Suchergebnisse

U prvom dijelu članka prikazuju se pogledi na amatersko i pučko kazalište izneseni u knjigama Lj. Marakovića (Pučka pozornica, 1929.) te A. Freudenreicha (Gluma, 1934. i Kazalište za narod, 1940.). Ističe se Marakovićevo ustrajavanje na razdvajanju amaterskoga od profesionalnog kazališta, a Freudenreichovo na njihovu nadopunjavanju, kao i stav obojice da je etička (u Marakovića i vjerska) sastavnica pučkog kazališta važnija od estetičke. U drugom dijelu analiziraju se dva pučka igrokaza N. Škrabe, Za kunu nade i Isus u snack-baru, u kojima autor problematizira ugroženost pojedinca i zajednice, napose obitelji, u tranzicijskom razdoblju te na tragu Marakovićeva i Freudenreichova viđenja pučkoga kazališta poziva na povratak tradicionalnim vrijednostima, prije svega na odbacivanje i socijalističkoga i liberalno kapitalističkoga materijalizma, a obnovu zajedništva, solidarnosti i vjere. ; The first section of this essay deals with ideas of popular theatre and/or theatre for the people as conceived by two Croatian authors, theatre and literary critic Ljubomir Maraković, in the book Pučka pozornica (People's Stage, 1929), and architect and theatre director Aleksandar Freudenreich, in books Gluma (Acting, 1934) and Kazalište za narod (Theatre for the People, 1940). While Maraković insists on differences between nonprofessional and professional theatre, and on »believing people«, mostly rural, as the target audience of nonprofessional theatre, Freudenreich argues in favour of cooperation between nonprofessional and professional theatre, and lower, both rural and urban, classes as targeted audience for united »theatre for the people«. Ethical component of that sort of theatre is for Maraković, as well as for Freudenreich, fare more important than aesthetical one. The second section is focused two representative theatre pieces by playwright and theatre director Nino Škrabe (Jastrebarsko, 1947): melodrama Za kunu nade (Hope for a Penny) and Christmas play Isus u snack-baru (Jesus in a Snack-bar). In both plays Škrabe problematizes destruction of traditional values in Croatia in the time of, as he puts it, »deceptive and shameful transition« and »wild, vulgar capitalism«. His focus is on negative effects of economic and political changes on traditional lower-class family, and on love, faith and solidarity as the only way of resistance and preservation of the traditional human values.

Glazba kakva se njegovala u ranijoj prošlosti prvog europskog komunalnog kazališta, Teotra forskega – u vremenu od njegova osnutka 1612. do privremenog zatvaranja 1888. (radi obnove dovršene dvanaest godina poslije) – do danas je ostala potpuno nepoznatim aspektom kulturne povijesti grada Hvara. Rasvjetljavanje ondašnje prakse i uloge javnog, svjetovnog muziciranja uvelike je otežano nedostatkom relevantnih arhivskih izvora, ponajprije notnih, koji bi eksplicite osvjedočili glazbeni, odnosno glazbeno-scenski repertoar, što su ga hvarskoj publici i posjetiteljima mogli predstavljati ponajprije gostujući talijanski glazbenici i operne družine, ali i lokalni glazbenici koji su se okupljali u vokalno-instrumentalne ansamble. Glazbenu praksu u krugu Hvarskoga kazališta posredno stoga sugeriraju do sada malobrojni, ali raznorodni (novo)otkriveni arhivski izvori, počevši od popisa danas izgubljenih notnih izdanja svjetovne (i crkvene) glazbe, dostupnih u Hvaru sredinom 17. stoljeća, preko zabilježbi pokojeg suvremenika o (glazbenim) priredbama u 18. stoljeću, pa do sačuvanih libreta, ponajprije talijanskih opera 19. stoljeća, što se danas čuvaju u Muzeju hvarske baštine. Na njihovu će se temelju u ovome radu ponuditi prvi pokušaj rekonstrukcije glazbene prakse i repertoara u hvarskom teatru unutar šireg vremenskog i društveno-političkog okvira, obilježenog u Hvaru najprije mletačkom, zatim kratkotrajnom francuskom, a potom i austrijskom vlašću, ponajviše kao poticaj za daljnja istraživanja ovog zanemarenog ali značajnog segmenta hvarske glazbene i uopće kulturne prošlosti. ; The music nurtured in the earlier past of the first European community theatre, i.e. the Theatre of Hvar – from the time of its establishment in 1612 to its temporary closure in 1888 (due to renovation finished twelve years later) – until today, has remained an entirely unfamiliar aspect of cultural history of the town of Hvar. Illuminating its practice of the time and the role of the public, secular music-making has been severely hindered by the lack of relevant archival sources, primarily of sheet music which would explicitly testify the musical, i.e. music and stage repertoire, that might have been represented to the audience of Hvar and its visitors by the guest Italian musicians and opera companies, as well as the local musicians gathered into vocal and musical ensembles. The musical practice within the theatre of Hvar has so far been represented by merely few, but diverse (newly) discovered archival sources, starting from the list of today lost sheet music publications of secular (and church) music, available in Hvar in the mid-17th century through the annotations made by contemporaries on (music) events in the 18th century, as well as preserved librettos, primarily of 19th century Italian operas, today preserved at the Hvar Heritage Museum. They were used as a foundation for this paper, which is a first attempt at a reconstruction of the musical practice and repertoire of the Hvar theatre within a wider chronological and social and political frame, characterised by the Venetian at first, then briefly French, and finally Austrian rule, mostly as an incentive for further research of this neglected but significant segment of Hvar's musical and cultural history.

