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OUR ACADEMIC AGENDA In the months of August and September, the Free University of Cali and the Colombian Institute of Criminology and Criminal Law served as hosts and organizers of the VIII International Congress of Criminology and Criminal Law, and the first Congress of Critical Thought, Reality and Law, which revolved around the CONTEMPORARY TRENDS, with international guests, works of the research groups recognized and categorized in Colciencias, which support the undergraduate and postgraduate of our Law program, and intervention of national speakers who accompanied us with presentations alluding to the themes of the congress. The magazine "Free Legal Criterion" of the Free Sectional University Cali, from its Faculty of Law, was present and receptive to host some of the interventions in these academic events where the discussion of the new contemporary trends of criminology and criminal law in its eighth version, opened the debate, consolidating as a space of international reflection that contributes with the permanent updating of the curriculum, showing it strengthened, with a living right facing the post-conflict and with the hope put in the peace agreements that put an end to the Colombian fratricidal war and an era begins where the protagonist is peace, post-conflict transitional justice, in perspective of a tolerant thought that allows to build a social thought and critical of the law. That is why the scenario and the themes that convened us are very important, especially the reflections that came from our own academic community and that contribute from their intelligence to the path that remains for us to travel. The reflections on justice and peace, the contributions of the constitutional right to a transitional justice from the post-conflict, the discussions related to social movements and law, the critical thinking of law in the Latin American perspective, the Andean Constitutionalism, the glances and hermeneutic advances in criminology and Constitutional and criminal law that make it possible to highlight effective and verifiable public policies, among other issues, invite the reflection of experts and laymen. The variety, diversity and plurality has allowed us to have a resounding success in the programmed events, with the conviction that the seed that is sown will contribute to continue with this effort to build thought and do academy, sometimes within the incomprehension and intolerance of sectors of politics, reluctant to peace agreements. On the other hand, we continue working from the Decanatura to strengthen the magazine, having as a course the PIDI (integral plan of institutional development) for the years 2016 -2025 (projection of the Faculty for 10 years in the goals, programs, projects and activities; With topics such as the internationalization of the faculty, mobility of teachers and students, that allow to make the Program of Law, Political and Social Sciences visible, we are working with a Budget to consult the needs of re accreditation of high quality of the Law program, the multi-campus institutional accreditation, and the national and international projection of the University. Thus, we continue insisting on the academic essay, the scientific paper to be published, which forms part of the research lines of the faculty and which supports the research groups, because from the Decanatura we exalt academic excellence and support teachers who want to participate in academic events such as Conferences, that accompany students from articulated nurseries to research groups with a presentation and that come from serious processes and time. At the same time, boosting intellectual production and research, the "editorial tables" are promoted, leading to the production of essays, articles and books by our research faculty. We aspire then, so that the magazine continues being a space of reflection and of encounter with the writing, for the investigations and articles of reflection that come from our academic community. JOSE HOOVER SALAZAR RÍOS FACULTAD DE DERECHO, CIENCIAS POLITICAS Y SOCIALES ; En los meses de agosto y septiembre pasados la Universidad Libre seccional Cali y el instituto Colombiano de Criminología y Derecho penal, fungieron como anfitriones y organizadores del VIII Congreso Internacional de Criminología y Derecho Penal, y el primer Congreso de Pensamiento Crítico, Realidad y Derecho, los cuales giraron en torno a las TENDENCIAS CONTEMPORANEAS, con invitados internacionales, trabajos de los grupos de investigación reconocidos y categorizados en Colciencias, que soportan el pregrado y posgrado de nuestro programa de Derecho, e intervención de expositores nacionales que nos acompañaron con ponencias alusivas a los temas del congreso. La revista "Criterio Libre Jurídico" de la Universidad Libre seccional Cali, desde su Facultad de Derecho, estuvo presente y