Suchergebnisse

Obilježavajući 250-tu obljetnicu šumarstva u Hrvatskoj kroz mnogobrojna događanja i aktivnosti, naznačene u programu objavljenom u Zapisniku 4. sjednice Upravnog i Nadzornog odbora HŠD-a u Šumarskome listu 11-12/2014., svoj doprinos ovoj značajnoj obljetnici nastojali smo dati i u ovoj rubrici.U dvobroju 1-2/2015. tekstom "Lutanja u gospodarenju privatnim šumama" ukazali smo na neke probleme u gospodarenju tim šumama, koristeći se i tekstovima iz povijesti šumarstva. Naime, mogli bismo reći da se tim problemima prilazi kao da se radi o zanemarivoj površini, a zapravo je to više od 1/5 površina šuma u Hrvatskoj, za koju također vrijedi Zakon o šumama, što se nažalost zaboravlja. Posebno smo ukazali na nekontrolirane sječe i "haračenje" bez učinkovitog nadzora i mjera suzbijanja takvoga stanja, te bez jasnih zakonskih podloga za kažnjavanje odnosnih sudionika. Još jednom se ukazuje na potrebu udruživanja malih privatnih šumo-posjednika, čime bi se izbjeglo dosadašnje gospodarenje na razini čestice i osigurala mogućnost lakšeg gospodarenja u duhu ZOŠ-a, te mogućnost učinkovitijeg korištenja EU fondova.U dvobroju 3-4/2015. ukazujemo na sve očitiji odmak od načela potrajnog gospodarenja i upravljanja šumom kao obnovljivim resursom i najsloženijim ekosustavom, poistovjećujući ga sve više s "tvorničkom halom". U svrhu proiz­vodnje najveće kvalitete i kvantitete drvnih sortimenata, potrebno je maksimalno korištenje potencijala šumskog staništa, ali strogo se držeći načela potrajnog gospodarenja, jer bi njegova degradacija vodila u katastrofu. Stoga je neophodno da cijelim procesom upravljanja i terenskog rada rukovode i nadziru ga "teoretično i praktično naobraženo gospodarstveno osoblje". Ako je proklamirani cilj gospodarenja proizvodnja najvrjednije drvne mase, onda i njeno korištenje mora biti racionalno, usmjereno ponajprije na domaći visoko finalizirani proizvod, koji uz financijski rezultat osigurava i visoku zaposlenost.U dvobroju 5-6/2015. uz "pomoć" teksta "Državni ispiti za samostalno vođenje šumskog gospodarstva" iz Šumarskoga lista 1880. i 1881. godine, osvrnuli smo se na važnost stručnog upravljanja i gospodarenja šumama, zalažući se ponajprije za stručno, a ne političko kadroviranje. Ističe se, kako nije dovoljno imati samo odgovarajuću stručnu spremu, nego je potrebno postepeno stjecanje praktičnih znanja i iskustva za rukovođenje šumskog gospodarstva. Tako osposobljeni šumarski kadrovi imaju svoj limit. "Ne ima svatko sposobnosti, da ono bude, što hoće, i uz najbolju volju može se dogoditi, da komu njegove vlastite naravne sposobnosti reknu: dovde i ne dalje. Ne treba tumačenja, da uslied ovakovih pogrešaka trpi ponajprije šuma".U dvobroju 7-8/2015., također uz "pomoć" teksta iz Šumarskoga lista iz 1895. godine, povlačeći paralelu s današnjicom, skrenuli smo pozornost na već tada traženu stručnu i organizacijsku sposobnost šumarskoga kadra na najodgovornijim radnim mjestima u šumarskim institucijama, ponajprije "nadšumara, protustavnika i šumara (upravitelja šumarije)". Zaključak, kako uz postepeno stručno usavršavanje kroz praksu "poštenje je kruna vrlina čovjeka, kojemu su povjereni milijuni narodnog imetka" i danas bi trebalo biti sastavnica etičkog profila šumarskoga stručnjaka.Riječ Uredništva "Jesmo li iz povijesti nešto naučili" iz dvobroja 9-10/2015., kako čujemo "uzbudila je duhove", a mi smo samo "pušuć i na hladno" uz primjer iz povijesti upozorili na ono što bi se moglo dogoditi osnivanjem većinske privatne tvrtke Hrvatsko drvo d.o.o., s udjelom od 25 % Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o. kao suosnivača. Razvidno je, da je tema bila pogođena.Kako "nada umire posljednja", i mi se u idućoj godini nadamo boljitku i adekvatnom vrednovanju šumarske struke na svim razinama. S tom željom svim čitateljima Šumarskoga lista želimo Čestit Božić te sretnu i uspješnu 2016. godinu. Uredništvo ; The 250th anniversary of forestry in Croatia was marked by a number of events and activities set down in the Minutes of the 4th meeting of the CFA Managing and Supervisory Board and published in Forestry Journal 11-12/2014. Our column has also tried