Mada se bavljenje »pučkim« u kazališnim režijama Marina Carića uglavnom prepoznaje preko njegove dugogodišnje suradnje s Hvarskim pučkim kazalištem, u ovom ću se radu baviti tretmanom pučkog i popularnog, dotičući se fragmenata cjelokupnog redateljskog opusa Marina Carića. I u trenucima kada režira klasike domaće i svjetske dramske književnosti, Carić povezuje teatar i komunu, odnosno zajednicu. Na taj način posredno progovara o premošćivanju granica između popularnog i »elitnog«, o odnosu individualnog i kolektivnog, svjesnog i nesvjesnog, kulturalnog i političkog. ; In this paper I will talk about the treatment of folk theatre and popular theatre in the whole directing work of Marin Carić. When directing classics of local and international literature, Carić connects theatre and commune (community). In that way he speaks about crossing boundaries between popular and elitistic, about relationship between individually and collectively, conscious and unconscious, culture and politics.

Inspirirana paušalnim osvrtom Ive Vidana na Byronovu ulogu i bajronični intertekst u Krležinu opusu, ova studija nudi nov pristup Krležinim ranim djelima, koja možemo smatrati nekom vrstom dijaloga s eminentnim britanskim romantičarem. S vrijednim izuzetkom Prof. Vidana, književno-znanstveni radovi posvećeni Krležinoj intelektualnoj formaciji kao i radovima iz njegove rane faze tipično previđaju Krležine brojne opaske i reference na račun Byrona. Isto je tako i s brojnim studijama posvećenim utjecaju Nietszchea i mađarskih pjesnika na mladog Krležu, i to usprkos činjenici da je Byron bio ključnim formativnim utjecajem na njemačkog filozofa kao i na književno-politički diskurz Mađarske tijekom čitavog devetnaestog no i početkom dvadesetog stoljeća. A da ne govorimo o ulozi Byronova Caina u sklopu ideologema Oktobarske Revolucije i lenjinizma, kojima se zanosio naš mladi pjesnik. Polazeći od činjenice da je Krleža bio dobro upoznat ne samo s Byronovim djelima, već i da je bio pristaša Englezove inačice estetike − razvidne iz njegovih proznih prologa i komentara priloženih njegovim lirskim dramama i epskim poemama, te potkrijepljene stavovima razloženima u njegovoj korespondenciji − ovakovo čitanje otvara nove teme u okvirima suvremene krležologije, no i unutar diskurza studija posvećenih komparativnoj književnosti, u sklopu kojeg se nada doprinijeti uvidima i perspektivama u svezi s recepcijom Byrona u Jugoistočnoj Europi, odnosno na jugozapadnom dijelu Balkana. ; Inspired by Ivo Vidan's brief note on the connexion between Byron and Krleža, this study offers an innovative reading of Krleža's early work, seeing it as a dialogue with the British Romantic poet. With the exception of Professor Vidan, the bulk of criticism dedicated to Krleža's intellectual formation tends to overlook the significance of Krleža's numerous references to Byron, starting with his early diaristic prose and continuing throughout his prolific literary and dramatic career. Most studies dedicated to the influences of Nietzsche and the nineteenth-century Hungarian poets on young Krleža shy away from mentioning the Byronic intertext as a sine qua non for both the German philosopher and the literary and political discourse of Hungary in the nineteenth and the early twentieth century. Not to mention the role of Byron's poetry in Lenin's Russia, ardently supported by Krleža. Apart from contributing to the contemporary Krleža studies by expounding on Krleža's familiarity with Byron's works and his fluency in the Byronic thought, this essay adds to the knowledge of Byron's reception in Central Eastern Europe, especially in Croatia, still an uncharted land in terms of Byron studies.

