管治機制。 ; As a legacy of the socialist state with central planning, Five-Year Planning (FYP) is very important in regulating socio-economic and spatial development even in post-reform China. Along with the changing context of political economy, the plan has experienced remarkable transformation in the last several decades. Particularly, during the 11th FYP Period, the FYP system emphasized spatial planning at different geographic scales, such as incorporating Major Function-Oriented Zoning (MFOZ) ...

One and a half years after the beginning of Maidan, one year after the annexation of Crimea and the beginning of the war in Donbas, Ukraine is at a turning point in its history. Is it amputated by part of its territory, faced with a destabilising conflict, the outcome of which remains uncertain, in the face of a precarious economic and financial situation, and is it becoming a bankrupt state? Or is it a year for a nation state to recover from its colonial and Soviet heritage? In spring 2015, it is not the time for final replies: the emerging megatrends reveal a country in the middle of the guest. The cost of "independence at all costs" is high and the challenges facing the country are impressive. To try to raise them, the Ukrai-nians have gathered together in a huge national momentum. ; Un an et demi après le début de Maïdan, un an après l'annexion de la Crimée et le commencement de la guerre dans le Donbass, l'Ukraine est à un tournant de son histoire. Amputée d'une partie de son territoire, confrontée à un conflit déstabilisant dont l'issue reste incertaine, en proie à une situation économique et financière précai-re, est-elle en train de devenir un État failli ? Ou assiste-t-on à l'an un d'un État-nation qui se relève en se déga-geant de son héritage colonial et soviétique ? Au printemps 2015, l'heure n'est pas aux réponses définitives : les grandes tendances qui se dessinent révèlent un pays au milieu du gué. Le coût de « l'indépendance à tout prix » est élevé et les défis auxquels le pays est confronté sont impressionnants. Pour tenter de les relever, les Ukrai-niens se sont rassemblés dans un immense élan national.

Executive council Thirty-Fourth Ordinary Session 07 - 08 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; In the framework of the long-term vision encapsulated in Agenda 2063 the African Union's (AU) Assembly of Heads of State and Government adopted a Common African Position on Humanitarian Effectiveness (CAP) and called for a ten year period of transformation to strengthen humanitarian action on the continent (Decision 604 (XXVI)). The CAP defines Africa's new humanitarian architecture, which includes the creation of the African Humanitarian Agency as a vehicle for Africa's humanitarian action. The new humanitarian architecture also emphasizes addressing root causes and achieving durable solutions, as well as bolstering the capacity of States and other stakeholders to tackle the challenges of forced displacement on the continent

1.-This overview presents the most significant decisions on restrictive practices from early 2015 to early 2016. It does not therefore claim to be exhaustive Note 1 and is limited to purely internal litigation, without addressing disputes arising in an international context which is otherwise dealt with. Note 2 In the light of these clarifications, it should be noted as a general observation that, in accordance with previous years, the dispute is concentrated on two provisions of Note 3, penalising respectively the significant imbalance (2) and the abrupt termination of established commercial relations (3). However, it is worth mentioning resale at a loss which, if addressed in a single decision, is the subject of important clarification on a matter discussed (1). 1. Resale at a loss 2.-Article L. 442-2 of the Commercial Code penalising resale at a loss Note 4 is now challenged on the basis of the Unfair Commercial Practices Directive of 11 May 2005. The article condemns that practice in all circumstances and not only where it is shown to be unfair, whereas the directive precludes a national provision which generally prohibits sale at a loss if at least that national provision is intended to protect consumers Note 5. In that regard, the Cour d'appel de Douai Note 6 considered that Article L. 442-2 of the Commercial Code was in fact compatible with European law, relying on three considerations, none of which appears to be fully convincing Note 7. Firstly, the location of the text, located in the Commercial Code and not in the Consumer Code, but the argument is probably too formal. Next, its content and, in particular, the reference to the precise arrangements for determining the actual purchase price, but the argument also appears weak. Last but not least, its spirit could be said; however, if the approach is more judicious, it is nevertheless insufficient, since it is not sufficient to note, which is not doubtful, that the text first protects traders, but it must also be established that it is intended to ...

L'OFCE ayant récemment publié un Rapport sur l'état de l'Union européenne, il était important que nous nous plongions dans la lecture du rapport du CEPS, même si les formes et les ambitions diffèrent d'un ouvrage à l'autre. Sur la forme, le rapport du CEPS se présente comme un document de travail et il s'adresse plus particulièrement à des lecteurs familiers du raisonnement économique et de la macroéconomie (.).

L'OFCE ayant récemment publié un Rapport sur l'état de l'Union européenne, il était important que nous nous plongions dans la lecture du rapport du CEPS, même si les formes et les ambitions diffèrent d'un ouvrage à l'autre. Sur la forme, le rapport du CEPS se présente comme un document de travail et il s'adresse plus particulièrement à des lecteurs familiers du raisonnement économique et de la macroéconomie (.).