to give a contribution to this grand anniversary.In the double issue I-2/2015, the text "Disorientation in private forest management" highlights some problems in the management of these forests. Some tests from the history of forestry were also used to reinforce the problem matter. It could almost be said that the problems are treated as if the area in question was almost negligible, while in fact private forests account for one fifth of the forested area in Croatia and are governed by the Law on Forests, a fact often forgotten. We particularly pointed to uncontrolled felling operations and "pillage" and to lack of efficient supervision, measures of preventing such activities and clear legal bases for the punishment of perpetrators. A renewed plea was made for small private forest owners to unify in order to avoid management at the level of a plot, make management easier in line with the Law on Forests and ensure the possibility of more efficient use of EU funds.The double issue 3-4/2015 is concerned with a growing shift away from the principle of sustainable management and planning of forests as a renewable resource and the most complex ecosystem, as well as with the treatment of this system as a "factory hall". In order to achieve the best quality and quantity of wood assortments, it is necessary to make maximum possible use of forest site potential, at the same time taking care that the principles of sustainable management are strictly adhered to, since its degradation would lead to catastrophe. It is therefore essential that the entire process of management and field work is undertaken and supervised by "highly educated management personnel who posses theoretical and practical knowledge for useful and sustainable management of forests". If the proclaimed goal of management is to produce the most valuable wood mass, then its use should also be rational and directed primarily to domestic highly finalized product, which guarantees not only financial gains but also high employment.In the double issue 5-6/2015, drawing on the text "State exams for independent management of a forest enterprise" from Forestry Journal of 1880 and 1881, we tackled the importance of expert forest planning and management and advocated professionally based rather than politically based selection of personnel. It is not sufficient to possess adequate school credentials: what is necessary it to gradually gain practical knowledge and experience for the management of a forest enterprise. Even forest personnel trained in such a way have their limits. Not everybody is capable of being what he wants to be; try as hard as one might, one's own natural abilities tell you: you can get no further than this. Needless to say, it is the forest that suffers the most in the aftermath of such errors".The double issue 7-8/2015, also using the text from Forestry Journal of 1895, draws a parallel with the present time and highlights expert and organisational abilities of the forest personnel in the most responsible work places in forestry institutions. This refers primarily to county foresters, accountants and foresters (chief forest managers). As in the past, gradual specialized education through practice, combined with "honesty as the crown virtue of a person who has been entrusted with the wealth of national property", should constitute the ethical profile of a forestry expert today as well.The Editorial "Have we learnt something from history" in the double issue 9-10/2015, as we hear, has "stirred up the ghosts"; however, what we only attempted, just to be on the safe side, was to use some historical examples to warn of what might happen if a major private company Hrvatsko Drvo Ltd is founded, with 25% share of Hrvatske Šume Ltd as a co-founder. Clearly, the topic hit the target.As we all know, "hope dies last", so we truly hope that the forestry profession will be improved and adequately evaluated at all levels in the year to come. With this in mind, we would like to wish all the readers of Forestry Journal Merry Christmas and Happy and Successful New Year 2016.Editorial Board

