The themes wich captured the attention of researchers immediately after Communist archives have become available. especially the documents of the Communist International and the police personal files, were political biographies of the victims of Stalinism and the espionage. The author thinks that these works are not always critical towards documents. Former communist countries have regulated the access to the archives in different ways. Germany has adopted the most liberal policy. T. C. Ash's book is illustrative of new research. We found his dossier in the Stasi files and. with the help of those who produced it, used it for an analysis of the system of repression as well as its consequences for society and the individual. (SOI : CSP: S. 127)
The author analyses Fayola's work in the light of recent achievements of the theory of administration. He looks into Fayola's organic approach and the immanent division of the content of his work into the constitutive and the functional aspects. Fayola's concepts are built into the foundations of the science of administration since they are used as the criteria for the classification of the subject-matter and for defining management. Also, his concepts are so well-defined that only an occasional new concept is added to them. The shortcomings of Fayola's thinking are the product of the limitations of his time and his internal organic approach as well as of the basically static structure of organization and administration. (SOI : PM: S. 206)
The author is of the opinion that experts in international law are not broad-minded regarding the establishment of a state. Most legal experts take for granted the statements of the international judiciary on the existance of certain rules of general international law and consider them validated and indisputable. This faction has been given support by states since they uphold those legal statements that suit their interests. The author analyses the Opinions of the Arbitration Committee on the process of the disintegration and the criteria for the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia as well as the criteria for the creation of the new states. He considers this precedent as central for international judiciary law. (SOI : PM: S. 187)
The impact of 'glass ceiling' syndrome and party selection on participation of women in parliament and other political institutions are examined in this article. 'Glass ceiling' syndrome, which means invisible, but almost impenetrable border that women face in professional life, keeping them away from positions of influence and progress in career, is the main reason for the small number of women involved in politics. According to the focus of the research, there are three groups of barriers to women's political participation. Most researchers examine the influence of the political system, institutional and legal mechanisms, the question of their transparency and functional improvement. Significantly less frequent approach came from authors who are concentrated on the social and economic barriers, financial conditions and the broader social context. The third group consists of those who are considering the ideological and psychological barriers, patriarchal cultural patterns, traditional gender roles, self-confidence, ambition and women's desire to be involved in politics. Political parties are key actors in the process of discrimination against women, because they do not allow them to be selected in a number of political functions. There are many factors that determine that the issue of gender equality is variously interpreted in political parties. The most present are contextual and ideological factors, referring to a different definition of the status of women on the political agenda, the social climate in terms of gender equality and respect for human rights, the level of social development and political freedom. Then come organizational factors pertaining to the structure of parties, the manner in which the leadership is elected, whether there are internal women's pressure groups and lobbying, and are women leaders are visible on high positions in decision-making process. Finally, there are institutional-legal factors, which include the type of electoral system, the legal and constitutional framework and the prescribed quotas on national and / or party level.
The impact of 'glass ceiling' syndrome and party selection on participation of women in parliament and other political institutions are examined in this article. 'Glass ceiling' syndrome, which means invisible, but almost impenetrable border that women face in professional life, keeping them away from positions of influence and progress in career, is the main reason for the small number of women involved in politics. According to the focus of the research, there are three groups of barriers to women's political participation. Most researchers examine the influence of the political system, institutional and legal mechanisms, the question of their transparency and functional improvement. Significantly less frequent approach came from authors who are concentrated on the social and economic barriers, financial conditions and the broader social context. The third group consists of those who are considering the ideological and psychological barriers, patriarchal cultural patterns, traditional gender roles, self-confidence, ambition and women's desire to be involved in politics. Political parties are key actors in the process of discrimination against women, because they do not allow them to be selected in a number of political functions. There are many factors that determine that the issue of gender equality is variously interpreted in political parties. The most present are contextual and ideological factors, referring to a different definition of the status of women on the political agenda, the social climate in terms of gender equality and respect for human rights, the level of social development and political freedom. Then come organizational factors pertaining to the structure of parties, the manner in which the leadership is elected, whether there are internal women's pressure groups and lobbying, and are women leaders are visible on high positions in decision-making process. Finally, there are institutional-legal factors, which include the type of electoral system, the legal and constitutional framework and the prescribed quotas on national and / or party level.
