The economic processes experienced by European Union member states are clearly simultaneous in that the relative increase in the GDP of Northern Europe coincides with the dissolving structures in the South, manifested both in economic collapse and social discontent. Unemployment and all kinds of adverse phenomena that are related to it provide a foundation for dangerous conflicts, capable of disorganizing and devastating any society. Such conflicts are frequently augmented by structural and institutional crises, in particular in the areas devoid of innovative stimuli where production capacity is underused and alternatives absent. Apart from the negative economic development that has affected all countries to some extent, it is equally important to address the area of social relations comprising labor market and challenges related to the new form of social system where all the parties to the dispute are obliged to coexist. ; Procesy zachodzące w gospodarce państw tworzących Unię Europejską cechuje wyraźna symultaniczność, względny progres PKB odnotowywany w Europie Północnej kontrastuje z dysolucją struktur na Południu, postrzeganym zarówno poprzez pryzmat załamania gospodarki, jak i implozję niezadowolenia społecznego. Bezrobocie i towarzyszące temu zjawisku negatywne aspekty tworzą niebezpieczną bazę konfliktów, dezorganizujących i wyniszczających każde społeczeństwo. Wydarzenia te niejednokrotnie pogłębia kryzys strukturalny i instytucjonalny, szczególnie mocno identyfikowany z obszarami pozbawionymi bodźców innowacyjności, oparty na niewykorzystaniu mocy wytwórczych i braku alternatyw. Obok inwersji rozwoju gospodarczego, w mniejszym lub większym stopniu dotykającym wszystkie kraje, nie mniej ważną jest płaszczyzna relacji społecznych, która w swoim zasięgu obejmuje zagadnienia dotyczące rynku pracy i wyzwań dotyczących budowy nowego kształtu ustroju społecznego, obligując wszystkie podmioty sporu do koabitacji.
Procesy zachodzące w gospodarce państw tworzących Unię Europejską cechuje wyraźna symultaniczność, względny progres PKB odnotowywany w Europie Północnej kontrastuje z dysolucją struktur na Południu, postrzeganym zarówno poprzez pryzmat załamania gospodarki, jak i implozję niezadowolenia społecznego. Bezrobocie i towarzyszące temu zjawisku negatywne aspekty tworzą niebezpieczną bazę konfliktów, dezorganizujących i wyniszczających każde społeczeństwo. Wydarzenia te niejednokrotnie pogłębia kryzys strukturalny i instytucjonalny, szczególnie mocno identyfikowany z obszarami pozbawionymi bodźców innowacyjności, oparty na niewykorzystaniu mocy wytwórczych i braku alternatyw. Obok inwersji rozwoju gospodarczego, w mniejszym lub większym stopniu dotykającym wszystkie kraje, nie mniej ważną jest płaszczyzna relacji społecznych, która w swoim zasięgu obejmuje zagadnienia dotyczące rynku pracy i wyzwań dotyczących budowy nowego kształtu ustroju społecznego, obligując wszystkie podmioty sporu do koabitacji. ; The economic processes experienced by European Union member states are clearly simultaneous in that the relative increase in the GDP of Northern Europe coincides with the dissolving structures in the South, manifested both in economic collapse and social discontent. Unemployment and all kinds of adverse phenomena that are related to it provide a foundation for dangerous conflicts, capable of disorganizing and devastating any society. Such conflicts are frequently augmented by structural and institutional crises, in particular in the areas devoid of innovative stimuli where production capacity is underused and alternatives absent. Apart from the negative economic development that has affected all countries to some extent, it is equally important to address the area of social relations comprising labor market and challenges related to the new form of social system where all the parties to the dispute are obliged to coexist.
