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This paper analyzes what channels trade unions in Europe use when trying to influence European Union (EU) policies. It compares and contrasts trade unions in different industrial relations regimes with regard to the degree to which they cooperate with different actors to influence EU policies, while also touching on the importance of sector differences and organizational resources. The study is based on survey data collected in 2010–2011 from unions affiliated with the European Trade Union Confederation and from below peak unions in 14 European countries. Results of the survey show that the 'national route' is generally the most important for trade unions in influencing EU policies in the sense that this channel is, on average, used to the highest degree. In addition, the survey delineates some important differences between trade unions in different industrial relations regimes with regard to the balance between the national route and different access points in the 'Brussels route'.

This article deals with the Brazilian labour movement during Workers' Party governments, discussing its organizational reconfiguration and its ability to influence politics. It identifies the main actions and demands put forward by the trade union movement after the arrival of the PT to the Federal Government and the achievements in terms of social and labour rights. It argues that unions' ability to formulate policies contrasts with their limited intervention in the decision making process. It holds also that despite organizational divisions, union federations have presented a common agenda and a certain unity of action. This unity, however, is affected by the heterogeneity of concepts and union practices. Union federations increased their institutional participation and the majority unionism adopted a political moderation perspective, provoking criticism and triggering splits. Political moderation does not mean the absence of struggles and contentions but in this context, the strikes and mobilizations, even increasing, were not sufficient to approval of the union agenda. If the different union strategies and forms of struggle generated tensions and conflicts, especially among the minority and the hegemonic tendencies, at the same time it dynamized the Brazilian labour movement.

The cover of the book extends 'Fraternal Greetings to ICTU in Belfast 1980'. This song book was published by The Workers Party '' to celebrate the victories, to fight the tyrants and to ridicule the vain and pompous'. Songs includes are Sliagh Na Mbán, James Connolly & Guantanamera.

At head of title: Published by the Council of Ruskin College. ; Bibliography: p. 45. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Namibia's public and private sectors have encountered substantial industrial or strike action. This article highlights the agency problem that arises between trade union leaders or bargaining agents and the employees or the workers they represent during collective bargaining. The agency problem is a conflict of interest inherent in any relationship where one party is expected to act in another's best interests. How to ensure that the agent acts solely in the interest of the principal is a challenge. The agency problem can occur in companies, non-governmental organisations, professional institutions, governmental bodies or trade unions. Namibian labour laws provide for freedom of association, which includes the freedom to form and join trade unions, and also entrenches fundamental labour rights and protections, and regulates collective labour relations among others. However, the legal framework is silent as to what happens if union leaders or representatives act in bad faith and sign collective agreements that are not in the best interest of their members. This contribution argues that trade union representatives should be held accountable for failing to deliver on their mandates. Compromised trade union leadership or political intrigue in unionism needs to be addressed to minimise the agency problem in industrial action in future. Labour law practitioners should explore effective strategies to address this conundrum and ensure that the best interests of workers are upheld by trade union leaders. Trade unions must be transformative socio-economic movements to remain relevant and sustainable in Namibia or elsewhere. This can be achieved through law reform and by integrating the principles of the law of agency in labour laws to enforce trade union leadership accountability.

The aim of this survey was to investigate the attitudes of the general adult population on trade unionism. The target population for this survey consisted of all persons aged between 15 and 64 residing in private dwellings in Malta and Gozo, totalling 278,439 persons. A stratified random sampling process was employed for this survey. A total of 4,270 persons were contacted, of whom 1,512 participated, while another 2,262 persons were not eligible to participate. This resulted in a net effective response rate of 75.3%. Data was collected by means of Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing (CATI) in November and December 2014. After examining and correcting inaccuracies, data was analysed through the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS). About a third (33.8%) of all employees are currently trade union members. Another 18.4% were enrolled in a trade union in the past. Male and female employees are similarly likely to be trade union members. However, when considering all respondents (including the unemployed and inactive), women are more likely than men to have never been unionised or to have stopped their trade union membership. Older male employees are much more likely to be trade union members than younger ones, but there is no significant age difference in unionisation among female employees. On the other hand, membership in trade unions, especially among female employees, tends to increase with higher qualifications. Professionals, technicians and craft workers are the most likely occupational categories to be unionised, while armed forces, elementary, agricultural and fishery workers are the least likely. Employees on indefinite, full-time contracts, in the public sector, and in large private organisations are significantly more likely to be unionised than other employees. The most densely unionised economic activities are education (57.7% of the respondents in this sector claim to be unionised), and health and social work activities (54.3%). The main reason given for joining a trade union is to ...

