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Abstract. The article analyses the innovative Marxist conceptualisation of
politics proposed by the Slovenian political scientist Adolf Bibič. The latter
built on the contributions of Heglo-Marxists and Gramsci to political theory.
At the core of his theory, he placed the question of the political power–class exploitation relationship. He distinguished political politics from self-managing politics, and problematised the dominant Western understandings of politics as well as the theories of elitism and pluralism. Moving away from such theories and dogmatic Marxist notions about the withering away of politics, he formulated his project of humanising politics beyond class exploitation and capitalist relations of production. This project assumed a necessary transformation of political practice in terms of the dialectical process of the socialisation of politics and the politicisation of society.
Keywords: Adolf Bibič, politics, political science, class relations, economic
exploitation.

Abstract. The article reflects on a key category introduced by Adolf Bibič
in his 1990 theoretical work Civil Society and Political Pluralism; namely,
association pluralism. Bibič introduced this concept into Slovenian political thought to grasp the diverse social and political developments of the 1980s and to open up a new view of political pluralism that moves beyond party pluralism. The author therefore asks whether the notion of associational pluralism still holds sufficient explanatory potential and is worth preserving and developing further, or whether it can be used to deal with a new social and political reality, i.e., political pluralism, which is also strongly marked by multifaceted environmental issues.
Keywords: associational pluralism, political pluralism, party pluralism,
civil society, state.

Abstract. Crisis response planning can never fully prevent a certain amount of improvisation given that, in some cases, it is necessary, if not even desirable. This article analyses the research question on the relationship between crisis planning and improvisation in theory and with respect to the Covid-19 epidemic in Slovenia. Despite existing systemic recommendations, normative and to some extent operational crisis preparedness, our analysis of the country's response reveals improvisation in several key elements: planning, decision-making, coordination and crisis communication. The quite considerable improvisation seen with the epidemic is the outcome of its unexpected dimensions, the absence of a comprehensive crisis management plan, and individual actors' insufficient crisis management competences. It has been reflected in the establishing of specialised ad hoc structures, overnight decisions and their sudden reversals, and often in inconsistent and inappropriate communication with the public. Keywords: preparedness, improvisation, planning, decision-making, coordination, crisis communication, Covid-19 epidemic

Demokracija je sistem, je paradigma, ki se je brez volitev in udeležbe volivcev, že zaradi njene izvorne filozofske in družbene ideje ne da vzpostaviti in uresničiti. Ni je mogoče in tudi smelo se je ne bi vpeljati kot družbeni red kar tako, samo po sebi, kot še eno avtoritarno možnost z dejanjem avtoritarnega posameznika ali ozke skupine. Če je vzpostavljena, pa je v njenem temeljnem izhodišču, ki sloni na doslednem spoštovanju človekovih pravic, svoboščin in pravičnosti, niti ni mogoče v celoti uresničiti. Kot družbenopolitična pojavna oblika se namreč kaže kot sistem posredne ali neposredne vladavine njenega izvornega nosilca. Neposredna prihaja v konflikt z njeno dejansko uporabnostjo za vsa področja moderno strukturirane družbe, posredna se globoko in neizogibno oddaljuje od njenega bistva in smisla. Kljub temu so demokratične volitve še vedno temeljni, družbenosistemski element in pogoj za vzpostavitev demokratične družbe, zato se od tako vzpostavljenega sistema kot celote utemeljeno pričakuje, da bo volivcem in kandidatom v polni meri omogočil uresničiti njihovo ustavno in mednarodnopravno uveljavljeno volilno upravičenje in poslanstvo, druge upravičeno vpletene subjekte pa v skladu z demokratičnimi volilnimi standardi zadolžil za njihovo demokratično izvedbo, kontrolo in nadzor. Ker uresničevanje volilne pravice na volišču kot klasična oblika volitev s prihodom volivcev v »volilno urejen prostor ali stavbo« in oddajo papirnatih glasovnic v volilno skrinjo počasi, a zanesljivo izgublja svojo družbeno in politično funkcijo kot temeljni pogoj za njeno izvrševanje, je temeljna hipoteza predstavljene naloge zastavljala vprašanje, ali je tradicionalno volišče kot prostor in pravna kategorija uresničevanja ustavnega načela ljudske suverenosti in demokratične oblasti (še vedno) ustrezno zakonsko regulirano in ali zaradi novih načinov in tehnologij glasovanja ta njegova vloga postaja ustavno sporna. ; Democracy is a system, a paradigm which, due to its philosophical and social idea, cannot be established and realised without elections and voters' participation. It cannot and should not be introduced as a social system just like that, spontaneously, as another authoritarian option carried out by an authoritarian individual or a select group. However, when it is established, it cannot be fully realised in its fundamental starting point based on a consistent regard for human rights, freedoms and justice. As a socio-political phenomenon it appears as a system of direct or indirect reign of its original holder. It is directly in immediate conflict with its virtual practicability in all spheres of a modern structured society and indirectly it deeply and inevitably deviates from its essence and meaning. Nevertheless, democratic elections are still a fundamental social system element and a condition for the establishment of a democratic society. Therefore it is reasonable to expect from the established system as a whole to enable the voters and candidates to fully realize their constitutional and internationally established electoral entitlement and mission and to make it possible for the other legitimately involved subjects to be charged with their democratic implementation, control and supervision in accordance with democratic electoral standards. Since the exercise of voting rights at the polling station as a classic form of elections with the arrival of voters in an "electoral space or building" and the delivery of paper ballots in the electoral box slowly but doubtless loses its social and political function as a fundamental condition for its implementation, the fundamental hypothesis of the presented task raised the question whether the traditional polling place as a space and the legal category of the implementation of the constitutional principle of the people's sovereignty and democratic authority are (still) suitably legally regulated, or this role is becoming constitutionally controversial due to new methods and technologies of voting.