Polazeći od pretpostavke da se hrvatska kazališta između dva svjetska rata u kreiranju dramskoga repertoara nisu vodila samo umjetničkim nego i političkim obzirima, autor u članku analizira inozemne i srpske drame s temom Prvoga svjetskog rata koje su se u međuraću izvodile u tri hrvatska kazališta (u Zagrebu, Osijeku i Splitu) da bi odgovorio na pitanja kako je taj rat u tom razdoblju predstavljan hrvatskoj javnosti te kako je hrvatska javnost posredovanjem kazališne kritike reagirala na takvo njegovo predstavljanje. ; In this paper, the author approaches Croatian theatres as places of memory, and the foreign and Serbian war dramas performed in them as the contents of the Croatian culture of memory regarding World War I. Drawing upon the extant research on Croatian memory of World War I, based on examining the Croatian literary heritage, according to which the predominant Croatian memory was presented in Miroslav Krleža's war cycle, the author has attempted to answer the question, how did these non-Croatian war dramas on the repertoire of Croatian theatres correspond to the stated Croatian relationship towards World War I according to their contents, frequency of performance, and public reactions to them (as seen through theatre reviews)? In this sense, the author has identified three groups of non-Croatian war dramas: British (American) and French, which were characterised by prominent pacifism; Czechoslovak, which were anti-Austrian and contained a note of Czech nationalism; and Serbian, which nurtured the Serbian victory culture, but also criticised post-war Serbian society. Analysing these dramas, the author has concluded that Serbian war dramas enjoyed the strongest 'institutional support', but were also the least popular with the Croatian public. Czechoslovak war dramas received the least 'institutional support', but were the most popular among the Croatian public. Based on this analysis, the author has concluded that the Czechoslovak dramas had the most in common with the predominant Croatian memory of World War I in the interwar period; even though they did not receive much 'institutional support', they were the closest to the Croatian memory of the war in the given circumstances.

At the 11th Hvar Theatre Conference, in May 1983, the author gave the paper on four Gavella's disciples and his followers, the members of so called 'Zagreb Theatre Cartel' (Dino Radojević, Kosta Spaić, Božidar Violić, Georgij Paro), and on two directors who worked in theatre in the same period, but did not belong to the informal Cartel (Vladimir Habunek, Mladen Škiljan). Giving this paper after almost three decades, in the Part I he re-examines his previous evaluation and interpretation of their personal aesthetics and their contribution to the Croatian theatre in 1960-es and 1970-es. In the Parts II and III he analyzes changes on the Croatian political and cultural scene and the influence of these changes on institutional position and artistic authority of these six directors in Croatian theatre, especially in the late 1980-es and the early 1990-es. Part IV is dedicated to the three deceased directors (Radojević, Habunek, Spaić) and one who has retired from theatre (Škiljan). The work of two still active directors (Violić, Paro), decreasing in quantity since 1980-es to the present, is considered in the Part V. The focus is on Paro's constant interest in plays and novels by Miroslav Krleža, and on Violić's work with younger playwright and composer Mate Matišić. The conclusion is given in the Part VI.

Domovina je s jedne strane prirodna činjenica, a s druge strane nije gotova datost nego politička zadaća. Mi sami sebe tek u slobodi podižemo i stvaramo svoju domovinu. Autorica odabire dva književna predloška koji tematiziraju domovinu i lutkarski su uprizoreni u Kazalištu lutaka Zadar: Pionir Grujo Vladimira Nazora (1952.) i Gradovanje Tahira Mujičića (1986.). Predstave imaju različitu poetiku i nastaju u različitom kontekstu i unutar samog Kazališta lutaka Zadar ali i političkih prilika u Hrvatskoj. Lutkarska igra Pionir Grujo bila je na repertoaru Kazališta lutaka Zadar već u njegovoj prvoj godini djelovanja. Nastaje u doba socrealizma i kako bi izbjegao klišeje tadašnje književnosti, Nazor priču o Pioniru Gruji postavlja između mitologije i stvarnosti. Aktualna tema, izgradnja domovine, konkretizirana je u gradnji pruge Šamac – Sarajevo. Lutkarska igra Gradovanje nastaje u doba kada je lutkarstvo u Zadru bilo već afirmirano i spremno na neobične priče i inscenacije. Gradovanje nastaje u doba prosvijećenog ili dekadentnog socijalizma kada se Tahir Mujičić morao poslužiti bajkom kako bi predstavio svoje viđenje domovine. ; On the one hand a homeland is a natural fact, but on the other hand it is not something finished and given but a political task. Only in freedom can we raise and create our homeland. The author is choosing two literary templates which thematize a homeland and were staged as puppet show in the Zadar Puppet Theatre: Pioneer Grujo from Vladimir Nazor (1952.) and Towning from Tahir Mujičić (1986.). Those puppet shows have different poetics and are born in different contexts of Zadar Puppet Theatre but also in different political circumstances of Croatia as a whole. Puppet show Pionir Grujo was on the repertoire of Zadar Puppet Theatre already in its first active year. It appeared in the age of socialist realism so, to avoid literary clichés of that time, Nazor placed the story between mythology and reality. Actual theme, the creation of homeland, is concretized in the construction of railway Šamac-Sarajevo. Puppet show Towning appeared when a puppetry in Zadar had already been established and ready for unusual stories and staging. It was in the age of enlightened or decadent socialism when Tahir Mujičić was compelled to get use of a fairytale to represent its vision of homeland.

Starting from Agamben's term "Gesture" -- interpreted as "communication of communicability" -- and having in mind links between Gesture & politics, this text opens the possibility of reading Guy Debord's ideas into the heterotopia of the Prologue of "Dundo Maroje" by Croatian Renaissance playwright Marin Drzic. In this way, the possibility of cultural criticism has been tested on the basis of an insight into social performances structured as acts in a play; from the crisis & the culmination to the dramatic solution, & back again. The title syntagm "theatre of shame" is being argumented with the thesis that spectacularized societies archive shame by false identity witnessing. This paper suggests that our confrontation with the Other in ourselves -- exemplified through the lack of capacity to witness identity in the media -- leads to what Agamben describes as the slipping away of the truth of witnessing from the jurisdiction of the archive. Adapted from the source document.

