Suchergebnisse

Berbicara mengenai istilah fundamentalisme, banyak sarjana yang mengakui bahwa penggunaan istilah "fundamentalisme" itu problematik dan tidak tepat. Istilah ini seperti dikatakan William Montgomery Watt, pada dasarnya merupakan suatu istilah Inggris kuno kalangan protestan yang secara khusus diterapkan kepada orang-orang yang berpandangan bahwa al-kitab harus diterima dan ditafsirkan secara rafiah. Istilah sepadan adalah integrism yang merujuk kepada kecenderungan senada tetapi tidak dalam pengertian yang sama pada kaum Katolik Romawi. Kaum fundamentalis sunni menerima Al-Qur'an, sekalipun di dalam beberapa kasus dengan syarat-syarat tertentu. Kaum Syi'ah Iran, dalam pengertian umum bahwa para fundamentalis tidak terikat pada penafsiran Al-Qur'an. Montgomery Watt, menjelaskan bahwa kelompok fundamentalis Islam merupakan kelompok muslim yang sepenuhnya menerima pandangan dunia tradisional serta kehendak mempertahankan secara utuh. Sesungguhnya fundamentalisme Islam merupakan salah satu fenomena yang baru dalam percaturan politik dunia. Barat sesungguhnya telah mengalami kegagalan dalam menata politik dunia, karena itu mereka berupaya mengganti tatanan dunia baru berdasarkan interpristasi politik Islam menurut pemikiran mereka, namun selama ini, hal tersebut hanya sebatas wacana atau retorika semata

Fundamentalism does not just show up, because fundamentalism is a phenomenon that always appears in every religion and belief which represents a rebellion against moderniry. Indeed only a small partial fundamentalists who peiform acts of terrorism, but its impact is global For groups. for groups who do not like the violence come to enjoy as a result of a handful of Islamic groups called fanatics or radicals. Islamic fundamentalism is one of the new phenomenon in world politics. Western world has experienced a failure in managing world politics, so they try to replace the new world order based on the political interpretation of Islam by thinker

While feminist theology is not necessarily Christian, it emerged out of Christian European and North American contexts. This chapter focuses on postcolonial feminist theological interventions in Christianity because of the inextricable connections between Christianity, gender, racism, and European colonialism. Postcolonial feminist theology asserts that Christian actors and epistemologies—frameworks of knowledge—perform a central role in European colonial projects of the past and present. Thus, Christianity's continuing significance in national and global politics; individual, local, and national identity formation; and the constitution of gendered subjectivity necessitates further analysis and critique (Donaldson and Kwok 2002). While the particular conditions of European colonial regimes varied enormously over time and between each colonized territory, Christianity, in general, spread alongside political and cultural colonization, through the dismantling, exclusion, and disparagement of indigenous peoples' worldviews. Widespread hostility and suspicion of indigenous traditions and practices resulted from unconscious and overt Eurocentric evaluations of indigenous cultures. Eurocentrism, the measuring of other cultures according to European Christian social and cultural ideals, also encouraged colonizers to interpret indigenous gender roles, social structures, and systems of knowledge as evidence of savagery and the absence of ''civilization.'' Therefore, postcolonial feminist theologies are particularly concerned with imagining and enacting new concepts of, and relationships with, God that depart from the imperialistic theologies of colonizer cultures and restore indigenous traditions and practices as inherent aspects of their theological imaginaries.

This is an Accepted Manuscript of a book chapter published by Bloomsbury Academic in Political Theologies in Orthodox Christianity. Common Challenges – Divergent Positions on 15-06-2017, available online: https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/political-theologies-in-orthodox-christianity-9780567674135