V magistrski nalogi sem obravnavala problematiko prenove visokošolskih sistemov v evropskem prostoru, ki jo je sprožil bolonjski proces z namenom doseči večjo primerljivost med dotlej zelo različnimi nacionalnimi visokošolskimi sistemi. Bolonjski proces je oznaka za proces vzpostavitve skupnega evropskega visokošolskega prostora, katerega namen je zagotoviti večjo učinkovitost in konkurenčnost evropskih visokošolskih sistemov, pospeševati mobilnost študentov in akademskega osebja ter spodbujati zaposlovanje evropskega prebivalstva. Ker pa dokumenti bolonjskega procesa niso pravno obvezujoči in ne določajo jasnega načina in metod implementacije bolonjske reforme, se je vsaka država prenove svojih visokošolskih sistemov lotila drugače. Posledica tega so velike razlike pri uspešnosti izvedbe reforme, kar Evropo oddaljuje od zastavljenih ciljev. V nalogi sem predstavila tudi potek slovenske implementacije bolonjske reforme in nekaj napak, za katere menim, da so odločilno prispevale k njenemu neuspehu. Eden izmed glavnih razlogov za neuspeh reforme pri nas (in v številnih drugih državah) je tudi finančna izčrpanost visokega šolstva, ki se v Sloveniji v zadnjih letih še zaostruje, saj država vsako leto visokemu šolstvu nameni manj proračunskih sredstev. Nekaj besed sem namenila tudi razmisleku o možnosti uvedbe šolnin, ki se v javnosti občasno predlaga kot ena izmed možnih dopolnitev (nezadostnemu) javnemu financiranju visokega šolstva. ; This master's thesis focuses on the issue of reforming higher education systems in Europe, brought on by the Bologna Process with the intention of achieving a higher level of comparability among previously vastly different national education systems. The Bologna Process is a process of establishing a common European higher education system, the aim of which is to ensure greater efficiency and competitiveness among European higher education systems, encourage the mobility of students and academic staff and promote employment of Europeans. Given, however, that the documents of the Bologna Process are not legally binding and do not determine a clear system and implementation methods of the Bologna reform, each country took a different approach to reforming their higher education systems. The consequences are big differences in success in terms of the implementation of the reform, which diverges Europe from its objective. The thesis presents the course of the Slovene implementation of the Bologna reform and some of the mistakes that have most likely contributed decisively to its failure. One of the main reasons for the reform's failure in Slovenia (and several other countries) is the exhausted financial resources of the higher education system. This is getting progressively worse in Slovenia due to the country cutting budget allocations for the higher education system every year. Some thought is also given to the possibility of implementing tuitions, a solution presented in public as one of the possible supplements to the (insufficient) public funding of the higher education system.

