Suchergebnisse

Članak nastoji prikazati polazišta za tumačenje transformacije humanitarnog rada i oprimjeriti prakse koje upućuju na njegovu profesionalizaciju i izgradnju bliskog odnosa s područjem političkog djelovanja. Zasnovan kao filantropijski projekt i imperativ o spašavanju života i/ili reduciranju patnje, u posljednjih nekoliko desetljeća humanitarizam je formalizirao koncept pružanja pomoći i počeo se manifestirati u aspektima tipičnima za poslovnu i korporacijsku kulturu. Prakse profesionalizacije i odnos između dva pojma koji ostavljaju dojam suprotstavljenih varijanti shvaćanja humanitarnog rada – pomoć i posao – problematiziraju se na osnovi etnografije rada i analize intervjua provedenih s humanitarnim radnicima iz izbjegličkog kampa u Slavonskom Brodu. ; This paper will present the starting points for the interpretation of the transformation of humanitarian work, along with providing examples indicative of its professionalisation and the close relationship it has developed with the domain of political activity. Originally conceived as a philanthropic project and based around the imperative of saving lives and/or reducing suffering, humanitarianism has formalised the concept of providing aid in the past few decades and has begun to manifest aspects typical of corporate and business culture. The practice of professionalisation and the relationship between the two terms seemingly presenting contradictory attitudes towards humanitarian work – seeing it as either aid or business – are problematised on the basis of the ethnography of work and an analysis of the interviews conducted with humanitarian workers from the refugee camp in Slavonski Brod.

U članku nastojim detektirati Krležinu antitetičku vrtešku, da uporabim Lasićev termin, prema miru u Brest-Litovsku s obzirom na Krležin zapis, polemički disput Razgovor o Brest-Litovsku (1918). Naime, iz perspektive 1918. godine Krleža Brest-litovski mir (3. ožujka 1918.) određuje kao anticipaciju "internacionalističke solidarnosti proletarijata evropskog", kao politički manevar pro futuro (DD2, 180). Međutim, u podrupku teksta, pisanom iz perspektive 1967. godine, kao korekciju vlastite interastralne retorike upućuje kako su se već u veljači 1918. godine "sve moskovske iluzije o generalnim štrajkovima na terenu centralnih vlasti, a naročito u Berlinu" rasplinule pod "terorom soldateske", a "lenjinska koncepcija mira u Brest-Litovsku našla se u bezizlaznoj ulici" (DD2, 188). ; In the paper I shall endeavour to identify Krleža's antithetical carousel (to use Stanko Lasić's term), with regard to the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in Krleža's written entries, specifically a polemical dispute titled Discussion on Brest-Litovsk (1918). In fact, from the perspective of 1918, Krleža defined the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (March 3, 1918) as the anticipation of "the international solidarity of the European proletariat", i.e. a political manoeuvre pro futuro (BD2, 180). However, in the footnote to the text, written from the perspective of 1967, Krleža suggests, as a correction of his own interastral rhetoric, that "any Moscow illusion about general strikes in the area of central government, particularly in Berlin" dissipated under the "terror sewing military hordes" in February 1918, and "the Leninist concept of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk ended up in a cul-de-sac" (BD2, 188).