receptiva a acoger algunas de las intervenciones en estos eventos académicos donde la discusión de las nuevas tendencias contemporáneas de la criminología y el derecho penal en su versión octava, abrieron el debate, consolidándose como un espacio de reflexión internacional que contribuye con la actualización permanente del currículo, mostrándolo fortalecido, con un derecho viviente de cara al posconflicto y con la esperanza puesta en los acuerdos de paz que ponga fin a la guerra fratricida Colombiana y se inicie una era donde el protagonista sea la paz , la justicia transicional de posconflicto, en perspectiva de un pensamiento tolerante que permita construir un pensamiento social y crítico del derecho. Por eso es muy importante el escenario y los temas que nos convocaron, en especial las reflexiones que provinieron de nuestra propia comunidad académica y que aportan desde su inteligencia al camino que nos resta por recorrer. Las reflexiones en torno a la justicia y paz, los aportes del derecho constitucional a una justicia transicional desde el posconflicto , las discusiones relacionadas con los movimientos sociales y el derecho, el pensamiento crítico del derecho en la perspectiva latinoamericana, el Constitucionalismo Andino, las miradas y avances hermenéuticos de la criminología y el derecho Constitucional y penal que permitan poner en evidencia políticas públicas efectivas y verificables, entre otros temas, invitan a la reflexión de expertos y profanos. La variedad, diversidad y pluralidad nos ha permitido tener un rotundo éxito en los eventos programados, con el convencimiento de que la semilla que se siembra contribuirá a seguir adelante con este esfuerzo por construir pensamiento y hacer academia, a veces dentro de la incomprensión e intolerancia de sectores de la política, reticentes a los acuerdos de paz. Por otro lado, seguimos trabajando desde la Decanatura para fortalecer la revista, teniendo como derrotero el PIDI (plan integral de desarrollo institucional) para los años 2016 -2025 (proyección de la Facultad por 10 años en las metas, programas, proyectos y actividades; con temas como la internacionalización de la facultad, movilidad de docentes y estudiantes, que permitan hacer visible el Programa de Derecho, Ciencias Políticas y Sociales. Estamos trabajando con un Presupuesto que consulte las necesidades de re acreditación de alta calidad del programa de Derecho, la acreditación institucional multi-campus, y la proyección nacional e internacional de la de la Universidad. Así, continuamos insistiendo en el ensayo académico, en el escrito científico para ser publicado, que forme parte de líneas de investigación de la facultad y que apoye los grupos de investigación, porque desde la Decanatura exaltamos la excelencia académica y se apoya a los docentes que quieran participar en eventos académicos como Congresos, que acompañen estudiantes de semilleros articulados a grupos de investigación con ponencia y que provengan de procesos serios y de tiempo. A la par, impulsando la producción intelectual y la investigación se promueven las "mesas de redacción" que lleven a la producción de ensayos, artículos y libros por parte de nuestros docentes investigadores. Aspiramos entonces, a que la revista continúe siendo un espacio de reflexión y de encuentro con la escritura, para las investigaciones y artículos de reflexión que provengan de nuestra comunidad académica. JOSE HOOVER SALAZAR RÍOS FACULTAD DE DERECHO, CIENCIAS POLITICAS Y SOCIALES ; Nossa agenda acadêmica Entre agosto e setembro de 2015, a Universidade Livre da Seção Cali e o Instituto Colombiano de Criminologia e Direito Penal foram anfitriões e organizadores do VIII Congresso Internacional de Criminologia e Direito Penal. Além disso, o Congresso de Pensamento Crítico, Realidade e Direito. Esses eventos giravam em torno do tópico Tendências Contemporâneas. Neles participaram convidados nacionais e internacionais, grupos de pesquisa reconhecidos e categorizados em Colciencias, que apoiam a graduação e pós-graduação do nosso programa de Direito. A revista Criterio livre jurídico da Universidad Livre Seção Cali, onde sua Faculdade de Direito, estive presente e receptiva para acolher algumas das intervenções dadas nesses eventos acadêmicos. Nesta oitava versão do Congresso, a discussão das novas tendências contemporâneas de Criminologia e Direito Penal, abriu o debate, consolidando-se como um espaço de reflexão internacional. Desta forma, contribui-se á atualização permanente do currículo, mostrando-o fortalecido, com um Direito vivo diante do pós-conflito e com a esperança de colocar os acordos de paz que vai acabar com a guerra fratricida colombiana, esperando por uma era em que os protagonistas sejam a paz, a justiça de transição do pós-conflito, na perspectiva de um pensamento tolerante que permite a construção de um conhecimento social e crítico do Direito. É por isso que os