Po načelu samoodločbe imajo ljudstva pravico do suverenosti, ki je razdeljena na notranjo in zunanjo samoodločbo. Notranja samoodločba se kaže v pravici do kulturnega, socialnega in ekonomskega razvoja, medtem ko se zunanja najbolj kaže v pravici do oblikovanja svoje države in do nastopanja v mednarodnopravnem prostoru kot suveren subjekt. Teorijo je v mednarodnih dokumentih po koncu druge svetovne vojne začela razvijati OZN, ki je notranjo samoodločbo priznala vsem ljudstvom, medtem ko je zunanjo omejila na kolonialna ljudstva in pri njihovi definiciji ubrala zelo ozko razlago. Druga polovica 20. stoletja je posledično prinesla nastanek ogromnega števila novih držav, zlasti na afriškem in azijskem kontinentu. Več ali manj se vse centralne vlade soočajo z obstojem skupine ali skupin ljudi, ki imajo drugačne kulturne, jezikovne in socialne značilnosti. Pristop vsake centralne vlade do teh skupin ljudi je različen, vendar je v zadnjih stotih letih možno opaziti, da imajo več posluha za njihove potrebe in priznavanja različnih oblik samoupravljanja. Centralne vlade z njimi sprejemajo mednarodne sporazume, ki se zapišejo v ustavo. Teorija pozna dva različna modela, ki skušata pojasniti sanacijsko pravico do samoodločbe, to je zunajpravne pravice do odcepitve, ki naj bi popravila nepravično stanje. Naloga vzame pod drobnogled sanacijsko pravico do odcepitve avtorja Allena Buchanana. Buchanan namreč priznava pravico ljudstvom, ki so grobo zatirani s strani države, odcepitev pa bi predstavljala sanacijo. Katalonija je že več stoletij del Kraljevine Španije. Po španski ustavi ima status avtonomne regije, na podlagi katere ima določene specifične pravice. Kataloncem je po mednarodnem pravu skoraj nemogoče priznati pravico do zunanje samoodločbe, čemur tudi ni naklonjena španska ustava. Nemiri v zadnjem desetletju nakazujejo, da v Španiji nekaj ni v redu, zato je treba morebitno rešitev poiskati v teorijah, kot je sanacijska pravica do samoodločbe. ; According to the principle of self-determination, peoples have the right to sovereignty, which is divided into internal and external self-determination. Internal self-determination is manifested in the right to cultural, social and economic development, while external self- determination is most evident in the right to form one's country and to act as a sovereign entity in the international legal space. The theory was developed in international documents after the end of World War II by the UN, which recognized internal self-determination for all peoples while restricting external ones to colonial peoples and defining a very narrow interpretation in their definition. The second half of the 20th century, in turn, brought about the emergence of a huge number of new countries, especially in the African and Asian continents. More or less all central governments are confronted with the existence of a group or groups of people with different cultural, linguistic and social characteristics. The approach of each central government to these groups of people is different, but over the last hundred years, it can be observed that they have more of an ear for their needs and for recognizing different forms of self-government. Central governments sign international agreements with them and adopt them into constitution. Theory knows two different constructs that seek to explain the remedial right to self-determination, that is, the unlawful right to secession, which is to remedy an unjust state. The task under scrutiny takes the remedial right to secede Allen Buchanan. Buchanan recognizes the right of people who are severely oppressed by the state, and secession would mean a remedial action. Catalonia has been part of the Kingdom of Spain for centuries. Under the Spanish Constitution, it has the status of an autonomous region, on the basis of which it has specific rights. It is almost impossible for Catalans to recognize the right to external self-determination under international law, which is not favored by the Spanish Constitution. The unrest of the last decade suggests that something is not right in Spain, so any solution must be sought in theories such as the remedial right to self-determination.