ATLASES: Poetics, Politics, and Performance is a web exhibition of atlases from the Special Collections and School of Geographical Sciences of the University of Bristol (http://uobatlases.net/). It includes atlases produced between 1570 to approximately 1970.The exhibition consists of four thematic parts. Renaissance Theatres contains famous and les famous atlases produced between the end of the 16th century to the middle of the 17th century, such as atlases by Ortelius (1574), Camden (1610), Speed (1611) and four atlas tomes by Blaeu (1645). Rhetoric of Truth contains geological and archaeological atlases from the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century. However, Rhetoric of Truth is not only limited to renaissance, but it also encompasses first computer generated atlases, e.g. Atlas of Breeding Birds in England and Ireland (1976) and others. The Colonial Gaze focuses on atlases applied in colonial projects and land exploitation in Africa and the Caribbean Islands, as well as in circulation of race theories in Europe and North America at the end of the 19th century. The last part, National Identities and Conflict explores the role of atlas as a powerful instrument for visualizing conflicts and shaping territorial-political ideas in the 20th century. ; ATLASES: Poetics, Politics, and Performance je izložba na mreži atlasa iz Specijalne zbirke i Škole geografskih znanosti (Special Collections and School of Geographical Sciences) Sveučilišta u Bristolu (http://uobatlases.net/). Uključeni su atlasi od 1570. do približno 1970. godine.Izložba obuhvaća četiri tematske cjeline. Renaissance Theatres sadrži slavne i manje poznate atlase od kraja 16. do sredine 17. stoljeća., među ostalim, Orteliusov atlas iz 1574., Camdenov iz 1610., Speedov iz 1611. i četiri toma Blaeuova atlasa iz 1645. Rhetoric of Truth sadrži geološke i arheološke atlase iz 18. i početka 19. stoljeća. Međutim, cjelina Rhetoric of Truth nije ograničena samo na stoljeća prosvjetiteljstva već prožima i prve računalno generirane atlase poput npr. Atlas of Breeding Birds in England and Ireland (1976) i neke druge. Treća cjelina The Colonial Gaze fokusirana je na atlase koji su primjenjivani u provedbi kolonijalnih projekata i eksploataciji zemljišta u Africi i na Karibima, ali i cirkulaciji rasnih teorija krajem 19. stoljeća u Europi i Sjevernoj Americi. Posljednji dio National Identities and Conflict istražuje ulogu atlasa kao moćnog instrumenta za vizualizaciju sukoba i oblikovanje teritorijalno-političkih ideja u 20. stoljeću.

Cilj je članka analizirati Spomenik Seljačkoj buni i Matiji Gupcu u Gornjoj Stubici kao materijalizirano sjećanje na prošlost konstruiranu u skladu s potrebama sadašnjosti. Spomeniku se pristupa iz perspektive ljudi koji ga na raznorodne načine koriste i oživljavaju, pri čemu je naglasak na njihovim kulturnim praksama u prostoru spomenika. Među nizom mogućih pogleda na Spomenik i izvedbe koje ga prate, autori se usmjeravaju na njegova dva lica, koja se odnose na dva povijesna trenutka, ali i dva različita modusa sjećanja. Jedno je povezano s kontekstom nastanka spomenika i njegovim komemorativnim i obljetničkim upotrebama u socijalizmu. Drugo lice dolazi do izražaja u 21. stoljeću kada se slike prošlosti utjelovljuju i uprizoruju u izvedbama oživljene povijesti. ; The aim of the paper is to analyze the monument to the Peasant Revolt and Matija Gubec in Gornja Stubica as materialised memory of the past constructed in relation to present-day circumstances. The monument is approached through the prism of people who use it and bring it to life in diverse ways, with the emphasis on their cultural practices and performances in the memorial space. Out of a number of potential approaches to the Monument, the authors focus on its two faces, related to two historical moments, but also two different modes of memory. One is connected with the construction of the monument and its commemorative and anniversary usages in socialism. The other is created in the 21st century, when images of the past also become embodied in living history performances.