cenários e os temas que nos convocaram nesses eventos foram muito importantes. Especialmente as reflexões que vieram de nossa própria comunidade acadêmica e que contribuem, da sua inteligência, para o caminho que nos resta viajar. A importância e variedade de temas, apresentados nesses eventos, foram um convite á reflexão de especialistas e profanos. As análises em torno da justiça e da paz; as contribuições do direito constitucional para uma justiça de transição desde o pós-conflito; as discussões com os movimentos sociais e o dereito; o pensamento crítico do Direito na perspectiva latino-americana; o constitucionalismo andino, os pontos de vista e os avanços da Criminologia, o Direito Constitucional e Penal que permitem evidenciar políticas públicas efetivas e verificáveis, continham muito interesse. A variedade, diversidade e pluralidade nos permitiram ter um sucesso retumbante nos eventos programados. Estamos convencidos de que a semente que é semeada contribuirá para continuar com esse esforço. Trata-se de produzir pensamento e fazer academia, às vezes com a incompreensão e a intolerância de setores da política, relutantes em acordos de paz. Por outro lado, continuamos trabalhando da Decanatura para fortalecer a revista Criterio Livre Jurídico. Para isso, temos o PIDI, Plano de Desenvolvimento Institucional Integral, para os anos 2016-2025. É a projeção da Faculdade por dez anos nas metas, programas, projetos e atividades. Neste plano, temas como a internacionalização da Faculdade, a mobilidade de professores e estudantes, tornará visível o Programa de Direito, Ciências Políticas e Sociais. Trabalhamos com um orçamento que analisa as necessidades de re-acreditação de alta qualidade do programa de Direito. Da mesma forma, a acreditação institucional multi-campus e a projeção nacional e internacional da Universidade. Continuamos a insistir na necessidade e importância do ensaio acadêmico, no artigo científico a ser publicado. Estes serão parte das linhas de pesquisa da Faculdade e em apoio aos grupos de pesquisa. Da Decanatura exaltamos a excelência acadêmica. Apoiamos professores que desejam participar de eventos acadêmicos, como congressos. Para aqueles que acompanham estudantes iniciantes em pesquisa, articulados a grupos de pesquisa com uma palestra e que provenham de processos sérios e com tempo adequado. Nós damos impulso á produção intelectual e pesquisa. Se promovem as "mesas de escrita" que levam à produção de ensaios, artigos e livros pelos nossos docentes e pesquisadores. Esperamos, então, que a revista continue a ser um espaço de reflexão e encontro com a escrita, para pesquisas e artigos que vêm de nossa comunidade acadêmica. JOSE HOOVER SALAZAR RÍOS FACULTAD DE DERECHO, CIENCIAS POLITICAS Y SOCIALES

This book reconsiders the fundamental principles of zoning and city planning over the course of the past one-hundred years, and the lessons that can be learned for the future of cities. Bringing together the contributions of leading scholars, representing diverse methodologies and academic disciplines, this book studies core questions about the functionality of cities and the goals that should be promoted via zoning and planning. It considers the increasing pace of urbanization and growth of mega cities in both developed and developing countries; changing concepts on the role of mixed-use and density zoning; new policies on inclusionary zoning as a way to facilitate urban justice and social mobility; and the effects of current macrophenomena, such as mass immigration and globalization, on the changing landscape of cities. The book's twelve chapters are divided into four parts, each addressing different aspects of zoning and planning by combining theoretical analysis with a close observation of diverse case studies from North America and Europe to the Middle East and developing economies. Part I offers a critical analysis of the conventional account of zoning as a top-down form of land-use regulation starting with the 1916 NYC code. Part II studies how contemporary concepts of zoning, both substantive and procedural, impact the built environment across today's cities. Part III revisits the economic foundations of zoning and urban policy in the context of domestic markets, as compared with the regulatory and market effects of interstate agreements on cross-border real estate investments. Part IV analyzes the dominant, yet often implicit social and political motives that are driving zoning policies across different countries. This volume's focus on the ties between zoning policy and economics, politics, socioeconomic conditions, and the local-to-global scope of governance will appeal to scholars and students of political science, economics, law, planning, sustainability, geography, sociology, and architecture, as well as policy-makers and practitioners, especially those in developing countries and transitional and emerging economies.