Demografska kretanja u Hrvatskoj, a osobito gospodarska statistika, još uvijek nisu dovoljno istraženi. O tome u upravi Zemaljske vlade nema detaljnih podataka. Jedan od razloga je i taj što je tijekom polustoljetnog trajanja Hrvatsko-ugarske nagodbe gospodarstvo potpadalo pod mađarsko ministarstvo u Budimpešti. Želeći dokazati da je u Hrvatskoj proizvodno vanagrarno gospodarstvo bilo dostatno i poslije 1872. godine, kada je zabranjeno djelovanje cehova, ban Khuen-Héderváry naložio je izradu Adresara koji će sadržavati popis obrtnika i trgovaca na području zagrebačke Trgovačko-obrtne komore. Taj Adresar obrtnog i poslovnog svieta u Hrvatskoj otisnut je u vrlo malom broju primjeraka i vjerojatno nije imao širu upotrebu. No, njegov sadržaj izuzetno je važan zato što donosi popis obrtnika i trgovaca koji su 1891. godine djelovali na području sjeverozapadne Hrvatske. Tim popisom obuhvaćeni su i oni obrtnici te trgovci koji su djelovali u selima. Popis na primjeru grada Križevaca otkriva da je obrtništvo bilo zastupljenije od trgovanja i da su se trgovanjem bavili uglavnom Židovi te stranci, dok su se obrtništvom bavili uglavnom domaći ljudi. Podaci u ovom članku donijeti su posebno za Križevce, a posebno za ostala mjesta križevačkog kotara kakav je bio 1890. godine, nakon što je Khuen-Héderváry 1886. godine izvršio novu administrativnu podjelu zemlje. Usprkos tome što je popis nedostatan i što obiluje loše pisanim imenima, njegov sadržaj omogućava i donošenje zaključaka o unutrašnjim migracijama. ; Demographic trends in Croatia, and especially economic statistics have not yet been properly researched. There is no detailed information on that subject in the Land Government directorate. This is partly due to the fact that during the half-a-century of Croatian-Hungarian settlement, the economy fell under the jurisdiction of the Hungarian ministry in Budapest. Striving to prove that the non-agrarian economy was sufficient in Croatia even after the year 1872, when guild activities were banned, ban Khuen-Héderváry ordered the creation of an Address Book that would contain a list of craftsmen and traders in the area that was under the jurisdiction of the Zagreb Chamber of Trades and Crafts. The directory, which was titled Adresar obrtnog i poslovnog svieta u Hrvatskoj (Address Book of Craft and Business in Croatia), was printed in a very small number of copies and was probably not widely used. However, its content is extremely important since it provides the list of craftsmen and traders that operated in northwest Croatia in 1891. The list also includes craftsmen and traders operating in the countryside. Using the town of Križevci as an example, the list reveals that craft was more represented than trade and that trading was done mainly by Jews and foreigners, while the local population was mostly engaged in crafts. The data in this article has been provided separately for Križevci and for other places in the Križevci district, as it was in 1890, after the new administrative division of the country done by Khuen-Héderváry in 1886. Despite the fact that the list is lacking and that it contains plenty of poorly written names, its contents allow making conclusions on internal migrations.

U radu je opisano stanje u Doboju, od 3. svibnja do 3. srpnja 1992. godine tj. u vrijeme autorova boravka u Doboju pod novoformiranom vlašću. Zatim se govori o odličnom funkcioniranju kirurške službe, respektive ratne kirurgije u Slavonskom Brodu, u vrijeme od 20. kolovoza do 20. listopada 1992. godine. Prema operacijskim protokolima slavonskobrodske kirurgije, u razdoblju od rujna 1991. do inkluzive listopada 1992., operirano je 6252 ranjenika, od čega 89 ili 1,42% sa povredama urotrakta. ; The author describes the situation in Doboj in the period from May 3rd to July 3rd, 1992, i.e. the time he spent there under the newly formed government. He also describes excellent functioning of the Surgical Unit in Slavonski Brod during his stay there from August 28th to October 28th, 1992. According to the operation protocols, 6252 patients were operated on in the period from September 1991 to October 1992, 89 of whom (1.42%) had urinary tract injuries.