The aim of the article is topresent Poland's position ininternational trade and the importance of the solutions applied inthe common EU trade policy inincreasing the role of Polish trade ininternational commercial exchange. The article discusses the factors determining the turnover of Poland's international trade: achange inthe global economy, growing protectionism of some countries, competitiveness of the Polish economy, an increase inthe number of new free trade agreements concluded by the European Union, and thus by Poland, as one of the Member States. The article presents the findings of qualitative and quantitative analyses. The future of Polish trade will be conditioned by the pursuit of liberalization of the European Union's foreign trade, the exit of the United Kingdom from the EU structures, individual labour inputs and the competitiveness of Polish foreign trade. ; Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie pozycji Polski whandlu międzynarodowym iznaczenia rozwiązań we wspólnej polityki handlowej UE wzwiększeniu roli Polski wwymianie handlowej. Wartykule omówiono czynniki określające obroty handlu międzynarodowego Polski: zmianę koniunktury wgospodarce światowej, rosnący protekcjonizm niektórych państw, konkurencyjność gospodarki Polski, zwiększenie liczby nowych umów owolnym handlu zawartych przez Unię Europejską, atym samym przez Polskę. Wpracy zastosowano metodę jakościową iilościową. Przyszłość wymiany handlowej Polski będą warunkować dążenia do liberalizacji handlu zagranicznego Unii Europejskiej, wyjście Wielkiej Brytanii zUE, jednostkowe nakłady pracy oraz konkurencyjność polskiego handlu zagranicznego.
This paper examines the participation of the Polish Artists' Union in the complex transformation of communist Poland in 1980–1981. It is one of the most mythologized phenomena in Polish art history. The main approach to this period assumes that before the of "Solidarity" movement uprising, the Polish Artists' Union was totally dependent on the communist authorities. Then, after August 1980, the Union was to become idealistic, anti-communist organization. The following paper recognizes this kind of historiographical narrative as an example of the 'totalitarian model'. It is a model based on a simple, binary vision of the communist system as a field of permanent struggle between "innocent" society and "oppressive", omnipotent authorities. The analysis presented here uses the perspective of social history (Sheila Fitzpatrick et al.). From this perspective, communism is viewed as a complex tangle of active, causative social actors (groups and individuals), who could be politically engaged, but may not be. One of those actors was the Polish Artists' Union. Based on various kinds of sources, I show how the Union tried to take the optimal political position after August 1980. To examine this issue I use two types of political mentality, which dominated in those days in the Party, in "Solidarity", and also in the Union. One is termed "fundamental", and treats politics in terms of morality, dignity, and so on. The other is called "pragmatic", and is focused on institutional games, while also allowing compromises or concessions. To track the dynamics of how the Union functioned from August 1980 until martial law was declared (in December 1981), I introduce a division into three phases of the Solidarity revolution: September-December 1980, January-July 1981, and September-December 1981. An analysis of the Union's documents, art magazines, and Party's documents (both official and internal), shows that after the first phase, the Polish Artists' Union was ready to join the new configuration of power, based on Solidarity and the Polish United Workers' Party agreement. According to David Ost's theory, I define this project as a "neo-corporatist" model of the state socialism in the art system. ; This paper examines the participation of the Polish Artists' Union in the complex transformation of communist Poland in 1980–1981. It is one of the most mythologized phenomena in Polish art history. The main approach to this period assumes that before the of "Solidarity" movement uprising, the Polish Artists' Union was totally dependent on the communist authorities. Then, after August 1980, the Union was to become idealistic, anti-communist organization. The following paper recognizes this kind of historiographical narrative as an example of the 'totalitarian model'. It is a model based on a simple, binary vision of the communist system as a field of permanent struggle between "innocent" society and "oppressive", omnipotent authorities. The analysis presented here uses the perspective of social history (Sheila Fitzpatrick et al.). From this perspective, communism is viewed as a complex tangle of active, causative social actors (groups and individuals), who could be politically engaged, but may not be. One of those actors was the Polish Artists' Union. Based on various kinds of sources, I show how the Union tried to take the optimal political position after August 1980. To examine this issue I use two types of political mentality, which dominated in those days in the Party, in "Solidarity", and also in the Union. One is termed "fundamental", and treats politics in terms of morality, dignity, and so on. The other is called "pragmatic", and is focused on institutional games, while also allowing compromises or concessions. To track the dynamics of how the Union functioned from August 1980 until martial law was declared (in December 1981), I introduce a division into three phases of the Solidarity revolution: September-December 1980, January-July 1981, and September-December 1981. An analysis of the Union's documents, art magazines, and Party's documents (both official and internal), shows that after the first phase, the Polish Artists' Union was ready to join the new configuration of power, based on Solidarity and the Polish United Workers' Party agreement. According to David Ost's theory, I define this project as a "neo-corporatist" model of the state socialism in the art system.
Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; The aim of the paper is to present signifi cance of Germany in Polish trade in goods and services as well as investment cooperation during the Poland's membership in the European Union. The role of Germany was compared to other EU-15 countries. The research was carried out using both the traditional foreign trade statistics (in gross terms) downloaded from WITS-Comtrade database and trade statistics in value added terms calculated based on World Input-Output Database (WIOD). The foreign direct investment data came from the National Bank of Poland. The research results show that since 1990s Germany has been the main trade and investment partner of Poland. It's accession to the European Union has accelerated the Polish-German economic cooperation. One of the most important factors infl uencing this cooperation was participation of Poland and Germany in global value chains.
Celem głównym artykułu jest przedstawienie istotnej kwestii stanowiska Unii Europejskiej wobec bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego. W UE ochrona zdrowia ludzkiego, zdrowia zwierząt i roślin na każdym etapie procesu produkcji żywnościowej ma priorytetowe znaczenie. Problem ten jest ściśle związany z nadmierną niestabilnością cen surowców, w tym także artykułów żywnościowych, co wpływa zarówno na producentów, jak i na konsumentów i wywołuje poważne skutki dla bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego. Warto podkreślić, że w okresie charakteryzującym się nagłymi zmianami cen żywności, takim jak lata 2007–2008, nastąpiło pogorszenie sytuacji żywnościowej w wielu ubogich krajach rozwijających się. Przewidywano, że wzrost cen żywności z 2010 r. może doprowadzić do dalszego rozszerzenia się zjawiska niedożywienia, zapotrzebowania na pomoc humanitarną oraz dalszej intensyfikacji napięć i niepokojów społecznych wśród słabszych konsumentów na świecie. Ważną rolę w zmianie tej sytuacji może odegrać Światowa Organizacja Handlu (WTO) oraz Unia Europejska. Kwestie bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego także dla Unii Europejskiej są równocześnie niezwykle ważne i aktualne zarówno z punktu widzenia teoretycznego, jak i praktycznego. ; The main objective of this paper is to present the attitude of the European Union to the issue of food security. Price volatility in the global market has a significant impact on the economic security of the participants. This particulary applies to commodity price volatility. Excessive volatility in commodity price effects both producers and consumers has a serious implication for food security. In the context of globalisation in a period characterized by sudden changes in food prices, such as for 2007–2008, the food situation in many poor developing countries worsend. It was expected that the increase in food prices in 2010 may lead to the further spread of the phenomenon of malnutrition and further intensification of tensions and unrest among the weaker consumers in the world. An important role in changing this situation can be played by the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and European Union. Food security issues also for the European Union are very important and actual both from theoretical and practical point of view.
This article examines the role of trust in decision-making processes, which involves major interest groups, representing the world of work and business. This process is often referred to as the concept of social dialogue, which is generally defined as all forms of negotiation and consultation between the trade unions and employers and the state. In this formula, dialogue can be regarded as a mechanism of public policy making. The first part of the article is a short presentation of links between social dialogue and public policies. The second part addresses the issue of trust, which is a prerequisite for high quality and effective social dialogue. The quality and effectiveness of dialogue are correlated with the price, which participants have to pay for taking part in the dialogue and its outcomes. This is an issue of transaction costs, which are determined by "trust capital". The third part examines contribution of trust to the cost effect of social dialogue. The study concludes with a presentation of the research, conducted among trade unionists and employers who have, inter alia, assessed the role of trust in dialogue.