This collection of 16 essays by 19 contributors calls into question the notion of domestic justiciability across a wide range of human rights issues, such as health, human dignity, criminal justice, property and transitional democracy. The authors offer critical analyses of a number of rights frameworks, focusing in considerable detail upon specific countries (e.g. Libya, Colombia, Ireland, the United Kingdom, Northern Ireland, South Africa, Nigeria, Zimbabwe, Kenya, India) and regions (e.g. Europe, Africa) to highlight the various challenges which continue to vex human rights advocates and scholars. In doing so they pinpoint some of the major tensions that still exist within developing and developed jurisdictions, via a myriad range of perspectives. The essays collectively present a diverse assortment of themes unified by a single 'golden thread' - that of the domestic interpretations given to human rights protections. They raise questions as to how such rights might be made substantive at the level of domestic implementation, and query the extent to which these rights can, or even should, be enforced by the courts. The potential strains in the relationship between human rights and the rule of law, is further called into question by another central theme: that of human dignity. A fundamental dilemma arises in respect of the extent to which a 'right' to dignity can best be promoted, protected or monitored by domestic decision-makers. Similar issues are apparent within the context of the protection of those human rights which increasingly tend to engage social, political or economic considerations and interests. Whilst these arguments are often framed principally in terms of 'rights,' the collective message that emerges from this book is that such rights may often be, in fact, essentially non-justiciable. Readers of this text will perhaps feel compelled to reflect carefully and fully upon what it tells us about human rights law generally, and the extent to which such rights may be truly amenable to adjudication by the courts

The analysis of the relationship between law and policy is based on current legal theories, which build their models on the basis of the interaction of these two phenomena as in the process of state formation, so in the management of the state and the civil society. Legal theories correlate with the constitutional process in Ukraine, which gives reason to speak about the growing of the influence of political mechanisms on national legislation, the state, society and citizens' justice. This raises the question of the relation of the archetypes of legal culture with the direct political and legal experience of the nation-state, which over time is crystallized into theoretical doctrines and the corresponding political and legal practice of their implementation. Legal theories, as well as the positions of national scholars regarding the law and politics, also did not go beyond the definitions of the influence of national factors on the interaction of law and policy. The autonomous model (legal positivism), the insertion model (natural law theory), and the intersection model (American and Scandinavian legal realism) always had a common field from which different (in our case Ukrainian) national systems of law development ware sprouted. In this field law and politics are two (to a greater or lesser extent) different phenomena that interact with one another (with lesser or greater frequency) in the light of national interests and what the social sciences call the «spirit of the nation». In a transitional period, the positioning of the law in Ukraine is too closely linked to the political realities and interests of the political elites, which in most cases are still very far from the generally accepted principles of law. This is also the case today, in particular during the discussion and adoption of the bills on amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine proposed by the President in August 2019. It is clear that the issues of interaction of the law (law) and politics in Ukrainian realities are at the stage of their ...

