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This essay focuses on Kant's image and interpretation of decadence in his philosophy of history. Compared to progress, decadence is an older and wider category, with a very insidious metaphysical background. Just because Kant is by definition the philosopher of progress, the topics related to decadence are for him a valuable tool for identifying and criticizing the purposes of conservatism. On the border between philosophy of history, political philosophy and philosophy of religion, what Kant repeatedly argues is that the issue of the inescapable decay of the world is one of the ways in which conservatives oppose the French revolution. Kant's refutation of this narrative strategy is therefore not an obvious defense of Enlightenment, but a political and moral struggle against paternalistic and despotic power.

RESUMENEl autor se ocupa del análisis crítico de un reciente estudio sobre el marco y dimensiones estéticas de la violencia, y reflexiona en proyección a diversos temas y problemas de filosofía jurídico-penal y juridico-politicaPALABRAS CLAVEESTÉTICA-VIOLENCIA-FILOSOFIA JURIDICO-PENAL-DERECHO Y LITERATURAABSTRACTThe author analyses a recent study about framework and aesthetic dimensions of violence, and thinks in focus of topics and problemas about philosophy of criminal law and political philosophy. KEYWORDSAESTHETICS-VILENCE-LEGAL AND PENAL PHILOSOHPY-LAW AND LITERATURE

Onderzoek naar de interbancaire markt van Pakistan Muhammad Omer onderzocht de ongedekte rentepariteit (UIP) en overtollige liquiditeit in de interbancaire markt van Pakistan.

The aim of this work was to show how the absence of a concept of person in R. Dworkin's philosophy affects his understanding of politics. As a point of reference, R. Spaemann's philosophy was used, as both authors were interested in similar philosophical topics and have a comparable vocabulary, but one of their most striking differences lies in their relationship to the concept of person - in his philosophy Spaemann relies on a developed teleological concept of person, while Dworkin is critical of the concept of person. The work shows that Dworkin 's philosophy is ambiguous in its origins, as it is impossible to answer clearly whether it is based on natural law or analytical tradition. Dworkin does not decide whether he is a normativist, as a result of which his philosophy presupposes that a number of concepts important to our political discourse have a normative ontological beginning, but he never say so directly. This has implications for the integrity of Dworkin's philosophy, as it ultimately results in those concepts still remaining instrumental rather than ontological for Dworkin, which weakens his positions because he usually sets normative goals for his philosophy.

The aim of this work was to show how the absence of a concept of person in R. Dworkin's philosophy affects his understanding of politics. As a point of reference, R. Spaemann's philosophy was used, as both authors were interested in similar philosophical topics and have a comparable vocabulary, but one of their most striking differences lies in their relationship to the concept of person - in his philosophy Spaemann relies on a developed teleological concept of person, while Dworkin is critical of the concept of person. The work shows that Dworkin 's philosophy is ambiguous in its origins, as it is impossible to answer clearly whether it is based on natural law or analytical tradition. Dworkin does not decide whether he is a normativist, as a result of which his philosophy presupposes that a number of concepts important to our political discourse have a normative ontological beginning, but he never say so directly. This has implications for the integrity of Dworkin's philosophy, as it ultimately results in those concepts still remaining instrumental rather than ontological for Dworkin, which weakens his positions because he usually sets normative goals for his philosophy.

The aim of this work was to show how the absence of a concept of person in R. Dworkin's philosophy affects his understanding of politics. As a point of reference, R. Spaemann's philosophy was used, as both authors were interested in similar philosophical topics and have a comparable vocabulary, but one of their most striking differences lies in their relationship to the concept of person - in his philosophy Spaemann relies on a developed teleological concept of person, while Dworkin is critical of the concept of person. The work shows that Dworkin 's philosophy is ambiguous in its origins, as it is impossible to answer clearly whether it is based on natural law or analytical tradition. Dworkin does not decide whether he is a normativist, as a result of which his philosophy presupposes that a number of concepts important to our political discourse have a normative ontological beginning, but he never say so directly. This has implications for the integrity of Dworkin's philosophy, as it ultimately results in those concepts still remaining instrumental rather than ontological for Dworkin, which weakens his positions because he usually sets normative goals for his philosophy.

The aim of this work was to show how the absence of a concept of person in R. Dworkin's philosophy affects his understanding of politics. As a point of reference, R. Spaemann's philosophy was used, as both authors were interested in similar philosophical topics and have a comparable vocabulary, but one of their most striking differences lies in their relationship to the concept of person - in his philosophy Spaemann relies on a developed teleological concept of person, while Dworkin is critical of the concept of person. The work shows that Dworkin 's philosophy is ambiguous in its origins, as it is impossible to answer clearly whether it is based on natural law or analytical tradition. Dworkin does not decide whether he is a normativist, as a result of which his philosophy presupposes that a number of concepts important to our political discourse have a normative ontological beginning, but he never say so directly. This has implications for the integrity of Dworkin's philosophy, as it ultimately results in those concepts still remaining instrumental rather than ontological for Dworkin, which weakens his positions because he usually sets normative goals for his philosophy.

In this paper we shall approach to the following topics: philosophy for children and inclusive education. The main thesis we argue are: (i) It is necessary for our educational system to increase the learning of philosophy and (ii) Teaching philosophy to children could have a positive effect in the programme of inclusive education that Panamanian society is carrying out. ; En este trabajo abordaremos dos temas: la filosofía para niños y la educación inclusiva. Las ideas que defenderemos son básicamente las siguientes: (i) es necesario extender la enseñanza de la filosofía, (ii) la implementación de la enseñanza de la filosofía a los niños podría tener un impacto positivo en el programa de educación inclusiva que promueve la sociedad panameña.