Abstrak: Theologi Filsafat Politik Islam. Theologi merupakan sesuatu yang erat kaitannya dengan ketuhanan. Tuhan telah memberikan fasilitas bagi manusia untuk menjadi manusia yang bijak dan bermoral. Kedamaian kemungkinan akan hadir pada suatu negeri jika orang-orang di dalamnya terkhusus para pengambil kebijakkan mengindahkan hal-hal yang menjadi pokok dalam hidup manuisa. Manusia, negara, agama, politik merupakan bagian-bagian yang sulit untuk dipisahkan yang memang keempatnya merupakan sesuatu pertalian yang mengait antara satu sama lain. Singkat kata untuk menjadikan suatu negara menjadi yang lebih baik maka tentunya diawali dengan pemimpin yang bijak dalam bersikap. Masalah dalam penelitian ini adalah bagaimana pandangan teologi politik dalam dunia islam. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menjabarkan bagaimana filsafah dunia politik dalam Islam. Penelitian ini menggunakan Metode metode deskriptif kualitatif, sedangkan jenis penelitian ini merupakan penelitian pustaka (Library Research). Dalam pengumpulan data penelitian ini menggunakan metode dokumentasi, yaitu mencari data atau variable yang berkaitan dengan pembahasan penelitian. Pengumpulan data dapat berupa buku, artikel, majalah, jurnal dan lain sebagainya. Metode dokumentasi merupakan teknik pengumpulan data dan teknik analisa data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu dengan proses pengelolaan, mereduksi dan memberikan kesimpulan dari hasil penelitian. Kesimpulan dari penelitian ini adalah Theologi politik Islam dapat dikatakan secara singkat bahwa bagaimana mekanisme dan aturan bernegara ini dihiasi dengan nilai-nilai agama. Para politisi dalam mengambil berbagai macam kebijakkan hendaklah didasari atas kepentingan rakyat, kepentingan dari rakyat, oleh rakyat dan untuk rakyat. Sementara itu, filsafat adalah sebuah ilmu yang digunakan untuk memperoleh kebenaran rasional. Dalam hal ini sangat penting dipahami, Islam sebagai agama yang terakhir dibawa oleh nabi Muhammad Saw telah mengajarkan nilai-nilai kebaikan, nilai-nilai keadilan, nilai-nilai kepedulian, nilai-nilai kearifan, nilai-nilai keindahan, nilai-nilai kebersamaan. Persamaan derajat dan martabat manusia lebih penting dari manusia itu sendiri. Filsafat politik Islam hendaknya mewarnai pola hidup yang baik bagi para politisi dalam menjalankan tugas untuk kepantingan rakyat, mengemban amanah rakyat hendaklah didasari oleh nilai-nilai keberagamaan yang matang sehingga nantinya memberikan dampak yang baik bagi masyarakat dalam hidup bernegara, berbangsa, beragama, bermasyarakat yang hidup di negara.

Over the last three years, three new important books have contributed to critical geographies of American evangelicalism: Jason Dittmer and Tristan Sturm's Mapping the End Times, Jason Hackworth's Faith Based, and Justin G. Wilford's Sacred Subdivisions. Demonstrating that evangelicals are ignored at geographers' peril in political, economic, and cultural geography, these new books each demonstrate that evangelical usages of space have contemporary salience in secular geopolitical formations, domestic economic policy, and the interpretation of cultural landscapes. Because these three books represent three different subfields in human geography (political, economic, and cultural geography), they can be taken together to critically interrogate the ways in which evangelicals use their theologies to exert secular power on a variety of modern spatial constructions. The strengths of each of these books are thus also their weakness, for although their critiques rightly interrogate the secular ends of some evangelical practices, the varieties of evangelical theologies are seldom explored, particularly in how contestations over the word evangelical shape the ways in which self-identifying evangelicals have made places.

As this Syndicate forum on the Umbrella Movement and theology winds to a close, the physical occupations in Hong Kong seem to be nearing their end stage. With court injunctions, police clearances, statements of support from the People's Republic of China (PRC) for the Hong Kong government, the attempted voluntary surrender of Occupy Central leaders to the police, and a student hunger strike after over seventy days of street occupations, it might seem late in the game to call for the mapping of "grounded theologies," "performative practices of placemaking informed by understandings of the transcendent," woven into the political constitution of the Hong Kong protests. However, as I shall argue, there is no better time to get to work

Abstact: This paper describes the school of thought in education. The schools are theology, Peripatismism, Gnosticism, Ilumanism and Transdentalism. The thought of Islamic education has evolved from the classical era until now. It cannot be denied that in the course of science scientists face various phases and events from the point of view of Religion, Social, Culture and politics. In Religion, many Qur'anic verses that explain about this education, thus the verses that are in the Qur'an are interpreted differently according to the historical background of the scientist who interpreted the verse. Socially, educational thinking is influenced by different scientific backgrounds. Culturally, educational thinking is influenced by scientists whose cultural lives vary. There are those who live in Eastern culture, Western culture, and some live in classical and modern times, all of which affect the flow of thought. Politically, education thinking is also very influential. There are scientists who are born and raised in the environment of leadership disputes, in contrast to scientists who are born and raised in a period of calm of power. But in the end the thought of Islamic education is useful for the advancement of Islamic education itself, which leads Muslims and Muslim women to be happy in the world and akhrirat.

The shooting in Ottawa on 22 October 2014 has uncovered the remarkable way that the Canadian state remains theologically constituted. In some ways, this is a relatively uncontroversial argument. The White House press conference immediately following the attacks made a link between the Canadian support for military action against the Islamic State and the deaths of both Warrant Officer Patrice Vincent on October 20 in Quebec and Cpl. Nathan Cirillo of the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders on the October 22. When one says that Ottawa shootings have a religious dimension, the gut response is that my argument will be about Muslims in Canada and the potential for radicalization.