U radu se izlažu rezultati istraživanja (re)konstrukcije etničkih/nacionalnih identiteta pojedinih manjinskih zajednica u Republici Hrvatskoj uvjetovanih promjenama društveno-povijesnog konteksta (u razdoblju kad se Hrvatska nalazila u sastavu SFRJ, potom u razdoblju demokratskih promjena, Domovinskog rata, i samostalne RH). Koristi se kvalitativni pristup koji s jedne strane uključuje propitivanje službenog kategoriziranja i klasificiranja nacionalnih manjinskih zajednica unutar Ustava SFRJ i Ustava RH, teorijsko-pojmovnih objašnjenja i njihovoj implementaciji u definiranju identiteta, te empirijski dio koji obuhvaća dubinske intervjue maksimalne varijacije s pripadnicima različitih nacionalnih manjinskih zajednica koji žive na širem području RH. Naglašava se kako određene institucionalizirane klasifikacijske sheme ili povijesni trenutak mogu nametnuti ili dovesti do promjenjivosti strategija, položaja i uloge određenih manjinskih zajednica. Osim službenih definicija i institucionaliziranih klasifikacijskih shema kojima se neposredno pripisuju određena identitetska svojstva pojedinoj grupi, društveni identiteti mogu biti i rezultat slobodnog izbora, prinude, strategijske igre samih pojedinaca/članova određene grupe ili resurs podložan mobilizaciji u ostvarivanju političkih ili ekonomskih ciljeva. Kroz ova dva pristupa analizi identiteta nacionalnih manjinskih zajednica u RH pojašnjavamo ne samo procesualni i dinamični karakter identiteta nego i njegovu promjenjivu i situacijsku prirodu. ; This paper presents research results concerning the (re)-construction of the ethnic / national identities of particular minority communities in the Republic of Croatia, as shaped by fluctuations in the social and historical context (over the period when Croatia was part of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, thereafter in the periods of democratic transformation, the Homeland War, and the independent Republic of Croatia). We take a multi-method approach, on the one hand exploring the official categorization and classification of national minorities within the Constitution of the FRY and the Constitution of the RC, whilst also examining theoretical and conceptual explanations and their implementation in defining identity. The empirical part includes in-depth interviews with members of different ethnic minority communities living across the territory of present-day Croatia. The paper emphasizes how certain institutional classificatory schemes or historical moments may be imposed or lead to volatility as concerns the strategies, positions and roles of certain minority communities. In addition to the official definition and institutionalized classificatory schemes that are directly attributed to the specific identity characteristics of each group, social identities can be the result of free choice, coercion, strategy games played by individuals / members of certain groups themselves or resources mobilized in order to achieve political or economic goals. Through considering these two approaches to the analysis of national minority identities in present-day Croatia, we elaborate not only the procedural and dynamic character of identity but also its variable and situational nature.

Cilj je članka analizirati Spomenik Seljačkoj buni i Matiji Gupcu u Gornjoj Stubici kao materijalizirano sjećanje na prošlost konstruiranu u skladu s potrebama sadašnjosti. Spomeniku se pristupa iz perspektive ljudi koji ga na raznorodne načine koriste i oživljavaju, pri čemu je naglasak na njihovim kulturnim praksama u prostoru spomenika. Među nizom mogućih pogleda na Spomenik i izvedbe koje ga prate, autori se usmjeravaju na njegova dva lica, koja se odnose na dva povijesna trenutka, ali i dva različita modusa sjećanja. Jedno je povezano s kontekstom nastanka spomenika i njegovim komemorativnim i obljetničkim upotrebama u socijalizmu. Drugo lice dolazi do izražaja u 21. stoljeću kada se slike prošlosti utjelovljuju i uprizoruju u izvedbama oživljene povijesti. ; The aim of the paper is to analyze the monument to the Peasant Revolt and Matija Gubec in Gornja Stubica as materialised memory of the past constructed in relation to present-day circumstances. The monument is approached through the prism of people who use it and bring it to life in diverse ways, with the emphasis on their cultural practices and performances in the memorial space. Out of a number of potential approaches to the Monument, the authors focus on its two faces, related to two historical moments, but also two different modes of memory. One is connected with the construction of the monument and its commemorative and anniversary usages in socialism. The other is created in the 21st century, when images of the past also become embodied in living history performances.

The author clarifies the point of publishing a series of translations of some fundamental texts regarding the conception of politics/the political. The selection includes the following: "The Political Paradox" (1964/1957) by Paul Ricoeur; What is Politics? (1993) by Hannah Arendt; "An epilogue" (1968/1962) by Leo Strauss; and For a Conceptual History of the Political (2003) by Pierre Rosanvallon. In contemporary political theory, the conceptual differentiation between politics and the political is termed "Political Difference". The contribution to reflection on this conceptual pair in the political theories of Schmitt, Arendt and Lefort is briefly outlined. The problem matter is masterfully presented and critically valued in Oliver Marchart's book Post-Foundational Political Thought (2007). This paper summarizes and evaluates the sense of Marchart's theoretical investigation of "political difference" as a conceptual differentiation between the ontological moment and the ontic moment of new political ontology. The radically new concept of the political is a transcendental prerequisite for the possibility of existence of society, while politics is a social sub-system and a special type of activity. "Political difference" is, in fact, political-ontological difference; it constitutes a theoretical field which eludes both traditional political philosophy and political science. Marchart's principal theoretical insight is that, in political difference, the political appears in two meanings: as the ontological moment of original commencement and the way of establishing the social, and also as the way of relating two moments in their irrevocable difference, but also in their essential interdependence. The primacy of the political over politics (and the social in general) is thus manifest in the mediationally understood political, which discursively constitutes and maintains political difference between the ontologically understood political ("moment" of Being) and the ontically understood politics ("moment" of being). And this is precisely the conceptual determination of freedom. Adapted from the source document.