U članku se donosi pregled i osnovne značajke dosad u najvećoj mjeri neobjavljene korespondencije Miroslava i Bele Krleže koja se čuva u osobnim i obiteljskim arhivskim fondovima, te arhivskim zbirkama Hrvatskoga državnoga arhiva. Donose se podatci o njezinoj količini i vremenskom rasponu te sadržaju. Korespondencija sadržava Krležine prosudbe o raznim temama i pojedincima, rasvjetljuje njegove i Beline odnose s primateljima i pošiljateljima, kao i njihove preokupacije iz vremena njezina nastanka. Sadržaj, koji je opisan i visoko vrednovan, dodatno je upotpunjen činjenicama raspoloživima iz arhivskoga gradiva fondova i zbirki u kojima se korespondencija nalazi, te spoznajama iz objavljene publicističke i znanstvene literature o Miroslavu i Beli Krleži. Kontekstualizirana korespondencija iz fundusa HDA nadopunjuje dosad objavljenu Krležinu i Belinu korespondenciju, istovremeno ukazujući na važnost i potencijal osobnih i obiteljskih arhivskih fondova i zbirki kao izvora za najrazličitija istraživanja. ; The paper gives an overview and outlines the basic characteristics of the correspondence of the renowned Croatian writer Miroslav Krleža (1893-1981) and his wife, the theatrical actress Bela (1896-1981), which are kept in the personal and family papers and archival collections of the Croatian State Archives. This batch of their correspondence had not been researched and only several letters of M. Krleža had been published in the 1988 book of his letters. Besides basic information about the quantity and timeframe of the correspondence, the emphasis is put on their contents, the latter often including Krleža's views on various topics and individuals, while at the same time providing insight into his and Bela's relationships with its recipients, as well as preoccupations that were on their mind at the time. The contents of letters and postcards are described or, in cases of greater value, quoted and additionally supplemented by the facts available from the archival material of the fonds/collections in question, and information from published sources that deal with M. and B. Krleža. Often the information revealed in the letters that only have a date enable after closer scrutiny to establish the year when they were written. The correspondence of the Krleža spouses is currently kept in 9 personal and 2 family papers, as well as 1 collection, namely: HR-HDA-772. Tarnik Family Papers, HR-HDA-781. Vojnović Family Papers, HR-HDA-803. Jurišić Blaž, HR-HDA-1014. Cesarec August, HR-HDA-1043. Karaman Igor, HR-HDA-1057. Mandić Ante, HR-HDA-1059. Matasović Josip, HR-HDA-1769. Radica Bogdan, HR-HDA-1779. Stulli Bernard, HR-HDA-1791. Trnina Milka, HR-HDA-1801. Collection of Various Individuals, HR-HDA-2044. Begović Milan and HR-HDA-2076. Matković Marijan. The largest quantity is kept in the latter i.e. the total of 40 correspondence units. Marijan Matković was a prolific playwright, manager of the Croatian National Theatre during the period when B. Krleža was already an established actress in its drama section, and the editor-in-chief of the Forum literary journal which M. Krleža initiated and whose frequent collaborator he was. M. Krleža's letters to Matković cover various subjects, from attempts to secure Bela's leave from the theatre during his duties in Paris in 1950, his endeavours to use his social influence in order for certain works of other authors to be published, to Krleža's involvement with various details regarding the publishing of Forum and at one point his displeasure with the direction the journal was taking. On the other hand, Bela's letters to Matković, often more facetious and charming in tone, testify not only of the long-time friendship between the two families and her affection for the recipient, but also give hints of her privileged status in the Croatian National Theatre due to her husband's importance and reputation in the socialist Yugoslavia. Whereas in the letters sent to Aleksandar Keško, a cultural worker from Sarajevo, among other things Krleža answers his questions on various topics and at times writes passages common to his novels or essays, his correspondence with the prominent Croatian publicist and émigré Bogdan Radica shows how their personal relationship changed over the years due to insurmountable political differences. A topic pertaining to the Croatian dissident poet Zlatko Tomičić, raised in Radica's letter intended for Krleža, demonstrates that during his old age Krleža, in conversations published by his long-time associate Enes Čengić, was either prone to fabrications or absent-mindedness. Krleža's letters from 1931 to Blaž Jurišić, a linguist and a journal editor, show him at the very peak of his literary activity in what was to be his most productive decade. The letters written to Krleža by Ante Mandić, a politician and a solicitor, just like Krleža's letter to Juraj Tarnik, a chemist from Osijek, affirm Krleža as a person of influence in Tito's Yugoslavia, whose connections and status were perceived to enable rectifying certain problems, such as employment in the Lexicographical Institute he headed or the issue of subtenants. Of the two letters written by Bela Krleža to the esteemed Croatian writer Milan Begović in 1926, the cryptic identity of a person called 'The Countess' in the second letter can be identified with considerable certainty through cast names on theatrical posters of Begović's plays. The correspondence in the remaining fonds is of a lesser value and is therefore described to a lesser degree. It can be concluded that the correspondence of Miroslav and Bela Krleža in the mentioned fonds and collections of the Croatian State Archives supplements the so far uncomplete research of this particular field. New acquisitions of personal/family papers will undoubtedly augment the total quantity of their letters kept in the central Croatian archival institution and thusly enable further and more complete research.

