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Together with Marsilius of Padua, William of Ockham has been of ten times considered as a thinker whose radicalism, present in its works on Logics, did not
exempt his political writings. The perspective that we have adopted in this
study does not ignore a wider interpretation of his political thinking, in the context
of the dispute related to the Franciscan poverty. Nevertheless, as we have
shown so far, the Franciscan poverty issue cannot be understood without a
brief introduction in the relationship between the canonists and the theologians
of the XIIIth and the XIVth centuries. The method that we have pursued starts with the presentation of the theological and canonical arguments on the issue
of poverty, up to a study focused on some of Ockham's texts such as An princeps,
the Compendium errorum papae Io annis XXII , the Breviloquium de principatu
tyrannico and the Octo quaestiones de potestate papae . Our approach takes into
consideration the fact that Ockham's perspective on the issue of consent must
be placed in the context of the pursuit of ecclesiological truth. As we have asserted
at the beginning of our investigation, one does not find in Ockham a precise
source for the ecclesiological truth. In his perspective, the decretals or even
the Councils of the Church, whose decisions are the expressions of general consent,
do not represent a guarantee for theological truth. The notion of consent,
fundamental for Ockham's political thinking, echoes deeply into the ecclesiological sphere, for example, with reference to the issue of the wows of the Franciscans
and specifically, to the poverty controversy. Because Ockham's texts
have mainly a theological significance, as Arthur P. Monahan justly noticed,
the theme of consent is designated most of ten by the expression of causa fidei
which involves the entire Christian community, and specifically those who
wish to imitate Christ most perfectly.

Islamisches Recht von der Theologie nicht zu trennen. Richter an strenge Regeln bei der Beweisaufnahme gebunden. Islamische Ethik und ihr Einfluß auf das Recht. Einflüsse durch moderne Entwicklungen. (DÜI-Seu)

Die gegenwärtigen konflikthaften Beziehungen zwischen dem Vatikan und afrikanischen (katholischen) Kirchen werden vor dem Hintergrund des historischen Herrschaftsverhältnisses Europa-Afrika betrachtet. Im bis heute vom Papst erhobenen Führungsanspruch setzen sich ideologisch begründete Denkschemata, welche die christliche "Zivilisierungsmission" im kolonialen Kontext legitimiert haben, unhinterfragt fort. Auf Seiten afrikanischer Christen läßt sich ein langzeitlicher, widersprüchlicher und noch nicht abgeschlossener Emanzipationsprozeß ausmachen: Indem sie überkommene religiöse Vorstellungen und Verhaltensmuster in den katholischen Glauben einlagern, entziehen sie sich den Assimilationsbestrebungen und "erfinden" ein eigenes Christentum. Diese Aneignung universaler religiöser Prinzipien drückt sich, wie der Historiker Mbembe im Interview ausführt, in vielerlei Formen aus: Gründung unabhängiger afrikanischer Kirchen, Entwicklung einer afrikanischen Theologie der Befreiung sowie zunehmenden synkretischen Praktiken (Prophetismus, Trance- und Besessenheitsriten, Erscheinungen etc.). (DÜI-Rwd)

Au nom de la loi islamique, les theologiens conservateurs allies au bazaris bloquaient toute reforme en Iran tandis que la population ployait sous le fardeau de la guerre. L'imam Khomeiny lui-meme a voulu mettre fin a cette situation intenable, sans pour autant ceder devant l'ennemi irakien. Les elections legislatives d'avril/mai 1988 consacrent la victoire des radicaux. L'article discute l'interpretation differente du loi islamique en Iran en consideration de la situation economique et sociale et le role de l'Etat. (DÜI-Gbh)

This article explores various conceptualizations of populism and tests their heuristic virtues against a Romanian case, the Legion of the Archangel Michael. First, after reviewing several contemporary theoretical approaches on populism, a term whose ambiguity is constantly deplored, the study tries to clarify its content by examining it in relation with other fundamental notions like democracy, representation, or people. Second, while acknowledging the relative consensus of the historiography as to the fascist nature of the Legionary Movement, the article focuses on the debate around its populist character. The disagreement in interpreting the character of the Movement is arguably due to the variable criteria that define populism, fascism and their relation.

U.a. Beiträge zu: Namibia, Liberia, Libyen, Algerien, Südliches Afrika

Part of Eminescu's political thought still needs to be elucidated. In this paper, I offer to strongly qualify the (received) opposition between his theory of "the natural State" and the concept of "the social contract", which he rejects. While Eminescu does not subscribe to the contract's democratic and liberal premises, the notion of "a social pact" -if not the word itself- is definitely one he resorts to when expounding his theory of the "social compensation". He puts it together by combining the most recent theoretical developments in economy (Malthus…) with philosophical theories taken from the works of Spinoza, Locke, Rousseau, and last but not least, Schopenhauer. A comparative reading of the texts shows that Eminescu borrows whole passages from the German philosopher, whose influence on Eminescu's political philosophy should be strongly reassessed. The metaphysics of "the will to live" provided him with the foundation for his own original version of the social pact which he developed within the evolutionary framework of Junimea, after Maiorescu encouraged him to move in this direction.