The author describes the stages of creation of fragments of which the text on constitution is composed, & points to the historical events which directly influenced Hegel's work on the text. He further clarifies the criteria of selection of fragments for the Croatian translation & the manner in which they have been connected, i.e., in which the text has been organized. Finally, the author sets forth the characteristics of the Croatian translation. Adapted from the source document.

The ability to publish one of the key texts of the ancestors of modern thought is a reliable sign of the self-awareness & professionalism of a community. Therefore, the long awaited Croatian translation of Hobbes' Leviathan deserves our full & close attention. Hobbes' main theoretical work is an especially challenging one to translate. It requires the translator to be skilled & well-versed in modern & contemporary political & legal theory. An undertaking of this magnitude makes sense only if through it -- by the means of the Croatian language -- we can hope to understand Hobbes' political ideas more fully. This careful scrutiny of the translation follows challenging pitfalls of translating Hobbes' capital work. The author examines the correctness of the terminology & the conceptual accuracy of the translation of terms, such as: "power," "Sovereignty," "Commonwealth," "Law" through the example of analyzing three chosen chapters (XVI, XXI, XXVI). Although the undertaking of such task deserves praise for both the translator & the publisher of the work, the review, a critical analysis of the work, states that the Croatian translation does not satisfy the high expectations. It is conceptually inaccurate at places, which, occasionally makes it harder or even impossible to understand Hobbes' original. The review ends on a doubtful self-critical note: are we up to the task of tackling this certainly most important book of modern political thought? The professional self-respect of Croatian political science depends, or should depend -- at least to some extent -- on tasks like this one. References. Adapted from the source document.

U radu je riječ o fikcionalnome svijetu Heiniricha Bölla koji je u velikoj mjeri obilježen traumatičnim iskustvom rata i nacionalsocijalizma te poslijeratnoga njemačkog suočavanja s vlastitom prošlosti i traženjem lijeka za svoju i tuđu muku. Iz tih se trauma iskristaliziralo i nekoliko ključnih tema Böllova pjesništva: rat, politika, moralne i vjerske nedoumice i – kao prevladavajuća – čovjek sa svojim strahovima i bespomoćnosti, ali i neočekivanom vitalnosti, hrabrosti ili dobrotom u vrtlogu rata te poslijeratnoj bijedi ili modernome blagostanju. U oči upada pjesnikovo traženje oslonca u humanosti, ljubavi, vjeri nasuprot životnoj tragičnosti u surovim vremenima, u često neljudskoj sredini bezosjećajnih, beskrupuloznih, ponekad i po život opasnih ljudi i institucija. Böll je i na ovdašnjim područjima stekao zasluženu pozornost, što dokazuju i brojni prijevodi njegovih djela koji su navedeni na kraju ovoga priloga. ; The paper speaks about fictional world of Heinrich Böll, which is greatly marked by traumatic war experience, National Socialism and postwar German confronting with its own history and finding a way out for its own and others' pain. Some key topics of Böll's poetry were crystallized from those traumas: war, politics moral and religious dilemmas and – as the prevailing one – a man with his fears and helplessness, but also with unexpected vitality, courage or goodness in the war whirlwind and postwar misery or modern welfare. Especially interesting is poet's searching for support in humanity, love, faith opposite to tragic of life in the hard times, in the area of insensitive, unscrupulous and sometimes dangerous people and institutions. Böll gained deserved attention in our areas as well, which is proved by numerous translations of his works which are mentioned at the end of this article.