The article is devoted to the study of the state and dynamics of socio-economic inequality in the modern world in the context of economic globalization. Based on the analysis of foreign and domestic literature, as well as large statistical and sociological information, the author argues that the implementation of neoliberal reforms has become a key factor in increasing inequality both globally and within individual countries, regardless of their level of development. The author pays special attention to public opinion research in the US and Ukraine on social inequality, social justice and the distribution of public goods. By showing that in both the most developed capitalist country, the United States, and in the "transitional" post-Soviet Ukraine, the majority of the population critically evaluates existing systems of distribution of public goods and advocates the transition to more egalitarian models of social development. In the United States, _the most critical to the system of distribution of public goods in the country are such groups as the youth, the poorest segment of the people, the sympathizers of the Democratic Party and the liberals. With regard to Ukrainians, was found the connection between assessing the fairness of the current system and age, education, region of residence, and the level of respondents' income. Most critically, it is estimated by the elderly, the respondents with the lowest levels of education, the residents of the South of country and the people with the lowest income. The rise of inequality and, as a consequence, the conflict and tensions in the world, the radicalization and aggravation of the political situation are the key features of the modern neoliberal order. The inability to increase wealth for the majority of the population amid growing wealth of the richest and increasing concentration of wealth may lead to increased discontent among the masses and cause many social upheavals. The inability to increase wealth for the majority of the population amid growing wealth of the richest and increasing concentration of wealth would lead to increased discontent among the masses and cause many social upheavals.

This paper examines different forms of privatization in the case of Brazil and Chile and the implications for the democratization of public education. The historical period defined for the study corresponds to the dictatorial regimes of both countries and the so-called "transitional phase", which presupposes policies for justice, reparation and reform of political institutions. The methodology used for the study was a bibliographic review. Considering the specificities of each country, it analyses the advances, limits and possibilities in the strengthening of the role of the state in the promotion of public education, and the degree of democratic maturity and the extension of privatization. ; Este artículo presenta elementos para el debate sobre las formas de privatización en Brasil y Chile, y las consecuencias para la democratización de la educación pública. El período histórico definido para el estudio corresponde al final de los estadios dictatoriales y la construcción de la llamada justicia de transición, lo que presupone, la formulación de políticas de verdad, justicia y reparación, y reforma de las instituciones políticas. La metodología utilizada para el desarrollo del estudio fue el análisis bibliográfico. Considerando las especificidades de cada realidad estatal analizada, se buscó constatar los avances, límites y posibilidades en el fortalecimiento del papel del Estado en la promoción de la educación pública, considerando el nivel de maduración democrático y el fortalecimiento de las estrategias de privatización. ; Este artigo apresenta alguns elementos para o debate sobre as formas de implementação dos processos de privatização no Brasil e no Chile e as consequências para a democratização da educação pública. O período histórico definido para o estudo corresponde ao final dos estágios ditatoriais e à construção da chamada justiça de transição, o que pressupõe a formulação de políticas de memória e verdade, justiça, reparação e a reforma das instituições políticas. A metodologia utilizada para o desenvolvimento do estudo foi a análise bibliográfica. Considerando as especificidades de cada realidade estatal ora analisada, buscou-se constatar os avanços, limites e possibilidades no fortalecimento do papel do estado na promoção da educação pública, considerando o nível de amadurecimento democrático e o fortalecimento das estratégias privatizantes.