U tekstu se, temeljem fotografija od kojih se neke objavljuju prvi put, rekonstruira izvorni izgled secesijske zgrade Hrvatskog doma u Splitu kao zrelog arhitektonskog djela Kamila Tončića. Donosi se i kronološki pregled uloge Hrvatskog doma u društvenoj povijesti grada Splita koji pridonosi spomeničkoj vrijednosti zgrade. ; The idea of building a "Croatian House", in which the Split culture, art and sporting associations connected to National Party would be located Narodna čitaonica (People's Reading Room), Slavjanski napredak (Slav Progress), Narodna glazba (National Music), the Volunteer Fire-Fighters, Muzikalno društvo "Zvonimir" (the Zvonimir Musical Association) and Hrvatski sokol (the Croatian Hawk – sporting association) came upon the scene in 1896. At the turn of the century artists who elevated the cultural and artistic life of Split and took it out of the provincial context, placing it shoulder to shoulder with European contemporaries, came together in the National party circles. The design of the building made in the spirit of Art Nouveau architecture by Kamilo Tončić in 1906 was bold and avant-garde for a centre in which up to then Historicist or revival architecture had prevailed; in consequence it aroused diverse public reactions. But the Croatian House was nevertheless built according to the Tončić design, and opened in 1908. It had an important role in the musical life of Split as a gathering place for musicians, as a stage and concert venue, all the way up to World War I. The most important event in the first year of the existence of the Croatian House was the organisation of the First Dalmatian Art Exhibition at which the foundation of the Medulić Croatian Art Association was mooted, and the idea for founding the Gallery of Fine Art was also put forward. In the changed political circumstances after World War I, the House lost its pre-war role as an essential factor in the creation of the musical and artistic life of the city. When the Sokol association of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was formed in 1929, all activities in the Sokol House unfolded under the aegis of Sokol (Hawk), for it was a state organisation; the art and cultural events did not rise above the average amateur level. The most important event in the working of the amateur sections of Sokol was the foundation of the puppet theatre in 1933, on the foundations of which the Marionette Theatre still in operation today was built in 1945. After WWII, the onetime Croatian and later Sokol House was renamed Youth House, while along with the Split City Puppet Theatre, various sporting organisations were assigned the premises of the House. The house was remodelled and extended in 1930 and 1939, and thoroughly remodelled in 1942, when all the decorations on the facade and in the interior of the grand hall were destroyed in order to bring out the monumental aspects of the house in the spirit of fascist architecture. The concept of the building is a simple T-shaped ground floor. In the northern part of the site there is a narrow four-storey building with an attic along the long side placed parallel to the street in which the premises of the societies were located, while at the end of the plot, perpendicularly to it, is a two-storey building with a grand hall on the upstairs. With logical grouping of features and a functional arrangement, the spatial constraints of the plot were made use of to the best extent and complemented with an extensive programme that was supposed to meet the needs of the associations so that all of them should have their own individual quarters while making use in common of the grand hall meant for municipal events, joint events and Sokol members' athletic exercises. Although the principal facade is symmetrical with the main entrance in the middle, the courtyard part of the house with the hall is not built on its vertical axis, but shifted to the west. At the joint of the street and courtyard part of the house there are the grand stairs. The non-formalist asymmetrical disposition of volumes between the courtyard wing of the Croatian House and the neighbouring house left room for a large exercise space outdoors. Only a photograph of the drawing of the main facade remains of the design of the Croatian House. By rectification of the historical photographs, the drawing of the built facade was reconstructed, and a comparison of the project and the original appearance of the original facade shows that the design really was built, in basic idea and composition, and that alterations were made only to some of the decorative features. The lobby of the auxiliary eastern entrance and the threeflight stone staircase are kept in original form. The rectification of the previously unknown photographs of the interior of the hall has allowed the reconstruction of the original volume, position and repertoire of decoration. The space of the hall that we know of today in denuded form consists of two parts: the grand hall with the stage and the backstage areas. Abstract, linear and almost flat details, floral motifs, female heads with flowers and leaves in their hair and masks – common in the Art Nouveau idiom – were applied in the iconographic programme. In the choice of construction material and the manner of construction Tončić opted for the classic solid masonry construction of roughly worked stone blocks in lime mortar, smoothly rendered. The between-floor constructions were of wood, as was that of the gable roof. The flights of stairs with stone steps were leaned on iron I-section girders clad in rendered moulding. The pilasters alongside the central entrance, the pillars on the facade with an emphasised cornice and the attic are made of concrete, but they are only decorative and not structural elements of the building. The building of the Croatian House was adapted to the possibilities (i.e. the constraints) of the site and the function, that is, the needs of its users, in the allocation of the fundamental volumes and in the organisation of space. The interior decoration was also adjusted to the contents (the modestly decorated staircase area as against the luxuriant decoration of the grand hall), and a clearly, symmetrically and gracefully designed facade enhanced with Art Nouveau decorations and the characteristic Tončić details reveal its almost classical composition. The representative Art Nouveau building of the Croatian House, designed in the spirit of the Wagner school and its earlier works, is the original work of a mature architect in whom along with an echo of the classicist tradition the architecture of the modern age can also be sensed. But it is not just its Art Nouveau idiom that imparts a particular heritage value to the Croatian House, but also the events and personalities linked with it, whose importance in the history of the city of Split and Croatian art surmounts that of the building itself.