Tekst analizira značenje i razumijevanje pojma governance te njegov prijevod na hrvatski jezik. Vlade, izvršne vlasti, vladajući (governing) pristupom odozgo, izdavanjem naloga i kontroliranjem, odnosno upravljanjem, ne mogu se učinkovito i djelotvorno nositi s problemima i izazovima. Kako bi odgovorile na takve izazove, vlade prihvaćaju vladanje odozdo, po horizontalnom načelu suradnje s ostalim dionicima, pa su onda u prilici mobilizirati raspoložive resurse, izgraditi povjerenje i novu mrežu suradnje te razviti koncept vladavine (governance). Koncept dobre vladavine u Europskoj uniji je alat kojim se jačaju procesi konvergencije. Istraživanja o vladavini u Hrvatskoj su rijetka, a radovi o toj temi uglavnom analiziraju vladavinu, dobru vladavinu i višerazinsku vladavinu kao novu upravnu doktrinu. Imajući u vidu značenje pojma governance u engleskom jeziku te njegovo značenje u odnosu na druge pojmove, drži se da ga na hrvatski jezik treba prevoditi kao vladavina. Analizira se i značenje pojmova: affordability, social entrepreneurship, eligibility i resilience te se predlaže prevođenje na hrvatski jezik. ; The paper analyses the meaning and understanding of the term governance and its translation into Croatian. Governments, executive authorities, governing in a top-down approach, issuing orders, and controlling, administering, cannot effectively and efficiently deal with the problems and challenges. To meet such challenges, governments accept bottom-up governance, based on the horizontal principle of cooperation with other stakeholders, which enables them to mobilize available resources, build the trust and a new network of cooperation, and develop the concept of governance. The concept of good governance in the European Union is a tool that strengthens convergence processes. Research on the implementation of the concept of governance in Croatia is rare, and papers mainly analyse governance, good governance, and multilevel governance as a new administrative doctrine. Having in mind the meaning of the term governance in English, and its meaning in relation to other terms, it is held that it should be translated into Croatian as vladavina, not as upravljanje. In addition, the meaning of the terms: affordability, social entrepreneurship, eligibility, and resilience are analysed and the terms for their translation into Croatian are proposed.

A Croatian translation of the fifth chapter in Oakeshott's classical study "Introduction to Leviathan," originally published in 1946 & aimed at interpreting Thomas Hobbes' political theory. Oakeshott's Hobbes on Civil Association (Indianopolis: Libert Fund, 2000) is utilized as the source for this translation. The basic tenets of Hobbes political philosophy are outlined, including the mechanistic premise underlying the nature & behavior of men. Hobbes's arguments that life is a race & selfish endeavor led to the conclusion that state & statute law, not the individual nor the Church, can arrange order in human life. Hobbes proposes a variation on the social contract theory in which he develops the rationale of civil society, showing how civil society could be reconstructed as a simple mechanical system & absolutism successfully argued as the only rationally defensible form of government. In Hobbes's account, the social contract explains civil society in terms of its most simple elements, in particular the individual natural rights to self-preservation & enjoyment of life. The mutual transferring of such rights is a contract by which individuals abide in a civil society under a sovereign's rule. R. Young