In this article, the realities of the climate emergency reveal that human beings, especially those of us in the grips of capitalism, imperialism, and nationalism, have little control over nature and we are inextricably a part of nature. This revelation further exposes the tragedy and illusions of sovereignty, which is produced and maintained, in part, by Judeo-Christian scriptures and political theologies. While this revelatory event is disruptive, it also invites us to reimagine political theologies without the belief that sovereignty is existentially or ontologically necessary for political belonging. This includes embracing the revelation of the infinite, non-privileging care of a non-sovereign God for all creation.

The purpose of this study is to investigate how religious ethics, while retaining its identity, can contribute to political debate and to the understanding of justice. The inquiry addresses these issues by focusing on theological perspectives which challenge the solutions offered to these questions by the liberal paradigm. Three kinds of challenges are studied, each of which is represented by one thinker from the Islamic tradition and one from the Christian tradition, in order to enable a comparative perspective on the contributions of religious traditions. The thinkers studied are: 1) modified liberalism, represented by Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na'im and Duncan B. Forrester; 2) liberationism, represented by Ali Shariati and Gustavo Gutierrez; and 3) radical traditionalism, as developed by Tariq Ramadan and John Milbank. The study is organized around three main questions. First, how can innovative interpretations of religious tradition be plausibly justified? Second, what role should religious arguments and reasons play in the political sphere? Third, what can religious ethics and theological thought contribute to the understanding of social justice? The questions are engaged by means of a critical and reconstructive engagement with the six thinkers. The suggested solutions are assessed in terms of the criteria of authenticity, communicability, and potential for transformation. It is argued that a religious ethic can rely on a tradition without accepting conservative understandings of that tradition. Furthermore, it is argued that the coherence of religious ethics can be made available for public discourse but that the hospitability of the public forum to such contributions needs to be realized through a deepened democratic culture and a critique of power structures which condition perceptions of rationality. While religious ethics do not articulate complete alternative understandings of justice, they articulate contributions by relating justice to human sociality and to transcendence.

The current article has several aims. First, it seeks to underscore the importance of Hugo Bergman's and Gershom Scholem's late critiques of Zionism, and to argue that they should be understood as politico-theological commentaries on the Israeli political reality in which they lived. Second, it argues for the relevance of approaching these critiques through the theoretical prism of political theology. Third, it aims to chart the overlaps and differences between the Bergmanesque and Scholemian theological interpretations of Zionism by charting their common premises and differences. I argue that the former derive from their shared view of Zionism as a religious project, and the latter derive from their arrival at polar conclusions: Bergman seeking a positive potential; Scholem identifying a destructive potential. Hence, their political theologies of Zionism are understood as a "dialectic of feeling".

Citing the inability of conventional human rights thinking to address the 'strong' questions raised by our times, this article pursues a twofold objective: to identify the major challenges that the rise of political theologies at the beginning of the twentieth-first century posed to human rights; and second, to select within a broad landscape of theological analysis the types of reflections and practices that might contribute to expand and deepen the canon of human rights politics. In order to achieve this double goal the article uses complexity as its main analytical guideline making distinctions from which significant consequences were drawn: on one side, distinctions among different types of political theologies (pluralist versus revelationist, traditionalist versus progressive); and, on the other, between two contrasting discourses and practices of human rights politics (hegemonic versus counter-hegemonic). Depending on the circumstances, even conventional or hegemonic human rights struggles may be a progressive tool against social practices and norms derived from traditionalist and revelationist theologies. Pluralist and progressive theologies, in turn, may be a source of radical energy toward more ambitious, counter-hegemonic human rights struggles.

This paper is attempting to engage a broader historical discourse by Mugambi in African Christian �theologies� although, plurality of theology seem not to be his interest. In some instances this article tried to challenge some of his thoughts particularly on Black Theology. This might be regarded as notoriety, but it is merely intended to test his. African Theology, Black Theology and the AICs are the initiatives of the African scholarship. Many theologies emerged alongside African Theology, particularly in South Africa which may sometimes seemed to be challenging African Theology itself. Mugambi and some prominent African theologians seem to be somehow deterred by this and want Black Theology to take a back sit in favour of African Theology. Some African scholars are adamant that Black Theology is still relevant in places where racism has left its legacies which affect people badly even in a democratic South Africa. These three trends of theology seemed to be carrying vital weight which none of them its own can provide, therefore to me the issue of coexistence is crucial.

The prevailing particular historical narratives that established the modern rights system greatly affect the participation, tenor, and limits of rights discourse today, too often ignoring or suppressing voices of those suffering or silenced. This essay is a contribution to the subversion of those histories, adverting to inconsistencies, in particular histories of modern rights, the need to amplify the voices of those suffering on the margins of that history, and the dangerous consequences if we fail to do so. By applying Enrique Dussel's political philosophy and Gustavo Gutiérrez's theology of liberation significant contributions can be made toward affirming a fundamental right to protest. The right to protest articulates a right co-foundational with the rights to life, liberty, and property, and this right is well grounded in a Christian account of the dignity of the human person.