As in 2015, Tunisia's political scene was marked in 2016 by the presidency of the regime. The search for presidential leadership, which had been affirmed in 2015, through the choice of the person to hold primacy, materialised in 2016 by the formation of two new governments, including a government of national union. In calling on his Prime Minister, Habib Essid, to carry out a major ministerial reshuffle, the President of the Republic, Beji Caïd Essebsi, intended to breathe new life into government action, while emphasising presidential leadership in the Executive. A few months later, by taking the initiative to change the head of government and to propose the establishment of a cabinet of national union, President Essebsi wished to position himself again as the master of the political game, the man through which Tunisia's exit from the economic marasme would pass. But that, however, this presidential approach of the regime does not mean the implementation of an effective method of government in the conduct of public action. Throughout the year, the Executive has been constantly overshadowed by recurrent social protests, which it has tried, albeit badly, to extinguish by making promises of employment in the public sector. In addition, the jihadist question was reminded of the good memory of power in early March with an attack by an armed group from Libya on the border city of Ben Guerdane. Ultimately, the inability to impose his plan for economic and financial reconciliation and to turn his son into the uncontested leader of the party he had founded himself in 2012 appeared to be a sign of a form of impotence of the presidency. ; International audience ; As in 2015, Tunisia's political scene was marked in 2016 by the presidency of the regime. The search for presidential leadership, which had been affirmed in 2015, through the choice of the person to hold primacy, materialised in 2016 by the formation of two new governments, including a government of national union. In calling on his Prime Minister, Habib Essid, ...

Based on rare and authentic documents, this work endeavors to elaborate a new image of the Russian Revolution through satirical magazines of the time. These illustrated reviews are genuine works of art that question freedom of the press and art itself during a transnational period in Russia. They serve as a direct testimony of this revolutionary year, providing an original image of the two Russian revolutions of February and October and featuring on the review's front cover week after week avant-garde artists freed from censorship of the press. In order to preserve the chronological dynamic of the events, satirical reviews are coupled with historical testimony of various writers such as Claude Anet, Pierre Pascal, Maxime Gorki, Maurice Paleologue, and John S. Reed, among others. All of them had supported the revolutionary turmoil in their own way and constitute an historical echo of the illustrated satirical reviews allowing us to plunge into the heart of daily life during the two Russian revolutions, and thus creating a new image of the Revolution, set in motion, single-minded, and noteworthy. ; Basé sur des documents authentiques rares et inédits, ce travail a pour but d'étoffer une nouvelle image de la Révolution russe via les revues satiriques de l'époque. Ces revues sont de véritables œuvres d'art révolutionnaires qui interrogent la liberté de la presse et l'art durant une période charnière en Russie. Il s'agit d'une témoignage direct de cette année révolutionnaire, véhiculé par des artistes avant-gardistes libérés de la censure, et qui vont, au fil des semaines, composer une image originale de l'année 2017 et des deux révolutions russes de février et d'octobre au travers des couvertures illustrées. Afin de conserver la dynamique chronologique des événements, les revues ont été mises en parallèle avec les témoignages écrits d'époque, de personnalités diverses telles que Claude Anet, Pierre Pascal, Maxime Gorki, Maurice Paléologue, ou encore John S. Reed. Tous ont accompagné les bouleversements ...

Based on rare and authentic documents, this work endeavors to elaborate a new image of the Russian Revolution through satirical magazines of the time. These illustrated reviews are genuine works of art that question freedom of the press and art itself during a transnational period in Russia. They serve as a direct testimony of this revolutionary year, providing an original image of the two Russian revolutions of February and October and featuring on the review's front cover week after week avant-garde artists freed from censorship of the press. In order to preserve the chronological dynamic of the events, satirical reviews are coupled with historical testimony of various writers such as Claude Anet, Pierre Pascal, Maxime Gorki, Maurice Paleologue, and John S. Reed, among others. All of them had supported the revolutionary turmoil in their own way and constitute an historical echo of the illustrated satirical reviews allowing us to plunge into the heart of daily life during the two Russian revolutions, and thus creating a new image of the Revolution, set in motion, single-minded, and noteworthy. ; Basé sur des documents authentiques rares et inédits, ce travail a pour but d'étoffer une nouvelle image de la Révolution russe via les revues satiriques de l'époque. Ces revues sont de véritables œuvres d'art révolutionnaires qui interrogent la liberté de la presse et l'art durant une période charnière en Russie. Il s'agit d'une témoignage direct de cette année révolutionnaire, véhiculé par des artistes avant-gardistes libérés de la censure, et qui vont, au fil des semaines, composer une image originale de l'année 2017 et des deux révolutions russes de février et d'octobre au travers des couvertures illustrées. Afin de conserver la dynamique chronologique des événements, les revues ont été mises en parallèle avec les témoignages écrits d'époque, de personnalités diverses telles que Claude Anet, Pierre Pascal, Maxime Gorki, Maurice Paléologue, ou encore John S. Reed. Tous ont accompagné les bouleversements révolutionnaires à leur manière et constituent l'écho historique de ces revues satiriques illustrées qui nous permettent de plonger au cœur même du quotidien des révolutions russes caractérisant une nouvelle image de la Révolution, mouvante, singulière et remarquable.

19 mars 1903 ; 1903/03/19 (Numéro 1308). ; Appartient à l'ensemble documentaire : Bretagn1

17 février 1886 ; 1886/02/17 (Numéro 1308). ; Appartient à l'ensemble documentaire : Pam1

27 mars 1886 ; 1886/03/27 (Numéro 1308). ; Appartient à l'ensemble documentaire : Pam1