U Istru, kao dijelu austrijskoga pravnog sustava, porotno je suđenje uvedeno revolucionarne 1848. i to najprije samo za tiskovne delikte, u sklopu težnji za slobodom misli i izražavanja putem tiska, koji je predstavljao najprikladniji medij za širenje novih ideja i mobilizaciju političkih masa. Porotnim suđenjem htjelo se osigurati nepristrano i objektivno suđenje, koje se zbog nedostatnih jamstava sudačke neovisnosti nije moglo očekivati od profesionalnih sudaca. U radu se razmatraju tiskovne naredbe i zakoni doneseni tijekom 1848. i 1849. godine, kojima su regulirani sloboda tiska i porotna sudbenost. Na temelju analize zakonodavnog okvira, sudske prakse i istarskog novinstva u promatranom razdoblju, autorica je utvrdila kako uvođenje slobode tiska i porotnog suđenja za tiskovne delikte 1848./1849. za područje Istre nije imalo preveliko praktično značenje. ; In Istria, as a part of the Austrian legal system, jury trial was initially introduced in the revolutionary year of 1848 only for press offenses, in the framework of aspirations for freedom of thought and expression through the press, which represented the most appropriate medium for the dissemination of new ideas and mobilization of the political masses. Trial by jury was supposed to secure impartial and objective trials, which could not be expected of professional judges due to insufficient guarantees of their impartiality. This paper examines the press-related orders and laws passed during 1848 and 1849 which regulated the freedom of press and jury jurisdiction. On the basis of an analysis of the legislative framework, jurisprudence, and the Istrian press during the examined time period, the author has decided that the introduction of the freedom of the press and jury trials for press offenses in 1848/1849 on the territory of Istria didn't have a large practical significance.

At the beginning of the 16th century, a Croatian noble family of the Frankopans was faced with an incresing Ottoman's threat, as well as a whole Croatian-Hungarian Kingdom. In an attempt to protect their lands, the Frankopans could not get help from the Croatian-Hungarian kings, whose power was weak at that time. Instead of their own kings, the Frankopans were forced to seek help from foreign rulers and fight the Ottomans themselves. Bernardin and Krsto Frankopan made an intensive contacts with the Habsburgs at the beginning of the 16th century because they expect the Habsburgs to help them in fighting the Ottomans. Frankopan's-Habsburgs' connections were of a graet significance in political events in the mid-twenties of the 16th century. ; Hrvatska velikaška obitelj Frankopana našla se početkom 16. stoljeća suočena, kao i cijelo Hrvatsko-Ugarsko Kraljevstvo, sa sve intenzivnijim osmanskim provalama. U nastojanju da zaštite svoje posjede, Frankopani nisu mogli računati na pomoć hrvatsko-ugarskih kraljeva, čija je vlast sve više slabila, već su se morali pouzdati u vlastite snage i pomoć koju mogu pronaći u stranim vladarima. Bernardin i Krsto Frankopan ostvarili su početkom 16. stoljeća intenzivne veze s Habsburgovcima, u kojima su vidjeli pomoć u obrani od Osmanlija. Frankopanski-habsburški odnosi će imati vrlo važnu ulogu u kasnijim političkim prilikama sredinom 20-ih godina 16. stoljeća.

At the beginning of the 16th century, a Croatian noble family of the Frankopans was faced with an incresing Ottoman's threat, as well as a whole Croatian-Hungarian Kingdom. In an attempt to protect their lands, the Frankopans could not get help from the Croatian-Hungarian kings, whose power was weak at that time. Instead of their own kings, the Frankopans were forced to seek help from foreign rulers and fight the Ottomans themselves. Bernardin and Krsto Frankopan made an intensive contacts with the Habsburgs at the beginning of the 16th century because they expect the Habsburgs to help them in fighting the Ottomans. Frankopan's-Habsburgs' connections were of a graet significance in political events in the mid-twenties of the 16th century. ; Hrvatska velikaška obitelj Frankopana našla se početkom 16. stoljeća suočena, kao i cijelo Hrvatsko-Ugarsko Kraljevstvo, sa sve intenzivnijim osmanskim provalama. U nastojanju da zaštite svoje posjede, Frankopani nisu mogli računati na pomoć hrvatsko-ugarskih kraljeva, čija je vlast sve više slabila, već su se morali pouzdati u vlastite snage i pomoć koju mogu pronaći u stranim vladarima. Bernardin i Krsto Frankopan ostvarili su početkom 16. stoljeća intenzivne veze s Habsburgovcima, u kojima su vidjeli pomoć u obrani od Osmanlija. Frankopanski-habsburški odnosi će imati vrlo važnu ulogu u kasnijim političkim prilikama sredinom 20-ih godina 16. stoljeća.

