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In this master thesis was analysed leadership theories application at non government organisations. In the theory part the notion of leadership, leadership and guiding was more widely analysed. There were five main theories based by relationships reviewed and used as a tool for the research part by analyzing results. Also the importance of relationships in leadership process was reviewed and non government organisations functions and leadership specificity in non government organisations sector was analysed. In the methodology part there were set goals, created models for research and the use of them in the research was backed. In the last part the results of the research were analysed in Vilnius archdiocese Caritas. The survey of workers and their executives was analysed to find out how expressed leadership theories are in non government organisations.

In this master thesis was analysed leadership theories application at non government organisations. In the theory part the notion of leadership, leadership and guiding was more widely analysed. There were five main theories based by relationships reviewed and used as a tool for the research part by analyzing results. Also the importance of relationships in leadership process was reviewed and non government organisations functions and leadership specificity in non government organisations sector was analysed. In the methodology part there were set goals, created models for research and the use of them in the research was backed. In the last part the results of the research were analysed in Vilnius archdiocese Caritas. The survey of workers and their executives was analysed to find out how expressed leadership theories are in non government organisations.

Each individual rational decision-making process decisions are taken on the basis of something. One or another decision process occurs two provisions egoistic and altruistic, which determines not only our choices, but also communities, while at the same time and the public. This creates inherent in individual and political connection. My paper dealt with value orientations exists in every individual and of the individual stock options depends not only on what purpose the individual will, but also means it will work. That is why I have chosen to examine the new era smart egoism theories. The very essence of selfishness is not a negative thing and personal incentives can achieve positive things for man and society. Such differences of our action orientation intersect each of us, in allowing everyday decisions making. Therefore, this theme deals with high school students the concept of selfishness is not only important but urgent. The investigation has found out senior pupils egoism understanding of the concept of causation of behavior, attitudes and securities provisions. The study participants were high school students from 17 to 20 years of age. Younger students were not selected due to the fact that their views may be influenced by adults or passing environment. This was important, because in the same society, living individuals can have completely different concepts. Be aware of other people's attitudes help us not only to individual contacts with other people, but also the common social life.

Each individual rational decision-making process decisions are taken on the basis of something. One or another decision process occurs two provisions egoistic and altruistic, which determines not only our choices, but also communities, while at the same time and the public. This creates inherent in individual and political connection. My paper dealt with value orientations exists in every individual and of the individual stock options depends not only on what purpose the individual will, but also means it will work. That is why I have chosen to examine the new era smart egoism theories. The very essence of selfishness is not a negative thing and personal incentives can achieve positive things for man and society. Such differences of our action orientation intersect each of us, in allowing everyday decisions making. Therefore, this theme deals with high school students the concept of selfishness is not only important but urgent. The investigation has found out senior pupils egoism understanding of the concept of causation of behavior, attitudes and securities provisions. The study participants were high school students from 17 to 20 years of age. Younger students were not selected due to the fact that their views may be influenced by adults or passing environment. This was important, because in the same society, living individuals can have completely different concepts. Be aware of other people's attitudes help us not only to individual contacts with other people, but also the common social life.

The ongoing conflict in Afghanistan poses a great danger to the Afghanistan state itself as well as for the neighboring countries. A decreasing interest from the United States of America, NATO and other key players due to a long war and other geopolitical challenges will leave Afghanistan with the minimum outer support for the future. The science of conflict resolution is offering a variety of theories that could lead endless wars and conflicts to an end. The ongoing conflict in Afghanistan is challenging those theories, while the resolution is crucial for the Afghanistan people right now. But are those theories reflected in the current actions of the US, NATO and Afghanistan governments? And do those theoretical actions lead to a better future regarding conflict resolution?

The ongoing conflict in Afghanistan poses a great danger to the Afghanistan state itself as well as for the neighboring countries. A decreasing interest from the United States of America, NATO and other key players due to a long war and other geopolitical challenges will leave Afghanistan with the minimum outer support for the future. The science of conflict resolution is offering a variety of theories that could lead endless wars and conflicts to an end. The ongoing conflict in Afghanistan is challenging those theories, while the resolution is crucial for the Afghanistan people right now. But are those theories reflected in the current actions of the US, NATO and Afghanistan governments? And do those theoretical actions lead to a better future regarding conflict resolution?

The ongoing conflict in Afghanistan poses a great danger to the Afghanistan state itself as well as for the neighboring countries. A decreasing interest from the United States of America, NATO and other key players due to a long war and other geopolitical challenges will leave Afghanistan with the minimum outer support for the future. The science of conflict resolution is offering a variety of theories that could lead endless wars and conflicts to an end. The ongoing conflict in Afghanistan is challenging those theories, while the resolution is crucial for the Afghanistan people right now. But are those theories reflected in the current actions of the US, NATO and Afghanistan governments? And do those theoretical actions lead to a better future regarding conflict resolution?

