Suchergebnisse

In this chapter of Life after Reform: When Bipartisan Campaign Reform Meets Politics, the authors argue that Malbin et al's "hydraulic" theory of money in political systems is exclusive of changes brought about by events such as the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA) impacts on the tactics & structural forms of interest groups & advocacy organizations. Working from pre BCRA data as a baseline, & emphasizing the distinction between "pulled" money & "pushed money," the authors develop a conceptual framework that contextualizes the determinants of an organization's electoral behavior. Findings from an analytical comparison of pre BCRA & post BCRA hard & soft money contributions & media centered electioneering show changes in individual contributor behavior, & a move toward direct voter contact. To conclude, the authors reassessment of the data by type of organization finds the largest impact of BCRA in corporations & trade associations. 1 Table, 1 Figure. J. Harwell

The question of whether contact between the Kyoto Protocol's clean development mechanism (CDM) & the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) will promote sustainable development on a global level is contemplated. Overviews of the CDM & the MAI are presented. Although the MAI is viewed as supporting the Kyoto Protocol's call of redirecting capital flows to developing nations, it is stated that conflict between the two international agreements is possible. Several such areas of conflict are identified, the MAI maintains jurisdiction over a CDM & has regulations against performance requirements found in the Kyoto Protocol. Additional attention is dedicated to examining how MAI statutes would problematize investment from both CDM & non-CDM parties. Suggestions for resolving such potential disputes are offered. Regardless of whether the MAI is ever adopted, it is concluded that this multilateral agreement has raised several issues that the international climate-control regime must address. 2 Tables. J. W. Parker

The author goes beyond the transformation debate as far as it is related to the socio-political system turn in post-communist and post-apartheid countries and the accompanying thorough modernisation of subsystems like education. With reference to Alvin Toffler and Peter F. Drucker, he puts this (limited) transformation into the broader framework of major historical transformations since the Renaissance as well as of the contemporary comprehensive transformation process, labelled as a globalising, post-capitalist, post-materialistic or late-modern process. Basic features of the current neo-liberalist transformation are, as the author sees it, indirect (market-) control, liberalisation, deregulation and participation. In this contribution, he studies the general Agreement on Trade and services (GATS [1994], extending the general Agreement on Tariffs and Trade [GATT]) in the context of the existing nationally controlled education systems. GATS bans any discrimination against foreign suppliers of services including education. The article differentiates between the positive and negative effects of liberalisation, the breaking of monopolies, overprotection and over-regulation on the one hand and unrestricted marketising and economising by which political and economic power structures use their hegemonic position on the other hand. (DIPF/Orig.).

This chapter aims to summarise and analyse the project that involves the work of a group of experts whose ambition it is to help those who make the political decisions, the media and interested readers to understand the requirements of the EU and the situation in Croatia, to draw concrete conclusions and make recommendations for essential measures. Part one raises the question of whether the EU is fiction or reality, part two puts Croatia in the context of the EU, while the third part concentrates on macroeconomics, banking and finances, taxes, government aid, trade policy, power, agriculture, employment and unemployment, the legal system, the non-governmental sector and equality between men and women. Part four analyses key questions of
Croatia's accession to the EU – regulation within the EU itself, the normative and real harmonisation of Croatia and the EU, Croatian advantages and its points of vulnerability, and a comparison of Croatia with member countries and candidate countries. The chapter also offers a
number of recommendations for individual areas, while particular stress is placed upon recommendations that relate to the importance of the public administration and the independent agencies, the question of whether it is better to make adjustments at once or only when they are
essential, and the attitude to regional initiatives. The message of the paper is that most of the criteria of Maastricht, Copenhagen and the Stabilisation and Association Agreement are posed in such a way that they can only be of benefit to the country. Our goal ought to be to live in a society that meets as many of these criteria as possible, and whether Croatia will, in so doing, be a member of the EU or of some other association, or an association with some other name that will be relevant at the time Croatia has achieved all this is less important. The EU may help Croatia in its economic and social development, but only the citizens of Croatia can achieve economic development, institutions that are more efficient, and a society that is going to respect the laws and the rights of individuals.