The main objective of this paper is to present the attitude of the European Union to the issue of food security. Price volatility in the global market has a significant impact on the economic security of the participants. This particulary applies to commodity price volatility. Excessive volatility in commodity price effects both producers and consumers has a serious implication for food security. In the context of globalisation in a period characterized by sudden changes in food prices, such as for 2007–2008, the food situation in many poor developing countries worsend. It was expected that the increase in food prices in 2010 may lead to the further spread of the phenomenon of malnutrition and further intensification of tensions and unrest among the weaker consumers in the world. An important role in changing this situation can be played by the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and European Union. Food security issues also for the European Union are very important and actual both from theoretical and practical point of view. ; Celem głównym artykułu jest przedstawienie istotnej kwestii stanowiska Unii Europejskiej wobec bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego. W UE ochrona zdrowia ludzkiego, zdrowia zwierząt i roślin na każdym etapie procesu produkcji żywnościowej ma priorytetowe znaczenie. Problem ten jest ściśle związany z nadmierną niestabilnością cen surowców, w tym także artykułów żywnościowych, co wpływa zarówno na producentów, jak i na konsumentów i wywołuje poważne skutki dla bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego. Warto podkreślić, że w okresie charakteryzującym się nagłymi zmianami cen żywności, takim jak lata 2007–2008, nastąpiło pogorszenie sytuacji żywnościowej w wielu ubogich krajach rozwijających się. Przewidywano, że wzrost cen żywności z 2010 r. może doprowadzić do dalszego rozszerzenia się zjawiska niedożywienia, zapotrzebowania na pomoc humanitarną oraz dalszej intensyfikacji napięć i niepokojów społecznych wśród słabszych konsumentów na świecie. Ważną rolę w zmianie tej sytuacji może odegrać Światowa Organizacja Handlu (WTO) oraz Unia Europejska. Kwestie bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego także dla Unii Europejskiej są równocześnie niezwykle ważne i aktualne zarówno z punktu widzenia teoretycznego, jak i praktycznego.
European Union and Indian Union signed the cooperation agreement in 1994 and a strategic partnership 10 years later. Europe was feeling safe and secure, which was well-described in 2003 in the European Security Strategy, so the approach to the relations with India stressed their economic aspects. In 2007, both sides have started negotiations of the Free Trade Agreement. They still have not concluded but in the meantime the world has changed dramatically. In the current international "disorder" both India and Europe are looking for new partners and vectors of influence, defending multilateralism and democratic values. The paper analyses 5 factors which severely influence these relations. They can bring both sides closer and make the strategic partnership stronger: Rise of China as a global power; Increase of American-Chinese competition and rivalry; Russia's coming back to the international game of power; Rise of India as a regional power and global player, the world largest democracy and a counterbalance to China; Brexit and internal dynamics in the EU. The text is based, among others, on research and discussions taken under umbrella of the India-EU Think Tank Twinning Initiative - the project implemented by 10 best European and Indian think tanks.
Genetic modifications of organisms arouse a lot of controversy. Some people consider them to be beneficial for the future of the world, others, on the contrary, see them as a series of threats. For this reason, the function of the State is important, through creating specific regulations, controls the flow of GMO products on its territory. There are doubts, whether the regulations sufficiently protect the domestic market against uncontrolled flow of genetically modified products. Also the question remains if the scope of norms is sufficient, and the use of GMOs is appropriate for the safety of the environment.
The aim of this publication is to outline changes that have been observed in Poland and to present the place of the Polish industry, including production, services and international trade, since the accession to the European Union. Rating highly the role of industry and proper conducting of a pro-growth policy in Poland and the European Union, one part of the study concerns the analysis of basic indicators of the Polish industry structure and the final part the realization of the Europe 2020 strategy. The analytical description in the publication was enriched with a wide set of tables, as well as a crosssectional collection of information on industry in Poland and on the European Union member states in rank order. The high dynamics observed in Poland resulted, among others, from an over double growth in the production of electrical equipment, computers, electronic and optical products as well as of metal products. The Strategy Europe 2020 is a socio-economic development programme for Poland and the EU growth. The goal of the Europe 2020 strategy is to create the economy - based on knowledge, low-emission policies promoting environmentally friendly technologies, making an efficient use of resources, and also aiming at social cohesion.
TTIP - the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership is an agreement that carries a number of risks for the economy, the natural environment, consumer rights, labour rights and access to public services in the European Union. The mechanisms included in the agreement, concerning the settlement of disputes between states and foreign investors, pose a number of threats to democracy as well. The benefits that are supposed to result from the implementation of the agreement will primarily be reaped by large corporations involved in the transatlantic trade. Mostly the citizens and societies of the EU member states will be under threat from the agreement. The principle of mutual recognition of regulations, which is expected to be practically universally used in accordance with the agreement, will mean in practice lowering safeguards protecting the rights of citizens, workers and consumers in the European Union. The liberalization of trade within the TTIP will be a factor forcing increased competition also in relation to the Polish small and medium-sized enterprises, and as a result, putting also pressure to reduce wages and other costs, including those related to the need of complying with the norms or standards. Thus, there are far more threats than benefits of the agreement.