The ongoing conflict in Afghanistan poses a great danger to the Afghanistan state itself as well as for the neighboring countries. A decreasing interest from the United States of America, NATO and other key players due to a long war and other geopolitical challenges will leave Afghanistan with the minimum outer support for the future. The science of conflict resolution is offering a variety of theories that could lead endless wars and conflicts to an end. The ongoing conflict in Afghanistan is challenging those theories, while the resolution is crucial for the Afghanistan people right now. But are those theories reflected in the current actions of the US, NATO and Afghanistan governments? And do those theoretical actions lead to a better future regarding conflict resolution?

Public procurement is a relatively new practice of the institutions in public sector associated with the new ideas in public management: to take over the business management principles and adapt them to the public institutions, to save the state money, to efficiently distribute and promote public and private sectors. Institutionalism is described of the 19th-20th centuries, especially when the focus is on the social and economic development of the country, economic problems, appropriate solutions for the public and the private sectors in the search, without distinction between primary and secondary institutions, and analyzing them as a whole in the public procurement process. According to an independent economic institutionalism theory direction, the public procurement process can be understood as a set of institutions with an exceptional inter-relationship between purchasers and suppliers, as well as affecting the economic development of the country. The institute in the procurement process consists of: 1) the formal rules governing public procurement procedures, and informal relations between contracting authorities and suppliers, affecting both their mutual relations and their common agreements and economic development activities, 2) the coercive measures imposed to ensure public procurement procedure norms, sanctions and violence in defiance of state of the Republic of Lithuania procurement legislation. In the public sector, public procurement plays a dominant role in procurement services, law enforcement processes, health, social services, education, defense, transport and the environmental issues sectors, and therefore, to achieve public policy objectives and meet civil society needs in the public sector organizations in the procurement volume is much larger than in the private sector. Institutionalism allows the identification of self-formed purchasers and suppliers to separate the network of economic actors' public and private sectors, groups and organizations. In the relationship between individual behavior and analyses of these theories, new institutional economic theory is born. New institutionalism encourages looking at the practical and effective institutions in the procurement process, analyzing not under the ideal conditions of a theoretical model, and according to the public procurement law with the alternative, which allows to extend the micro-economic analysis. In addition to physical and technical limitations inherent in classical institutionalism theory, new institutionalism identified and further analyzed the institutional structure of the society. The institutional structure formed in economic circumstances reflects the situation in the procurement process, the state authorities of the contracting authority must be interested in a cost-effective and/or efficient purchasing, while suppliers (business organizations) – the maximum profit possible after the procurement. ; Straipsnyje analizuojamos institucinės ekonomikos teorijos ir jų dedamosios viešųjų pirkimų procese. Ypatingas dėmesys skiriamas institucijų ir jų veiklos efektyvumo viešųjų pirkimų procese išgryninimui. Mokslinės literatūros lyginamoji analizė leidžia daryti prielaidą, kad institucinė aplinka yra ekonomikos viešųjų pirkimų proceso organizavimo ir įgyvendinimo augimo pasekmė ar priežastis. Tinkamos institucijos užtikrina nuosavybės teisių apsaugą, žemą korupcijos ir biurokratijos lygį, teisės viršenybės principo įgyvendinimą, formuoja palankią institucinę aplinką ekonomikos augimui ir plėtrai. Efektyvi institucinė struktūra valstybėje sukuria paskatas rinkos dalyviams investuoti į fizinį ir žmogiškąjį kapitalą bei kurti novatoriškus produktus, kurie ilgalaikėje perspektyvoje turi tiesioginį bei teigiamą poveikį šalies ekonomikai.

The article attempts to assess the relevancy of rational choice theories to analyze contemporary foreign policy decision making and implementation. The questions: which philosophical paradigms are supposed by contemporary world order and international system? Does rational choice theories are compatible with dominant approach to international relations? What guidelines and capabilities does rational diplomacy analysis encounter? The precondition states that contemporary international system involves more unipolar than multipolar features and context of realism and provide with the best background for analysis. The article describes the developments of world orders, assesses the organisation of international system, evaluates links between neorealism and rationalism, and attempts to envisage the capabilities of rational choice theories to analyse diplomacy.

The article attempts to assess the relevancy of rational choice theories to analyze contemporary foreign policy decision making and implementation. The questions: which philosophical paradigms are supposed by contemporary world order and international system? Does rational choice theories are compatible with dominant approach to international relations? What guidelines and capabilities does rational diplomacy analysis encounter? The precondition states that contemporary international system involves more unipolar than multipolar features and context of realism and provide with the best background for analysis. The article describes the developments of world orders, assesses the organisation of international system, evaluates links between neorealism and rationalism, and attempts to envisage the capabilities of rational choice theories to analyse diplomacy.