Resumen: En las últimas décadas la ciudadanía se ha convertido en uno de los grandes temas de la filosofía de derecho, la sociología, las ciencias políticas y generalmente del interés público. En una nueva era de migraciones mundializadas y en tiempos de crisis econó- mico mundial, acentuado en países como España, se levantan las voces que piden un cierre de las fronteras para proteger las sociedades occidentales. Las migraciones no solamente parecen representar una amenaza para el estado de bienestar y la cohesión social, sino también para la identidad nacional, la cultura y forma de vida de las sociedades occidentales. En este contexto el autor de este artículo se plantea varias preguntas: ¿Existe una tendencia en la política europea hacia una nueva asimilación cultural? ¿Cuál es el poder homogeneizador que tiene el Estado-nación en un sentido cultural? ¿Cuál es el papel que tiene la ciudadanía en estos procesos? A base de un análisis de un estudio sobre los procesos de aculturación de dos colectivos de inmigrantes, realizado por un grupo de investigación de la Universidad de Almería, el autor intenta encontrar respuestas a estas preguntas. Abstract: Over the last decades citizenship has become one of the most important topics of philosophy of law, sociology, political science and the public interest in general. In times of globalized migrations and world-wide economic crises, most notably in countries like Spain, more and more people demand a closing of the borders to protect western societies. Migration not only seems to represent a threat for the welfare state and social cohesion, but also for the national identity, the culture and way of life of the western societies. In this context the author considers a number of questions. Does there exist a tendency towards a new cultural assimilation in Europe? What kind of power does the nation-state have in the context of cultural homogenization? What´s the role played by citizenship during this process? On the basis of an investigation about the acculturation process of two immigrant groups, realized by a research group of the University of Almeria, the author tries to answer these questions.

This paper offer a reflection about some problematic topics like forgiveness, happiness, the role of the philosophy and humanities in the education field, as well as the philosophy impact on the analysis and critic of the social and political conditions that humanity needs for practice the citizenship. ; Las siguientes páginas presentan una reflexión en torno a cuestionescomo el perdón, la felicidad, el papel de la Filosofía y las humanidades en laeducación, así como el rol de la Filosofía en el análisis y cuestionamiento de lascondiciones socio-políticas en las que se debe ejercer la ciudadanía actualmente.

In this paper I reply to the objections raised against my book in this symposium. I also get back on some issue outlined in that book. For instance, Philosophical method, Structure of experience, symbolic uneasiness, Good and Right, politics and pratical philosophy, question of existential meaning. I give some explanation about these topics and I develop their implications.

Friedrich Engels was one of the most important German thinkers of the 19th century and his writings are still important today. Addressing the pressing issues of his time, the broadly interested scholar Engels would write about many different topics, and thereby not only pave the way for a science-based socialism, but also for further studies in sociology, history, and philosophy.

In contrast to several other European countries, a formal philosophy course is at present absent from the curriculum of Flemish SecondarySchools (FSS) in Belgium. In this article, we offer a pleafor the necessary inclusion of philosophy as an independent mandatory subject in the FSS curriculum. Our line of argument takes into accountthree basic parameters: alternative conceptions of (i) teaching and (ii) philosophy,and competing (iii) educational aims of teaching philosophy. We substantiate our preference for a cultural-humanistic approach to teaching, a view of philosophyas an autonomous discipline with its own topics, texts and history,and aninitiation in the philosophical tradition of Western civilisation as the primary aimof teaching philosophy.Against the backdrop of this ideal argumentation,we evaluate in the context of Flanders' contemporary educational reality the informal presence of philosophical practices in, for example, technical schooling,religious educationand other non-philosophical instruction, education for democratic citizenship, and philosophy for children. In addition,we suggest some possible remedies for the current deplorable situation in the hope that the Flemish government- and in its wake the community and catholic educational networks - will int he not too distant future officially legislate for the formal inclusion of philosophy as a separate compulsory course in the FSS curriculum.

For too long, analytic philosophy discounted insights from the Chinese philosophical tradition. In the last decade or so, however, philosophers have begun to bring the insights of Chinese thought to bear on current philosophical issues. This volume brings together leading scholars from East and West who are working at the intersection of traditional Chinese philosophy and mainstream analytic philosophy. They draw on the work of Chinese philosophers ranging from early Daoists and Confucians to twentieth-century Chinese thinkers, offering new perspectives on issues in moral psychology, political philosophy and ethics, and metaphysics and epistemology. Taken together, these essays show that serious engagement with Chinese philosophy can not only enrich modern philosophical discussion but also shift the debate in a meaningful way.Each essay challenges a current position in the philosophical literature—including views expressed by John Rawls, Peter Singer, Nel Noddings, W. V. Quine, and Harry Frankfurt. The contributors discuss topics that include compassion as a developmental virtue, empathy, human worth and democracy, ethical self-restriction, epistemological naturalism, ideas of oneness, know-how, and action without agency.

This workshop1 aims to provide insight in and research collaboratively with the participants how Hannah Arendt's philosophy can contribute to the discussion about `Participatory Design and Democracy'. The Workshop addresses and discusses how Arendt's understanding of democracy in her book The Human Condition [1] can support design research in questioning if and how far PD is currently regenerating the democratic discourse in local and international contexts. The workshop is framed in the context of the DESIS Philosophy Talks [2], an initiative of DESIS Network [3] _in collaboration with the Design and Democracy Platform [4]. These talks address practical issues and topics that emerge from action-based design research by using the lenses of philosophy, and exploring how the result of these discussions can add meaningful value to design research as such.Full text at ACM