U sjeveroistočnom dijelu Urbs Orientalis zapadno od Porta Andetria otkrio je E. Dyggve hram iz Dioklecijanova doba. S obzirom na to da je u blizini pronađena mramorna skulptura Venere Victrix, vjerojatno je u pitanju hram posvećen navedenoj božici. Salonitanski hram pokazuje znatnu povezanost s kultnim građevinama Dioklecijanove palače. Ne samo da arhitektonska skulptura potječe iz istih klesarskih radionica, već je možda isti tip kultnog kipa bio u Venerinu hramu carske Palače. To neosporno potvrđuje Dioklecijanovu građevinsku aktivnost u Saloni, glavnom gradu rimske provincije Dalmacije. ; With the familiar observation that in Salona it is "uncommonly difficult to discover any traces at all of pagan temples" Dyggve concluded that this clearly tells of the fundamental obliteration of the evidence of pagan cult buildings. In contrast to the few temples discovered to date, the many inscriptions dedicated to various deities or fragments of sculptures of individual patron deities show a reverence for the ancient cults. Votive monuments are sometimes found detached from their original context – cult buildings and the actual shrines the traces of which are rarely preserved. A tetrastyle temple on a high dais was put up in the oldest part of the city, the so-called Urbs vetus. This is the only cult building fully explored to date. Opposite the front elevation of the temple, a theatre was later built. Before the erection of the theatre, in the central part of the city there were a few more smallish temples observed during investigations. In the immediate vicinity of the theatre, Dyggve uncovered the forum, where in the northern part he determined the foundations of the first temples. Double temples of the common prostyle type on high built pedestals very likely derived from the time of Augustus. Apart from these temples in the oldest urban core of Salona – Urbs vetus, Dyggve discovered and partially excavated in 1931 one more temple in the new eastern part, the Urbs orientalis. Since he did not complete his investigation, he published an interim report on the excavations: "Within the town-wall stands another temple the masonry of which unfortunately is badly ruined. I have, however, succeeded in laying bare a number of details from rich marble decorations The building is of particular religiohistorical interest as it is certainly the last pagan temple that was erected in the town of Salona. It dates back to about the same time as the Palace of Diocletian," Dyggve's archives still retain a sketch of the discovered parts of the temple, in which one can recognise part of the longitudinal wall of the building, and a square base in front. Because of the place of the find, Dyggve called the pagan cult building found "Tempel ver Porta Andetria". To these architectural sketches and notes, two photographs of the architectural sculpture of the temple were attached, and these have been published. According to the archival photographs, it can be noticed that some of the architectural sculptures were made of marble, such as the acroterion of the roof of the temple and the very refined and rich ornamentation. Perhaps the capitals too were marble. which cannot be determined for certain from photograph documentation but this would tend to be confirmed by a large fragment of acanthus leaf, which very likely belonged to one of the capitals. Although only parts of corners with volutes and the beginning of the acanthus decoration and part of a simply moulded abacus are extant, the type of capital can be determined. They are very likely Corinthian capitals of the Asiatic type, similar to those of Proconnesian marble recently discovered from the Temple of Jupiter renovated at the time of Diocletian and located in the forum in the centre of Urbs orientalis. They are of the same time as the marble capitals that are today to be found in the Church of St Stephen on Sustipan, originally belonging to the so-called Small Temple in Diocletian's Palace. Other architectural decorations, as one can conclude from the documentation, imposts, friezes of frames and cornices of the doors of the temple were probably made out of local limestone, as in the temples in Diocletian's Palace. An invaluable specimen for the identification of the architectural sculpture of the previously found modest fragments of the Salona temple, according to the form and appearance of the ornamentation, is given almost entirely by the uniquely preserved Small Temple. It is not only a matter of the same type of architecture but of architectural decorations that came out of the same stone-carving workshops of domestic craftsmen, or imported imperial ones. This is supported by the employment of the same Corinthian capitals of the Asiatic type of Proconnesian marble used in the pagan cult buildings created in the same workshops and clearly commissions of the same time. This shows the incontrovertible connection of building activity between the imperial palace and Salona at the time of Diocletian. In the vicinity of the temple uncovered a marble sculpture of Venus Victrix with Cupid was found; it is placed on an oval pediment with the prominent inscription VENER(I) VICTR(ICI). Since the goddess's sculpture was found west of Porta Andetria, like the temple, Dyggve recorded it with the question mark "Venus Tempel?" He must then have hypothesised that the sculpture might have belonged to this cult building or that the temple might have been dedicated to Venus Victrix, although only the first traces of architecture and fragments of sculpture had been unearthed. In the Archaeological Museum in Split one more sculpture of Venus is displayed. Although only the lower part of the marble sculpture with a support in the form of a dolphin is extant, the characteristic iconography of Venus pudica can be recognised, of the same kind as the Salona statue of Venus Victrix. Because the sculpture was found in Split, city that sprang from Diocletian's Palace, its origin can be guessed at. In the imperial residence there were several temples, and probably numerous sculptures of the various deities, and imperial statues too, almost completely vanished by now, alas. North of Diocletian's residence, i.e. the imperial palace in the true sense of the word, there were several temples. According to historical sources, the temples were consecrated quite variously. The Temple of Jupiter was the biggest building, and is also considered the imperial mausoleum. The same titular is ascribed the prostyle temple built opposite, but Aesculapius and Janus have also been suggested. In the literature, the Small Temple is sometimes just called the Temple, as distinct from the Mausoleum of Diocletian, since some authors thought it was the only temple in the palace. In front of this uniquely preserved building of the perpendicular prostyle type on a raised dais, two temples of circular form were put up. According to the description of Antonius Proculianus the southern temple was consecrated to Cybele and was circular (in figura spherical et circulare), and the northern Venus temple was hexagonal (angulare hessagona). Perhaps the marble sculpture of Venus pudica with dolphin and Cupid was originally disposed as a cult statue of the Temple of Venus in Diocletian's Palace. In this context one should definitely point out the similarity of the choice of the Venus pudica type for the Salona sculpture of Venus victrix, which was probably the cult statue of a temple built at the time of Diocletian in the north east part of Urbs orientalis. The Salona temple of Venus Victrix put up by Porta Andetria shows some considerable connection with the cult edifices of the imperial palace. Not only do the architectural sculptures derive from the same stone-carving workshops, but similar types of statues of the deities might have been placed in them. Venus Victrix, symbol of the absolute supremacy and prosperity of the Roman Empire, was particularly revered in the official religion of the Empire. Her political importance was highlighted in the civil wars that preceded the creation of the Empire, and she figures all the way until Late Antiquity. This is confirmed by the clear symbolism of the Salona temple with the cult statue of the Victrix, and perhaps the same type of cult statue was in the Temple of Venus of the imperial palace. In this context, it is important to reconfirm Dyggve's statement that Diocletian's Palace needs looking at from the angle of Salona, because of the tight connections it had with Salona, which will undoubtedly be borne out by future investigations into the capital of the Roman province of Dalmatia.