The paper explores the epistemic fruitfulness of the contemporary theories of modern relations for historical research about the relations between premodern polities. The application of the neorealist theory in such research is blocked by its assumption that its subject is international system, consisting of sovereign national states. However, there were no such states (and nations) in medieval Europe and most other places in premodern times. The concept of international society of H. Bull is not applicable to premodern polities because of its assumption that Westphalian peace treaty of 1648 was the date of birth of the international law and international society as historical reality. A. Wendt's thesis that in the premodern times international politics was dominated by the Hobbesian culture of anarchy disregards historical evidence about the "Lockean" realities of the dynastic politics in the medieval Europe and other places. In the first part of the article, the corrections to remove these modernist and europocentric deformations are suggested. They include the replacement of the concepts of "international system" and "international society" by the broader notions of "interpolity system" and that of "interpolity society", and the distinction between "sovereign politikes system/society" and "suzerain (imperial) polity system/society", borrowed (with modifications) from M. Wight. Second part and third parts together constitute a case study about the changing roles and challenges of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL) as the subject of interpolity relations in XIII–XV centuries. The second part is about the rise of GDL from the polity playing the role of the barrier (but not that of buffer) polity, separating Central European and Eastern European interpolity systems and belonging to both of them, to the regional empire and suzerain polity of the Eastern European interpolity system by the early XVth century. However, Lithuanian hegemony in Eastern Europe lasted only very few years. After 1430, the Eastern European interpolity system was about to transform itself from the suzerain polity system into a multipolar sovereign interpolity system of the type that consolidated in the Central and Western Europe after 1648 and survived for 300 years. However, the political leadership of GDL failed to meet the challenge to maintain an emerging multipolar balance of power in this system. According to the unconventional account of the so-called "feudal war" (1431–1453) in the Great Duchy of Moscow by Alexander Zimin, there was real possibility to establish at least two Russian states in the lands ruled by the Muscovite princes. Great Novgorod was viable polity too, bearing promise of the protobourgeois and protodemocratic Russia. Another viable polity was created in Kazan by Tatars who have changed to sedentary life of agriculturalists, and were about to become the power, filling out the geopolitical space that in older times was held by Volga Bulgaria. However, mainly due to the pursuit by Jagiellonian rulers of GDL and Poland of the dynastic politics in the Central Europe, at least three windows of opportunity to preserve this interpolity system from its annihilation by rising Moscow empire were not used. Last of them was the opportunity to re-establish the independence of Great Novgorod in 1480. These failures of the Lithuanian statesmanship sealed the fate of the Eastern European interpolity system: its disappearance in the Moscow empire. So the history of Eastern European interpolity politics in the XIII–XVIII centuries is another case proving the finding of the recent research by Stuart J. Kaufman, William C. Wohlforth, Richard Little, David Kangi, Charles Jones, Victoria Tin-Bor Hui, Arthur Eckstein, Daniel Deudney, Williams Brenner that a long-lasting balance of power in a interpolity system is rather an exception than rule, the rule being the displacement of the multipolar or bipolar balance of power interpolity systems by empires.