Ideja univerziteta uzima se kao temeljna u artikulaciji pojma univerziteta i njegove institucionalne ostvarivosti, a u tom se kontekstu u prvi plan stavlja Immanuel Kant kao nezaobilazan mislitelj te ideje. Radi lakšeg razumijevanja njegove artikulacije ideje univerziteta, na početku se ukratko predstavljaju osnovne značajke Humboldtove vizije univerziteta kroz koje se može pratiti Kantov doprinos i utjecaj na njihovo artikuliranje. Centralni je Kantov spis pri tome Spor fakulteta, u kojemu ne samo da je ponudio koncept sveučilišta kao institucije temeljne za razvoj učenosti nego je po nekima možda i posljednji mislio samu ideju univerziteta. Kako analiza pokazuje, ta ideja u historijskome smislu predstavlja artikulaciju klasične ideje modernog, humboldtovskog tipa sveučilišta, no u nju su također utkani brojni elementi koji posjeduju trajnu aktualnost (npr. jurisdikcija pojedinih područja znanja, pretenzije pojedinih znanosti, autonomija znanostî i fakultetâ, odnosi pojedinih fakulteta itd.). Uzimanjem u obzir čitava Kantova opusa, pokazuje se da je u Sporu fakulteta Kant ponudio proširenje svoga prosvjetiteljskoga projekta, dao dopunu svojoj filozofiji politike i prava (javna i privatna upotreba uma), odnosno filozofiji povijesti (univerziteti kao karika u progresu čovječanstva uopće), te dodao i značajne dopune svojoj filozofskoj antropologiji (univerzitet kao medij razvoja čovjekovih moći) i filozofiji odgoja (univerzitet kao neophodna dimenzija u odgajanju čovjeka kao osobe, kao građanina i kao čovjeka uopće). S druge se strane demonstrira nužnost svih tih ostalih dijelova njegova filozofskog opusa za potpuno razumijevanje njegove misli, a napose čitanje ideje univerziteta u antropološkom ključu. Umjesto zaključka, evaluiraju se rezultati prethodne analize u kontekstu pokušaja odgovora na pitanje o Kantovoj trajnoj aktualnosti i njegovu posebnu mjestu u povijesti ideja, a s obzirom na mišljenje ideje univerziteta. ; The idea of the university is taken as fundamental in the articulation of the concept of the ...

The paper discusses an attempt at language standardization in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the beginning of the Austro-Hungarian rule over these former Ottoman provinces. The year 1883 was crucial for phonemic orthography, which, with some variations, has remained in use to this day. Dlustuš's manuscript of the Primer will be used to demonstrate the changes that were made and how orthography in Bosnia and Herzegovina changed. In order to understand what exactly happened, the following years must be considered as well: 1850 – the year of the launch of the first magazine intended for Bosnia and Herzegovina (Bosanski prijatelj) and the acceptance of the Illyrian language concept; 1866 – the year of the opening of the official printing office and the imposition of Karadžić's reformed Cyrillic alphabet and predominantly phonemic orthography, and 1878 – the year of the establishment of a new government and the return to the previous linguistic tendencies based on Latin script and morphophonemic orthography. Only by considering all these events, one can understand why the new government made a linguistic turn in relation to the initial years of its rule.