Autor donosi prikaze osobnih proučavanja utvrđenih zbijenih naselja na položajima Gradina na Prizni, na sjevernom obalnom rubu Velebitskog kanala i utvrde Sutojanj na sjevernom rtu otoka Paga. To su primjeri utvrda, koje se uklapaju u cirkummediteransku sliku kastrizacije primjerene epohi cara Justinijana I. (527.-565.). Osvrtanje na spomenuta dva primjera utvrda od posebne je važnosti, jer s preostalim utvrdama uz sjevernu obalu Velebitskog kanala zapravo ocrtava početke procesa kastrizacije na arhipelagu i istočnom pročelju Jadrana. Taj je proces ujedno odredio i oblikovanje osebujnog kulturnog krajobraza na svršetku kasne antike i početku ranoga srednjeg vijeka u kojem će Bizantsko Carstvo, posredovanjem urbanih središta, dati znatan prinos. ; Taking as an example a part of the Velebit coastal area and the Pag archipelago group in the northern Dalmatian islands, in our paper dedicated to Nenad Cambi, whose work and life we are celebrating, we look at two important points in the area. Concerned are the positions of the fortification complexes of Gradina on Prizna, on the northern coastal rim of the Velebit Channel, located opposite the fortress of Sutojanj on the northern point of Pag Island. These are examples of fortified compact settlements with important components, or ports, which fit into the circum-Mediterranean image of the castrification typical of the epoch of Emperor Justinian I (527-565). Reference to these two examples of forts is particularly important, for with the other fortifications along the northern coast of the Velebit Channel the beginnings of the process of the castrification in the archipelago and along the eastern facade of the Adriatic can be depicted. This process also defined the beginnings of the Early Middle Ages. During summer and late autumn 1989 and 1990 the present author carried out a detailed reconnoitre of the field in the area from the strait of Novsko ždrilo in the south east to Donja Prizna on the south west of the Velebit Channel. Also carried out was an immediate field autopsy of the western part of the island of Pag. During these investigations an endeavour was made to verify the hypothesis that there are several new sites, or sites not well enough known to scholarship, on which there are significant characteristics of military construction from the time of the early rule of Byzantium in the Adriatic. From the field walking and remote research and the interpretation of monumental complexes and visits to the fortifications in Prizna and Sutojanj, it is possible to conclude that the archaeological facts found can persuade us that they belonged to a very important cultural and historical bridge across which Late Antiquity we gradually transited into the Early Middle Age. This is a very interesting transitional period marked by the widely ranging activity of the Eastern Roman Emperor Justinian I (537-565). The consequences of this activity are revealed on the eastern facade and the archipelago of the Adriatic and in its hinterland with a unique organisation of the physical space, with the building of new types of fort, with the renovation of the fortifications of urban centres, with marked secular and religious construction going on in every corner of the vast empire, then with the thallasocracy in the Mediterranean, and its northernmost gulf, the Adriatic. The new urbanism on the classical base, the victorious progress of Christianity marked by the policy and personality of Justinian I, the wide ranging commerce over great distances, founded on well distributed artistic and artisanal work, then warfare at several theatres of war, all changed the organisation of the space and created new cultural landscapes. Such landscapes, with their new place names, particularly the hagyotoponyms and the lasting points of reference - the forts and churches, were turned into a part of the world heritage that should be the subject of scholarly research, evaluation and presentation as added value to the tourist product. The epoch of Justinian I had a crucial influence on the beginnings of the formation of the early Middle Ages and at the same time preceded the long-lasting presence of the Byzantine Empire in the urban centres up and down the easternmshores of the Adriatic.