The paper explores the epistemic fruitfulness of the contemporary theories of modern relations for historical research about the relations between premodern polities. The application of the neorealist theory in such research is blocked by its assumption that its subject is international system, consisting of sovereign national states. However, there were no such states (and nations) in medieval Europe and most other places in premodern times. The concept of international society of H. Bull is not applicable to premodern polities because of its assumption that Westphalian peace treaty of 1648 was the date of birth of the international law and international society as historical reality. A. Wendt's thesis that in the premodern times international politics was dominated by the Hobbesian culture of anarchy disregards historical evidence about the "Lockean" realities of the dynastic politics in the medieval Europe and other places. In the first part of the article, the corrections to remove these modernist and europocentric deformations are suggested. They include the replacement of the concepts of "international system" and "international society" by the broader notions of "interpolity system" and that of "interpolity society", and the distinction between "sovereign politikes system/society" and "suzerain (imperial) polity system/society", borrowed (with modifications) from M. Wight. Second part and third parts together constitute a case study about the changing roles and challenges of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL) as the subject of interpolity relations in XIII–XV centuries. The second part is about the rise of GDL from the polity playing the role of the barrier (but not that of buffer) polity, separating Central European and Eastern European interpolity systems and belonging to both of them, to the regional empire and suzerain polity of the Eastern European interpolity system by the early XVth century. However, Lithuanian hegemony in Eastern Europe lasted only very few years. After 1430, the Eastern European interpolity system was about to transform itself from the suzerain polity system into a multipolar sovereign interpolity system of the type that consolidated in the Central and Western Europe after 1648 and survived for 300 years. However, the political leadership of GDL failed to meet the challenge to maintain an emerging multipolar balance of power in this system. According to the unconventional account of the so-called "feudal war" (1431–1453) in the Great Duchy of Moscow by Alexander Zimin, there was real possibility to establish at least two Russian states in the lands ruled by the Muscovite princes. Great Novgorod was viable polity too, bearing promise of the protobourgeois and protodemocratic Russia. Another viable polity was created in Kazan by Tatars who have changed to sedentary life of agriculturalists, and were about to become the power, filling out the geopolitical space that in older times was held by Volga Bulgaria. However, mainly due to the pursuit by Jagiellonian rulers of GDL and Poland of the dynastic politics in the Central Europe, at least three windows of opportunity to preserve this interpolity system from its annihilation by rising Moscow empire were not used. Last of them was the opportunity to re-establish the independence of Great Novgorod in 1480. These failures of the Lithuanian statesmanship sealed the fate of the Eastern European interpolity system: its disappearance in the Moscow empire. So the history of Eastern European interpolity politics in the XIII–XVIII centuries is another case proving the finding of the recent research by Stuart J. Kaufman, William C. Wohlforth, Richard Little, David Kangi, Charles Jones, Victoria Tin-Bor Hui, Arthur Eckstein, Daniel Deudney, Williams Brenner that a long-lasting balance of power in a interpolity system is rather an exception than rule, the rule being the displacement of the multipolar or bipolar balance of power interpolity systems by empires.

The paper explores the epistemic fruitfulness of the contemporary theories of modern relations for historical research about the relations between premodern polities. The application of the neorealist theory in such research is blocked by its assumption that its subject is international system, consisting of sovereign national states. However, there were no such states (and nations) in medieval Europe and most other places in premodern times. The concept of international society of H. Bull is not applicable to premodern polities because of its assumption that Westphalian peace treaty of 1648 was the date of birth of the international law and international society as historical reality. A. Wendt's thesis that in the premodern times international politics was dominated by the Hobbesian culture of anarchy disregards historical evidence about the "Lockean" realities of the dynastic politics in the medieval Europe and other places. In the first part of the article, the corrections to remove these modernist and europocentric deformations are suggested. They include the replacement of the concepts of "international system" and "international society" by the broader notions of "interpolity system" and that of "interpolity society", and the distinction between "sovereign politikes system/society" and "suzerain (imperial) polity system/society", borrowed (with modifications) from M. Wight. Second part and third parts together constitute a case study about the changing roles and challenges of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL) as the subject of interpolity relations in XIII–XV centuries. The second part is about the rise of GDL from the polity playing the role of the barrier (but not that of buffer) polity, separating Central European and Eastern European interpolity systems and belonging to both of them, to the regional empire and suzerain polity of the Eastern European interpolity system by the early XVth century. However, Lithuanian hegemony in Eastern Europe lasted only very few years. After 1430, the Eastern European interpolity system was about to transform itself from the suzerain polity system into a multipolar sovereign interpolity system of the type that consolidated in the Central and Western Europe after 1648 and survived for 300 years. However, the political leadership of GDL failed to meet the challenge to maintain an emerging multipolar balance of power in this system. According to the unconventional account of the so-called "feudal war" (1431–1453) in the Great Duchy of Moscow by Alexander Zimin, there was real possibility to establish at least two Russian states in the lands ruled by the Muscovite princes. Great Novgorod was viable polity too, bearing promise of the protobourgeois and protodemocratic Russia. Another viable polity was created in Kazan by Tatars who have changed to sedentary life of agriculturalists, and were about to become the power, filling out the geopolitical space that in older times was held by Volga Bulgaria. However, mainly due to the pursuit by Jagiellonian rulers of GDL and Poland of the dynastic politics in the Central Europe, at least three windows of opportunity to preserve this interpolity system from its annihilation by rising Moscow empire were not used. Last of them was the opportunity to re-establish the independence of Great Novgorod in 1480. These failures of the Lithuanian statesmanship sealed the fate of the Eastern European interpolity system: its disappearance in the Moscow empire. So the history of Eastern European interpolity politics in the XIII–XVIII centuries is another case proving the finding of the recent research by Stuart J. Kaufman, William C. Wohlforth, Richard Little, David Kangi, Charles Jones, Victoria Tin-Bor Hui, Arthur Eckstein, Daniel Deudney, Williams Brenner that a long-lasting balance of power in a interpolity system is rather an exception than rule, the rule being the displacement of the multipolar or bipolar balance of power interpolity systems by empires.