Cilj rada je pružiti uvid u specifične izazove vezane uz međunarodno posvojenje te ukazati na situacije kršenja prava djeteta u kontekstu međudržavnog posvojenja. Iako se međunarodnom posvojenju pribjegava tek u okolnostima kada djetetu nije moguće pružiti skrb u državi porijekla, nerijetko u tom procesu dolazi do zloupotrebe instituta međunarodnog posvojenja. Posebice u vremenima kriza kao što su ekonomske i političke krize, ratovi i prirodne katastrofe, kada su zakonske kontrole oslabljene. Nadalje, stvarnost međunarodno posvojene djece karakterizira proživljavanje mnogih gubitaka, emocionalnih i kulturalnih, te je velik izazov s kojim se susreću međunarodni posvojenici formiranje identiteta kao kombinacije kulturalnog nasljeđa države iz koje potječu i države u koju se dijete posvaja. Kako će taj proces teći uvelike ovisi o posvojiteljima i njihovom prihvaćanju različitosti, te spremnosti i vještinama komuniciranja o djetetovoj povijesti i porijeklu, ali i o podršci sustava socijalne skrbi koji ima važnu ulogu u zaštiti prava djeteta. ; The aim of this paper is to provide insight in the specific challenges of international adoption, and to point to situations of violation of the rights of the child in the context of international adoption. Although international adoption is used only in circumstances where a child cannot be cared for in a country of origin, in that process abuses of this institute often occur. Especially in times of crisis such as economic and political crises, wars and natural disasters when legal controls are weak. Furthermore, the great challenge facing all international adoptees is the formation of identity as a combination of the cultural heritage of the country of origin and the country they actually live in. How will this process going on depend not only on adoptive parents and their acceptance of diversity, their willingness to communicate about child history and origin and communication skill they have, but also on the support of the social welfare system, which have an important role in protecting the rights of the child.

Na osnovu analize izvornih arhivskih dokumenata i propisa objavljenih u službenim listovima, opisuje se djelokrug, ustroj i sastav Prezidijuma Sabora NRH. Njegovi temelji postavljeni su u radu Zemaljskog antifašističkog vijeća narodnog oslobođenja Hrvatske (ZAVNOH), odnosno njegova Predsjedništva, koje je kao uže tijelo plenuma osnovano 9. svibnja 1944. godine. Na Četvrtom zasjedanju održanom 24. i 25. srpnja 1945. u Zagrebu, ZAVNOH je promijenio naziv u Narodni sabor Hrvatske, a njegovo Predsjedništvo od tada djeluje kao Predsjedništvo Narodnog sabora Hrvatske. U razdoblju 1945.–1953. njegovo djelovanje može se podijeliti u četiri mandatna razdoblja: Predsjedništvo Narodnog sabora Hrvatske/Prezidijum Sabora NRH (25. srpnja 1945.–30. studenoga 1946.), Prezidijum Ustavotvornog sabora NRH (30. studenoga 1946.–20. siječnja 1947.), Prezidijum Sabora NRH prvoga saziva (20. siječnja 1947.–4. prosinca 1950.) i Prezidijum Sabora NRH drugoga saziva (4. prosinca 1950.–6. veljače 1953.). U prvom dijelu rada opisuje se osnivanje i prestanak rada Prezidijuma Sabora, u drugom njegov djelokrug, a u trećem ustroj i sastav po mandatnim razdobljima. Njegov ustroj i djelokrug uspoređeni su s ustrojem i djelokrugom Prezidijuma Narodne skupštine FNRJ i prezidijuma drugih jugoslavenskih republika. Rezultati istraživanja prezentirani su kombinacijom tematskog i kronološkog pristupa, a dijelom su sistematizirani u obliku tabelarnih prikaza. ; This paper describes the scope, structure and the composition of the Presidium of Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia (PRC) which was active as a political governmental body in Croatia from 1945 to 1953. According to the Yugoslav constitutional system of government, the same political body existed on the federal level as the Presidium of the People's Assembly of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia (FPRY), as well as in every republic-member of the Yugoslav federation and the scope, organization and composition of the Presidium of Parliament are compared with the scope, organization and composition of those bodies. The foundations of the activities of the Presidium of Parliament, as well as other central governmental institutions in Croatia (namely, Parliament, Government, and Supreme Court) were laid in the work of the State Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Croatia (ZAVNOH) i.e. its Presidency, since until the end of the war they together performed the legislative, executive and judiciary government. During the 4th session that took place in Zagreb from 24 to 25 July 1945 ZAVNOH changed is title to the People's Parliament of Croatia and since then its Presidency worked as the Presidency of the People's Parliament of Croatia. In the period from 1945 to 1953 its activity can be divided into four mandate periods: the Presidency of the People's Parliament of Croatia/the Presidium of the Parliament of the PRC (25 