A number of recent events in New Zealand have focused public attention on the role of the trade unions in the political arena and on the relationship between the trade unions and the government.

An earlier version of this paper was published in Bank of Valletta Review, No. 13, 1996, pp. 17-30. Reproduced by kind permission of Bank of Valletta plc. ; A few metres' stretch of road down and around South Street, Valletta may be a more important site for local labour policy formulation than the Malta Council for Economic & Social Development, Parliament or even the Cabinet of Ministers. Literally within a stone's throw of each other lie the headguarters of the Confederation of Malta Trade Unions (CMTU), the General Workers' Union (GWU) and the Malta Employers' Association (MEA), the premises of the Department of Industrial & Employment Relations as well as that of the National Employment Authority, along with the Ministries of Social Policy and Finance, de facto sharing responsibility for industrial relations. This rubbing of shoulders may be a mere geographical coincidence; but it is certainly convenient. It is indicative of the pivotal role of social partnership in Malta, and an important barometer of a pluralist, democratic society. ; peer-reviewed

In recent years, parallel trends of organizational restructuring have become manifest among trade unions. Sharing similar experiences of stagnant membership and falling density rates, coupled with structural shifts in employment from industry to services and a growing pressure to attend to the needs of more heterogeneous constituencies under increasingly decentralized labor-management relations, trade unions must adapt their internal operation and external representation. In particular, unions seem to suffer from the same inverse fluctuation of revenue and client needs as social security systems, as the economics of union organizing require that most members, most of the time, do not call upon the union's services except for the collective protection it offers. In many countries, trade unions are now in a process of regrouping in which sectoral boundaries are becoming increasingly unimportant. Drawing on the case histories of union development in Germany and the Netherlands, the paper shows that current changes in the organizational landscape of trade unions are not based on political strategies of interest representation, grounded in visions of class unity or industrial governance, but are driven by an evolutionary dynamic of unions as service organizations which must respond to general principles of adaptive-economic rationality. ; In den letzten Jahren lassen sich bei Gewerkschaften verschiedener Länder parallele Prozesse organisatorischer Umstrukturierung beobachten. Angesichts stagnierender Mitgliederzahlen und sinkender Organisationsgrade, Verschiebungen der Beschäftigung vom industriellen zum Dienstleistungssektor sowie der Notwendigkeit, den Bedürfnissen einer heterogener werdenden Mitgliedschaft bei zunehmend dezentralisierten Arbeitsbeziehungen gerecht zu werden, sehen sich die Gewerkschaften gezwungen, ihre Organisation nach innen ebenso zu überdenken wie ihre Politik nach außen. Insbesondere scheinen Gewerkschaften mit derselben gegenläufigen Entwicklung von Einnahmen und Mitgliederansprüchen konfrontiert zu sein wie die Sozialversicherungsträger, wobei die Ökonomie gewerkschaftlicher Organisierung voraussetzt, daß die meisten Mitglieder die von der Gewerkschaft angebotenen Dienstleistungen in der Regel nicht in Anspruch nehmen. In zahlreichen Ländern durchlaufen die Gewerkschaften heute eine Phase raschen organisatorischen Wandels, bei dem Abgrenzungen zwischen Wirtschafts-zweigen zunehmend unbedeutend werden. Das Papier zeigt am Beispiel von Deutschland und den Niederlanden, daß die gegenwärtigen Veränderungen der organisatorischen Gewerkschaftslandschaft nicht in erster Linie von politischen Strategien der Interessenvertretung oder gar von Visionen solidarischer Klasseneinheit oder industrieller Selbstregierung getrieben werden, sondern von einer evolutionären Dynamik von Gewerkschaften als Dienstleistungsorganisationen, die allgemeinen Prinzipien adaptiv-ökonomischer Rationalität gehorchen müssen.