The European Union's competition policy is one of the most important elements in the functioning of the entire European Community (EC), as its issues oscillate around the shared market. The economic aspect is key to understanding the actions taken around the founding of the European Communities (European Economic Community of 1957). Initially, the EC was predominantly economic in nature, and only after the Maastricht Treaty came into force in 1993 did the European Union reorient itself into a political community. This paper juxtaposes the impact of the European Union's and the United States' economic powers on global economic relations, with a particular explanation of the specifics of how the EU and the US conduct their trade policies, and how this implies mutual trade relations. Then, the European Union's competition policy and its specific features are discussed, which have a decisive impact on the emergence of economic conflicts between the partners from both sides of the Atlantic. An important role is also played here by the issue of ISDS (investor-state dispute settlement) mechanism and differences in the understanding of labor rights in the United States and the European Union. ; Polityka konkurencji Unii Europejskiej stanowi jeden z najważniejszych elementów funkcjonowania całej Wspólnoty Europejskiej (WE), ponieważ jej zagadnienia oscylują wokół wspólnego rynku. Aspekt gospodarczy jest zasadniczy, żeby zrozumieć działania podejmowane wokół założenia Wspólnot Europejskich (Europejska Wspólnota Gospodarcza z 1957 r.). Początkowo WE miała charakter w dominującej części gospodarczy, dopiero po wejściu w życie traktatu z Maastricht w 1993 r. Unia Europejska przeorientowała się na wspólnotę polityczną. W niniejszej pracy zostanie zestawiony wpływ siły gospodarczej Unii Europejskiej i Stanów Zjednoczonych na światowe związki gospodarcze, ze szczególnym wyjaśnieniem specyfiki prowadzenia polityki handlowej przez UE i USA, a także sposobu, w jaki oddziałuje ona na wzajemne relacje handlowe. Następnie omówiona ...
The paper aims to present the global determinants of the increased competitiveness of the European Union in the 21st century. Its detailed purpose was to determine the position of the European Union vis-à-vis the USA and Japan, to indicate the role of innovation and employment in the increased competitiveness of the EU, the position of the Common Agricultural Policy under the circumstances of increased competition, the increased importance of ser- vices, the position of the European Union as compared to the competitiveness of BRIC, and how the EU functions within WTO principles. The analysis of these research issues indicates that the European Union is facing a number of significant challenges in the early 21st century. Those related to the prices of goods and resources are particularly worth pointing out. They are closely, mutually related and concern political issues in the field of financial markets, de- velopment, trade, industry and external relations. ; The paper aims to present the global determinants of the increased competitiveness of the European Union in the 21st century. Its detailed purpose was to determine the position of the European Union vis-à-vis the USA and Japan, to indicate the role of innovation and employment in the increased competitiveness of the EU, the position of the Common Agricultural Policy under the circumstances of increased competition, the increased importance of ser- vices, the position of the European Union as compared to the competitiveness of BRIC, and how the EU functions within WTO principles. The analysis of these research issues indicates that the European Union is facing a number of significant challenges in the early 21st century. Those related to the prices of goods and resources are particularly worth pointing out. They are closely, mutually related and concern political issues in the field of financial markets, de- velopment, trade, industry and external relations.
There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which, after negative experiences, decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war from the life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of 'eternal peace,' which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about, has failed to be fully implemented to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible in international relations in Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the European Union today, ten years after its 2004 enlargement by a further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc. The paper shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which – although significantly strengthened by the Eastern enlargement – still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. The author of this paper tries to come up with answers to many questions concerning the present EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the 21st century. The main thesis is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. If this does not happen, though, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate, or become no more than a free trade zone. ; There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which, after negative experiences, decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war from the life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of 'eternal peace,' which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about, has failed to be fully implemented to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible in international relations in Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the European Union today, ten years after its 2004 enlargement by a further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc. The paper shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which – although significantly strengthened by the Eastern enlargement – still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. The author of this paper tries to come up with answers to many questions concerning the present EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the 21st century. The main thesis is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. If this does not happen, though, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate, or become no more than a free trade zone.