July 1945–30 November 1946), the Presidium of the Constituent Parliament of the PRC (30 November 1946–20 January 1947), the Presidium of the 1st Session of the Parliament of the PRC (20 January 1947–4 December 1950) and the Presidium of the 2nd Session of the Parliament of the PRC (4 December 1950–6 February 1953). Its existence in the system of governmental power is the result of taking over the Soviet constitutional solutions about organizing the state and governmental institutions in the 1946 constitution of the FPRY and through it also in the constitutions of each federal unit. It was the main legislative body in the period until the constituting of the Constituent Parliament of the PRC, since the Parliament of the PRC only had a single short five-day session in late August 1946. This is confirmed by the information about 29 laws passed by the Presidium of Parliament in the period from 8 September 1945 to 20 November 1946. Besides legislative, it also performed other functions from the jurisdiction then belonging to the Parliament. The constitution of the PRC from 1946 bestowed upon it performing tasks that are usually given to the president of the state (representing in the country the people's and state sovereignty of the PRC, calling the general elections, granting pardons, awarding medals and recognitions), as well as other executive tasks partly closely linked to the legislative activities. The special function pertained to supervising the people's committees. The important difference in the scope in relation to the Presidium of the People's Assembly of the FPRY was that it did not have the authority in the area of foreign affairs. Even though the constitution of the PRC from January 1947 lists it together with the Parliament in the chapter on the highest bodies of the governmental power in Croatia, the sources and constitutional-legal texts of the time, in accordance with the principle of unity of power, define it as a body which "stems from the Parliament" and is subordinated to it. Also, despite being formally constitutionally defined as one of the highest bodies of governmental power in Croatia, in reality it was the Party's transmission, since the actual power and monopoly in decisionmaking was in the hands of the bodies of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia/the League of Communists of Yugoslavia i.e. the Communist Party of Croatia/the League of Communists of Croatia. It was a collegiate body comprised of members of the Parliament. The decision of its composition was formally passed by the Parliament, but based on the conclusions reached during sessions of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia. It was elected for the same term as the Parliament, but it continued to perform its duties after the dissolution of the Parliament, until the election of the new Presidium of Parliament. From 1945 to 1953 the total of 45 MPs were included in its activities. 13 of them were members during all four mandate terms, 11 during two and 14 during only one. The structure and the way of work were determined by the Rulebook dated from 7 August 1947. They were the exact copy of the structure and the way of work of the Presidium of the People's Assembly of the FPRY, with differences deriving from different jurisdictions (federal, republic) of these two bodies.

The Council of Europe, founded in 1949 to promote greater unity & safeguard the political & cultural heritage of the continent, has become the largest international governmental organization in Europe with its 46 members. It proclaimed the year 2005 the "European Year of Citizenship through Education." The promotion of democracy & democratic political culture is one of the chief objectives of the Council of Europe, & the interest & active participation of citizens in public affairs are the conditions necessary for the development of democratic political culture. The awakening of citizens' interest & civic involvement begins at school. The Republic of Croatia as a member of the Council of Europe will observe 2005 as a Year of Citizenship through Education. In January of that year, the Croatian Ministry of Education, Science, and Sports set up a special commission consisting of 22 members representing educators & teachers from all three levels of the educational system, nongovernmental organizations, ministry departments, & mass media. The commission developed an action plan which it presented to the public in March of 2005 & which contained the principal objectives that the country's schools should seek in their teaching democratically minded citizenship. Z. Dubiel