"Presented to both Houses of Parliament by command of Her Majesty. 28th Febuary 1868." ; At head of title: Trades Union Commission Act, 30 Vict. c.8; Trades Union Commission Act Extention Act, 30 & 31 Vict. c.74.) ; v.1. Report--v.2. Minutes of evidence. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The subject of this paper is the Nigerian Trade Union Congress (NTUC), the Communist trade union organisation in Nigeria. More specifically, it is about the central leadership of the NTUC, since the organisation is in origin and structure a central, national and Lagos-based federation of trade unions. Even more specifically, it concerns the theoretical activity of this group, its view of Nigerian society and its organisational strategy. While this focus might seem excessively narrow for the study of a trade union organisation, it is perhaps justified for examination of a Marxist-oriented group. A true understanding of their environment has traditionally been considered a prerequisite of effective political action by Marxists. And Marxists working in the trade unions have traditionally paid great attention to organisational strategy.

This chapter analyses the way in which migrant women employed in the domestic services sector in France make their work political. The French context encompasses a double reality. On the one hand, the state promotes a regularized market and the professionalization of paid care work performed in the home. On the other hand, the fact that a majority of domestic sector workers are migrant women leads to the reproduction of working conditions which display continuities with more ancient forms of domestic services relations. In this context, migrant women's demands in trade unions for domestic workers often prove contradictory, ambivalent and different according to their different work experiences. I address the complexity of this form of activism through the analysis of in-depth interviews realized with two migrant women activists involved in different trade unions over different periods. The first one, of Mauritian origin, fought alongside undocumented domestic workers in the early nineties. The second, of Ivoirian origin, has been involved since 2011 in struggles against the exploitation of registered child-minders. Drawing on fieldwork data, I examine the process through which migrant domestic workers create new political subjectivities, and their potential for contesting the norms regulating domestic work, traditional conceptions of citizenship and dominant gender relations.

This paper analyzes what channels trade unions in Europe use when trying to influence European Union (EU) policies. It compares and contrasts trade unions in different industrial relations regimes with regard to the degree to which they cooperate with different actors to influence EU policies, while also touching on the importance of sector differences and organizational resources. The study is based on survey data collected in 2010?2011 from unions affiliated with the European Trade Union Confederation and from below peak unions in 14 European countries. Results of the survey show that the ?national route? is generally the most important for trade unions in influencing EU policies in the sense that this channel is, on average, used to the highest degree. In addition, the survey delineates some important differences between trade unions in different industrial relations regimes with regard to the balance between the national route and different access points in the ?Brussels route?.

This paper analyzes what channels trade unions in Europe use when trying to influence European Union (EU) policies. It compares and contrasts trade unions in different industrial relations regimes with regard to the degree to which they cooperate with different actors to influence EU policies, while also touching on the importance of sector differences and organizational resources. The study is based on survey data collected in 2010–2011 from unions affiliated with the European Trade Union Confederation and from below peak unions in 14 European countries. Results of the survey show that the 'national route' is generally the most important for trade unions in influencing EU policies in the sense that this channel is, on average, used to the highest degree. In addition, the survey delineates some important differences between trade unions in different industrial relations regimes with regard to the balance between the national route and different access points in the 'Brussels route'.

In this introduction to a special issue on the Trade Union Act 2016 (TUA), we consider the background and context in which the new legislation was adopted and then outline briefly the actual provisions which were in fact adopted after the full parliamentary process had been followed. These were by no means identical to the Government's original proposals and involved political compromise in the build up to the Brexit referendum. As the contributions to this special issue demonstrate, the motivations and justifications behind the reforms were multiple, sometimes unexpressed, and far from straightforward. Here, we review the conclusions reached by the authors, and offer some thoughts of our own regarding the new mechanisms for controlling unions in the TUA. We conclude by suggesting strategies that workers and their organisations might deploy in resisting these controls, while conceding the limitations of these responses.