Statens bemanning: Europeiske maskulinitetsidealer og det nye Norge
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 72, Heft 3, S. 388-404
ISSN: 0020-577X
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In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 72, Heft 3, S. 388-404
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 69, Heft 4, S. 677-686
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Ad Novas. Norwegian geographical studies 17
In: Skrifter fra Norsk lokalhistorisk institutt nr. 10
In: Nordisk lokalhistorie
In: Seminarrapport 3
In: Ad Novas. Norwegian geographical Studies 15
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 73, Heft 1, S. 102-110
ISSN: 0020-577X
I'm standing outside a store in Meymaneh. It is May 2011. A few weeks before, the Norwegian UN employee Siri Skaare and several of her colleagues were brutally murdered when a mob attacked the UN camp in the neighboring city of Mazar-i-Sharif. Therefore, almost all foreigners left Maymaneh. There is a heavy atmosphere in the city. But we are considering the security situation to mean that it is safe to move around the town and are therefore out shopping. Along with some of my female colleagues, duly wrapped into large shawl covering all hair, we visited one carpet shop. But after 40 minutes of intense shopping, I take a break from all the bargaining and go out to look at life. A little boy standing outside. He is traditionally dressed, has a working scars shreds in your hands, around 12-14 years and smiles broadly at me. I smile back, and gets a little surprised when he says: 'How are you?' In good English. We are standing and chat. A piece out of the conversation he said: 'I feel so sorry for you, sir.' Hmm - I think. Seems this poor lad in one of the toughest countries sorry for me? 'Why?' I ask. 'Because you are going to hell.' What? - I'll go to hell? 'Why?' I ask again. 'Because you cannot control your women.' My surprise is great, and it gets bigger. During the conversation it emerges that this young boy seems genuinely sorry for me because my female colleagues, which he describes as my women, cannot be controlled because they are not wearing the traditional burqa. It is my responsibility to check them and make sure they are morally properly dressed, and since I cannot fix it, it's me Allah will judge the torments of hell, he argues. I cannot refrain from attempting to persuade the boy that there is an alternative thinking about women and their ability to make independent choices. But I fail - and we part as enemies. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 4, S. 90-96
ISSN: 0020-577X
Many changes, both internally & externally, have been felt during the 20 yrs that a Democratic majority governed the US. Since Eisenhower's election in 1952 & re-election in 1956, it would be interesting to know to what extent the Republican majority can be considered to be stable. In 1956, the Democrats won the elections, the presidential party having failed, for the 1st time since 1848, to carry a majority to Congress in a Presidential election yr. PO polls show that there are 3 Democrats for every 2 Republicans. Stevenson was defeated because the Republicans were better organized than the Democrats, many of whom voted for Eisenhower or did not vote at all. Finally, the Republicans control almost all of the press & the media of propaganda & information, & the SS of Republicanism is more a matter of prestige than one of soc pressure. The Wc, while still almost exclusively Democratic in 1948, is becoming more & more Republican, while the moderates are gradually drifting from the Democratic party. Cath's, Ru voters, & individuals living in small towns are tending toward Republicanism, while the younger age groups of the New Deal generation are remaining faithful to the Democratic Party. The qualities of the candidates in 1952 & 1956 certainly played a role in the division of the votes, but if the prestige of the General was a factor, Stevenson also had traits in his favor. Domestic issues, especially the Negro question, had their influence, but foreign affairs is the area in which the diff's in the parties is most apparent. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.