U"terra interior", u BiH, kao i u njezinom okruženju, zaplelo se u izvitoperene forme demokracije, u demokrature, u ne-pravne i prazne države koje su porazile svoje građane. U njima se u osnovi i danas kontraproduktivno slijede modeli "nacije države", iluzija o preklapanju teritorijalnog i nacionalnog, identitarne jednosti, dok se u svijetu slijede logike transnacionalnih umreženja i jednakopravnosti građana svih oformljenih identiteta. Posebice u BiH se ne razumije vlastita identitarna višestrukost, te iz nje logična nužnost ukotvljenosti skupnih prava u individualna ljudska prava i slobode, pa potom skrb i o jednima i drugima u svakoj administrativnoj jedinici. Radi se o samoj suštini novog liberalizma i kulturološkog senzibilizma putem kojih se djeluje i u mnogonacionalnim državama s autohtono oformljenim identitetima i u polietničkim zajednicama s tzv. useljeničkim identitetima na formiranju političkih zajednica jednakopravnih građana svih identiteta. I u jednima i u drugima se primijenjuju demokratske metode upravljanja razlikama, u koje se ubrajaju: hegemonistička kontrola; arbitraža (intervencija treće strane); kantonizacija i/ili federalizacija; te konsocijativizam kao sporazumna podjela moći. U BiH i nije uopće moguće primijeniti iskustva tzv. hegemonističke kontrole ili ravnoteže, ma koliko sve tri ko-nacije rado izigravaju "hegemona", pa je nužna paradigma nenasilja i u mišljenju zasebitosti, navlastitosti i zajedništva u javnim politikama. Nažalost, takvo što nije u izgledu, jer skoro nitko ne razmišlja u kategorijama "svjetskog ethosa", ćudorednosti u unutarnjoj i vanjskoj politici, o balansima konsocijativne i većinske demokracije, o institucionalnoj jednakopravnosti, o ravnotežama nacionalnog i građanskog. Do toga bi se, pak, moglo i moralo stići putem međunacionalnih dijaloga, a ne unutar nacionalnih monologa, te nužnim kompromisom, jer se do održivih rješenja i ne može stići "ratom referata" i politikama sukobljavanja i zgađivanja (containment policy) međusobno bliskih identiteta u kulturološkom pogledu. I zbog toga bi se moralo žurno prestati oglušavati o odluke Europskog suda za ljudska prava u Strasbourgu, o rezolucije Europskog parlamenta i o poruke europskih čelnika o potrebi "zajedničkog upravljanja" i govora jednim glasom u ime BiH u odnosima i s EU i cijelim svijetom. BiH potrebuje "treći modus": alternativan pristup i etnonacionalističkom i tzv lijevo-građanskom redukcionizmu. Ma koliko bili majušni, možda bi Hrvati u BiH trebali - posvuda gdje su u većini - pokazati da je u BiH moguće napraviti "političku zajednicu" jednakopravnih građana svih ko-nacija i građana svih drugih identiteta. Možda bi ih potom i drugi slijedili? ; In "terra interior", in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as in its surroundings, unnatural forms of democracy are imposed in the non-legal and empty states that have defeated their citizens. In them are followed contradictory models of "nation-states", an illusion of overlapping territorial and national, unity of identities, while in the world there are logics of transnational networking and equality of citizens of all created identities. Particularly in BiH, one does not understand its own plurality of identities, and the logical necessity of integrating collective rights into individual human rights and freedoms and then caring for one another in every administrative unit. It is about the very essence of the new liberalism and cultural sensibility through which it is operated in many multiethnic states with indigenous identities and in the polyethnic communities with the so-called immigrant identities on the formation of political communities of equal citizens of all identities. In both are applied democratic methods of government, which include: hegemonic control; arbitration (third party intervention); cantonization and/or federalization; and consociation as an agreement power division. In BiH, it is not possible to apply the so-called experiences of hegemonic control or equilibrium, no matter how much the three nations would gladly play "hegemons", so the paradigm of nonviolence is necessary in the thinking of detachment, peculiarities and common public policies. Unfortunately, this is unlikely because almost no one is thinking of the categories of "world ethos", of morality in internal and external politics, of the balances of the consociational and majority democracy, of institutional equality, of national and civil equilibrium. This could be achieved through inter-ethnic dialogues, not within national monologues, and with the necessary compromise, as sustainable solutions cannot be achieved through "verbal warfare" and politics of conflict and aggravation (containment policy) of mutually close identities in the cultural sense. And it should be promptly stopped with the denying of the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, the resolutions of the European Parliament and the messages of European leaders about the need for "shared rule" and speak through one-voice on behalf of BiH in relations with the EU and the world as a whole. In as much as they might be small in numbers, perhaps Croats in BiH should first - wherever they are majority- show that in BiH it is possible to create a "political community" of equal citizens of all co-nations and citizens of all other identities. Maybe the others would then follow them?