UA:Досліджуються особливості формування політичного лідерства в Україні в умовах державної незалежності та актуалізується необхідність створення цілісної системи підготовки політичних лідерів. Підкреслюється, що політична практика цього періоду не висунула жодного загальнонаціонального лідера, який був би здатним об'єднати всі верстви українського суспільства в боротьбі за дійсну демократію, соціальну справедливість та всенародний добробут. Для сучасної політичної ситуації в Україні характерні такі явища, як криза державності, втрата політичного управління, криза національної ідентичності. В цьому контексті підкреслюється, що сьогоднішня реальність змушує переосмисли- ти питання про роль особи, її внесок у політичний процес перехідного періоду розвитку суспільства. Робиться висновок, що в Україні відсутні система підготовки політичних лідерів як у загальнонаціональному масштабі, так і на регіональному рівні. Політичні партії, громадські організації теж не готують цілеспрямовано політичних лідерів, використовуючи системи стихійного відбору, що вкрай неефективно.В цьому плані особливої актуальності набуває комплекс проблем, пов'язаних з системою. EN:Features of the formation of political leadership in Ukraine in terms of state independence have been examined and the necessity for a coherent system of political leaders training has been actualized. It has been emphasized that the political practice of this period does not suggest any national leader who would be able to unite all segments of the Ukrainian society in the struggle for real democracy, social justice and national welfare. Current political situation in Ukraine is characterized by such phenomena as: the crisis of the statehood, the loss of the political control, the crisis of national identity. In this context, it has been emphasized that today's reality forces us to rethink the question of the role of the leader, his/her contribution to the political process of the transitional period of society's development. It has been concluded that in Ukraine there is no system of training of political leaders not at national, nor at regional level. Political parties, public organizations also do not prepare political leaders purposefully. They use a system of natural selection, which is extremely inefficient. In this regard, the complex problem associated with the system of the formation and training of political leaders both onnational and regional levels is especially important.

International Conference, From CONTESTED_CITIES to global urban justice - critical dialogues, Madrid, 4-7 July 2016 ; Working paper series IV-1A. International Conference CONTESTED_CITIES, Stream 1: Urban-theory ; 'Liminal Urbanism'outlines how new urban systems and socio-spatial orders can emerge as liminal 'states'when previous orders and stable states are erased or are no longer functional. The contention is that when cities legitimated systems are incapable of dealing with particular contradictory conditions, then liminal states can appear as transitional phenomena that disrupt the quotidian operation of the city. These liminal states manifest in different ways: as intangible, invisible or aleatory phenomena, or, on the contrary, they may be visible and tangible expressions of collective dissent, unrest or desire for change. Theygive presence to the in-between or the marginalized, emergent conditions, the informal or its suppression, social transformation or civic dissatisfaction, but can they also be intentional, planned and structured. ; This paper contextualizes Liminal Urbanismrelative to city-state and enclave conditions, in which the differentiation of cultures, political ideologies, socio-economic conditions, and spatial realms affect urbanconditions with manifold social, territorial and economic consequences. Referencing Hong Kong not only as an extraterritorial enclaveand intensely neo-liberal city, but also drawing from its multi-scalar liminality evident in:the influx of refugees; outsourcing of industry; the fear of pandemics or the recent rise of anti-government, anti-Mainland, pro-democracy and pro universal suffrage protests in Occupy Central (2014) as factors creating internal contradictions. This situatessome of Hong Kong's anomalies -Chungking Mansions, Kowloon Walled City, or its external border -as constituent factors in the city's liminal 'states' that indicate the emergence of new spatial orders and systems of urban governance. ; Liminal Urbanism therefore can re-conceptualize ways to understand the city as a series of liminal states, questioning what role these city states and states of urban development as spatio-temporal phenomena can have. Further exploring the nexus between planned and emergent urban conditions, as challenges to existing forms of planning, and social change; and how the extra-territorial effects specific locales. ; School of Design ; 202001 bcrc ; published_final

The politics of national reconciliation during the transitional period of the 1990s in Chile constructed a hegemonic framework that affected discourses in other domains in multilayered ways. In order to achieve consensus among its various factions, the Concertación used "reconciliation" discourse to portray the nation as a family, and potentially divisive issues were framed in the most apolitical, ahistorical, and technical way. In this context, gender violence was construed as a matter of family and individual liberties, and the objective of the first family violence law was maintaining the family intact. The framework of reconciliation and its association with Christian forgiveness and family unity promoted the use of conciliation rather than sentencing as the primary means of settling domestic violence disputes and made it difficult for those affected by gender violence to achieve justice. However, the foundational discourses of the 1990s served an important purpose in opening up discursive spaces on gender violence that could be further refined.Las políticas de reconciliación nacional durante el periodo de transición de los 1990 en Chile armaron un marco hegémonico que afectó el discurso en otros campos de múltiples maneras. Para lograr el consenso entre sus diferentes facciones, la Concertación usó el discurso de la "reconciliación" para describir la nación como una familia y los temas que pudieran suscitar discrepancias fueron enmarcados de la manera más apolítica, ahistórica y técnica. En este contexto, la violencia de género fue interpretada como una cuestión de libertades individuales y de la familia, y el objetivo de la primera ley sobre violencia familiar fue mantener a la familia unida. El marco de reconciliación y su asociación con el perdón cristiano y la unidad familiar promovieron el uso de la conciliación en lugar de la sanción penal como el medio principal para resolver las disputas de violencia doméstica. Esto hizo difícil que aquellas personas afectadas por la violencia de género recibieran justicia. Sin embargo, los discursos fundacionales de los 1990 sirvieron para abrir más espacios de discusión sobre la violencia de género, y ésto es algo que podría ser profundizado.