The author attempts to introduce a new theme in Croatian historiography by pointing to the problems he encountered with sources and literature. The fundamental problem is that the primary documents arc predominantly from one side in the conflict, the Yugoslav secrete service (UDBA). The problem is augmented by the fact that those sources consist of studies made during the sixties, based on recollections of participants in the period 1945-1950, whereas there are very few documents from the period of struggle with the Crusaders. The very real problem is the absence of documents by Crusaders themselves, which makes the verification of the documents of the victorious side very difficult. The literature, not abundant, produced by participants of the sides in conflict, is not very useful for research. (SOI : CSP: S. 28)
The debtors' crisis at the end of the 20 century is a hard reality facing the transitional countries. (And not only them.) However, to borrow or not to borrow, is a false dilemma. In the situation when in most transitional countries the local accumulation is insufficient for financing the economic development and completing the transitional process, the only alternative is borrowing. This is particularly unavoidable when the influx of foreign capital via direct investments is meagre. This is also true for the Republic of Croatia, in which the level of direct investments is, for the time being, very modest. That is why borrowing, particularly from foreign countries, calls for a high degree of caution, a well-thought out approach to borrowing, and the rational use of the loans. (SOI : S. 204)
The author analyses the tension which exists in constitutional states between the popular sovereignty and the constraints of the people by constitutional order. After explaining and historically interpreting the significance of popular sovereignty as well as the danger hidden in the unequivocal adherence to this principle, he describes the functioning of popular sovereignty in several European constitutions. Most of them express certain misgivings about the people and its direct participation, so that its activities are limited to constitutionally predictable decisions. The author also highlights certain ethic dilemmas and perimeters of popular sovereignty. Constitutional state is based on the compromise between the liberal and the democratic principle; recently, this compromise has been endangered in some newly-created constitutional regimes by non-liberal democracy or the disequilibrium between these two principles. (SOI : PM: S. 77)
The author analyses Schmitt's and Luhmann's theory of democracy and the constitutional state. By comparing them, he concludes that Schmitt's critique of the democratic pluralistic state has ended in the theory of direct or plebiscitary democracy in which the constitution is subject to an unpredictable will of political majority which can change it wilfully in line with the power relations. Luhmann, on the other hand, starts from the assumption of the separation between law and politics and builds his concept of the constitutional state on the bipolar differentiation and the mutual checks between law and politics. The author concludes that Luhmann does not give up on Hobbes' pessimistic conviction that human nature is bestial; he only offers a different strategy for the coexistence of cultured savages. (SOI : PM: S. 67)
Public participation in environmental decision-making is nowadays accepted as an integral part of thesustainable development process and an important mean for improving quality, legitimacy and capacity ofenvironmental assessment and decisions. When communities participate in the management of their resources inform of consultation or active involvement, there is a greater likelihood of success as people are more willing toobey their own regulations than those imposed upon them from outside. This paper presents results of a survey inSerbia-BiH cross border region that explored the attitudes of local people towards natural resources andenvironment quality, environmental priorities and efficiency of local government in solving environmentalproblems. Results were used as inputs for drafting "Action plan for sustainable use of cross border naturalresource" contributing in this way to better acceptance and easier implementation of the plan at the communitylevel.
Electronic media in many countries have from their inception been linked and defined with commercial content. However, together with the development of the system of commercial radio, democratic countries very soon began to build and/or revamp the alternative systems of public and/or uncommercial radio. The 1994 Croatian Law on telecommunications again allowed private owner-ship of electronic media and consequently the number of radic-stations doubled. There are 114 of them today (excluding Croatian Radio stations). However, the expected democratization of the media resulted only in an increase of commercial and entertaining broadcasts. The true role of the radio as a public media whose purpose is public dissemination of information has been replaced by a new (and profitable) role of public entertainer. Should radio be left there? (SOI : PM: S. 244)