The article reveals the peculiarities of the observance and implementation of the principle of the rule of law in the judicial practice of Ukraine. It was established that the implementation of the rule of law is regulated by the Resolution of the Plenum of the Supreme Court of Ukraine «On a Court Decision in a Civil Case», the Law of Ukraine «On the Judiciary and the Status of Judges» and the Constitution of Ukraine. It has been established that the principle of the rule of law is one of the main principles of a democratic society. It has been established that the problem of observance of the principle of the rule of law in the judicial practice of Ukraine is of a complex nature, and it can be solved only through the implementation of a comprehensive judicial and legal reform. It has been established that in the context of observing the rule of law in Ukraine, the experience of the European Court of Human Rights should be implemented. It has been established that the implementation of the principle of the rule of law occurs through the implementation of the principle of legal certainty, the principle of juridical certainty, the principle of justice, the principle of equality, the principle of clarity and unambiguity of the legal norm, the principle of proportionality, the principle of predictability. It has been proven that in the context of the administration of justice, the court must comply with the principle of the rule of law, as well as ensure the right of everyone to a fair trial, to ensure respect for everyone, as well as other rights and freedoms defined by legislative and regulatory documents. It has been established that one of the main principles for the implementation of the principle of the rule of law is the implementation of changes in legislation in order to establish an appropriate transitional period (that is, a reasonable period between the date of the official promulgation of the law and the date of entry into force of the law). It was determined that the implementation of the principle of the rule of law indicates the limited nature of public authorities in actions, primarily those regulated by law, and the main goal of the principle of the rule of law is to limit state power over everyone, as a result of which the rights of everyone should be properly ensured against arbitrary (and at the same time inappropriate) interference of the state or public authorities, in particular, in the relevant spheres of life of everyone. It is noted that the prospects for further research in this direction are the study of the legal foundations of other principles that guide the activities of the judicial authorities of Ukraine.

Developing a diagnostic and action framework for donor-assisted governance reform in conflict-affected countries and fragile states was the objective of a program implemented by the World Bank's Social Development Department (SDV) and funded by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The first phase of the program developed lessons and outcomes based upon a review of international experience of governance reform in fragile and conflict-affected states. A major objective was to identify specific approaches and activities that will be most effective in strengthening institutions, promoting transparency and accountability, and enhancing capacity at local and national levels. This phase also derived lessons on the utility and shortcomings of governance-related diagnostic tools in designing and evaluating country strategies and programs in fragile states. A key issue concerns methodology. What type of analytical method provides a more useful assessment: country-specific analyses of the political economy, indicators designed for purposes of cross-country comparison, indices that rank state fragility, or some combination of diagnostic tools? The second phase of the program also was in two parts. Cote d'Ivoire's poverty reduction strategy process was used as an entry point for an initiative that facilitated process and method-oriented exercises for local stakeholders on the how rather than the what of policy development in an effort to build governance capacity. One result is a model that may serve for future engagement in other fragile and conflict-affected countries. The second part of this phase is an ongoing effort to work with local partners in the Central African Republic and Chad to identify strategies that could strengthen access to justice at the local level. Activities include assessing the strengths and weaknesses of formal and informal justice systems and mapping community-based practices and informal justice systems, including some under the aegis of NGOs, as well as identifying possible linkages to state justice systems. The paper will first examine the concepts of state fragility and governance in terms of donor engagement. Part two will discuss the lessons (opportunities and constraints), diagnostic tools and entry points for governance reform. Part three will offer conclusions.

What are the determinants of redistributive preferences where capitalism meets post-socialism? To examine the sources of conflicting preference combinations of tolerating the income gap and demanding redistributive policies in transitional economies as suggested in previous research, we conduct an online experiment with a nationally representative sample of 2,500 Chinese citizens. We find that Chinese citizens exhibit strong support for real-stake inequality-reducing policies and the government's duty to regulate income distribution. Surprisingly, priming the "unmeritocratic component" of the income generating process in either becoming rich or staying poor makes them significantly less supportive of redistributive policies targeted explicitly at taxing the rich and government duties in regulating the income gap. This effect is mainly driven by those who self-reported to have relatively low economic pressure. We conjecture that such "libertarian" fairness views, and the strong demand for government intervention to "redistribute," could both originate from extreme poverty aversion and wealth aspiration. Wealth aspiration drives a desire for property ownership, making it more likely to justify any means in acquiring property; meanwhile, poverty aversion calls for strong government intervention in lifting the poor up. We argue that such a mechanism could be most saliently exemplified in a post-socialist economic regime with sustained high growth rates and high social mobility.

What are the determinants of redistributive preferences where capitalism meets post-socialism? To examine the sources of conflicting preference combinations of tolerating the income gap and demanding redistributive policies in transitional economies as suggested in previous research, we conduct an online experiment with a nationally representative sample of 2,500 Chinese citizens. We find that Chinese citizens exhibit strong support for real-stake inequality-reducing policies and the government's duty to regulate income distribution. Surprisingly, priming the "unmeritocratic component" of the income generating process in either becoming rich or staying poor makes them significantly less supportive of redistributive policies targeted explicitly at taxing the rich and government duties in regulating the income gap. This effect is mainly driven by those who self-reported to have relatively low economic pressure. We conjecture that such "libertarian" fairness views, and the strong demand for government intervention to "redistribute," could both originate from extreme poverty aversion and wealth aspiration. Wealth aspiration drives a desire for property ownership, making it more likely to justify any means in acquiring property; meanwhile, poverty aversion calls for strong government intervention in lifting the poor up. We argue that such a mechanism could be most saliently exemplified in a post-socialist economic regime with sustained high growth rates and high social mobility.

What are the determinants of redistributive preferences where capitalism meets post-socialism? To examine the sources of conflicting preference combinations of tolerating the income gap and demanding redistributive policies in transitional economies as suggested in previous research, we conduct an online experiment with a nationally representative sample of 2,500 Chinese citizens. We find that Chinese citizens exhibit strong support for real-stake inequality-reducing policies and the government's duty to regulate income distribution. Surprisingly, priming the "unmeritocratic component" of the income generating process in either becoming rich or staying poor makes them significantly less supportive of redistributive policies targeted explicitly at taxing the rich and government duties in regulating the income gap. This effect is mainly driven by those who self-reported to have relatively low economic pressure. We conjecture that such "libertarian" fairness views, and the strong demand for government intervention to "redistribute," could both originate from extreme poverty aversion and wealth aspiration. Wealth aspiration drives a desire for property ownership, making it more likely to justify any means in acquiring property; meanwhile, poverty aversion calls for strong government intervention in lifting the poor up. We argue that such a mechanism could be most saliently exemplified in a post-socialist economic regime with sustained high growth rates and high social mobility.