Prethodna su istraživanja pokazala da hrvatska politika mentalnog zdravlja nije politički prioritet, da joj nedostaje interdisciplinarnosti, međusektorske suradnje i holističkog pristupa. Slijedeći pretpostavku da je jedan od glavnih razloga za takvo polazište niska razina korištenja znanja pri stvaranju politike mentalnog zdravlja, ova studija pokušala je ispitati ulogu ekspertize i prijenosa znanja u razvoju hrvatske politike mentalnog zdravlja. Istraživanje je provedeno metodom snowball u proljeće 2018., obuhvatilo je 124 sudionika, stručnjaka iz različitih ustanova koje se bave mentalnim zdravljem. Za potrebe ove studije razvijen je upitnik "Razvoj hrvatske politike mentalnog zdravlja". Prikupljeni kvalitativni i kvantitativni podatci pokazali su da stručnjaci iz sektora mentalnog zdravlja kreiranje politike u svome polju opisuju kao nekvalitetno i u ovisnosti o visokim vladinim tijelima kojima upravlja politička elita nezainteresirana za mentalno zdravlje. Podatci također pokazuju da stručnjaci iz područja mentalnog zdravlja o poboljšanju politike mentalnog zdravlja razmišljaju u skladu s međunarodnim smjernicama. Pa ipak, sebe rijetko smatraju aktivnim činiteljima u procesu kreiranja politike. To nas vodi zaključku da stručnjaci trebaju podršku za umrežavanje, udruživanje radi zagovaranja i bolje međusektorske odnose kako bi utjecali na političku volju. ; Previous research shows that Croatian mental health policy is not a political priority, that it lacks interdisciplinarity, intersectoral collaboration and a holistic approach. Following the assumption that one of the main reasons for this position is the low level of knowledge in mental health policy-making, this study was set to examine the role of expertise and knowledge translation in Croatian mental health policy development. The study was conducted during spring 2018 and has included 124 participants, professionals from different institutions dealing with mental health, using the snowball method. The questionnaire "Development of Croatian Mental Health Policy" was developed for the purpose of this study. The gathered qualitative and quantitative data shows that professionals in the mental health sector describe policymaking in the field as being of poor quality and highly dependent on top governmental bodies that are run by the political elite uninterested in mental health. The data also proves that mental health professionals in Croatia think about the improvement of mental health policy in line with international guidelines. Still, they rarely consider themselves an active force in policy-making. That leads us to the conclusion that experts and professionals need support to form networks, advocacy coalitions and better inter-sectoral relationships in order to influence the political will.

Language plays the central role in the process of creation of a national identity. In the establishment of the supranational European identity, however, multilingualism is a democratic necessity guaranteeing equality to all European Union citizens. The decisions made by the European institutions influence everyday life of the citizens of the Union and for their legitimacy it is of the utmost importance that the citizens take an active part in the decision making process free of language barriers. In accordance with the EU language policy which guarantees an equal status to all the official languages of its member states -- once Croatia becomes a member of the Union the Croatian language will enjoy the position of an official language of the EU. In order to ensure Croatian citizens equality before the law and free access to the EU legislation, Croatia has the responsibility of translating the so called acquis communautaire, i.e. the total body of EU law, into Croatian and transpose it into its national legislation. The translation of the acquis must guarantee that the EU law is unequivocally interpreted and implemented and this can only be possible if the EU legal terminology is consistently and unambiguously used. Upon the Croatian accession to the EU, the Croatian translation of the acquis will be published in the special edition of the Official Journal of the EU and will become legally binding and used as the fundamental text for the interpretation and application of EU law in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

Language plays the central role in the process of creation of a national identity. In the establishment of the supranational European identity, however, multilingualism is a democratic necessity guaranteeing equality to all European Union citizens. The decisions made by the European institutions influence everyday life of the citizens of the Union and for their legitimacy it is of the utmost importance that the citizens take an active part in the decision making process free of language barriers. In accordance with the EU language policy which guarantees an equal status to all the official languages of its member states -- once Croatia becomes a member of the Union the Croatian language will enjoy the position of an official language of the EU. In order to ensure Croatian citizens equality before the law and free access to the EU legislation, Croatia has the responsibility of translating the so called acquis communautaire, i.e. the total body of EU law, into Croatian and transpose it into its national legislation. The translation of the acquis must guarantee that the EU law is unequivocally interpreted and implemented and this can only be possible if the EU legal terminology is consistently and unambiguously used. Upon the Croatian accession to the EU, the Croatian translation of the acquis will be published in the special edition of the Official Journal of the EU and will become legally binding and used as the fundamental text for the interpretation and application of EU law in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

Language plays the central role in the process of creation of a national identity. In the establishment of the supranational European identity, however, multilingualism is a democratic necessity guaranteeing equality to all European Union citizens. The decisions made by the European institutions influence everyday life of the citizens of the Union and for their legitimacy it is of the utmost importance that the citizens take an active part in the decision making process free of language barriers. In accordance with the EU language policy which guarantees an equal status to all the official languages of its member states -- once Croatia becomes a member of the Union the Croatian language will enjoy the position of an official language of the EU. In order to ensure Croatian citizens equality before the law and free access to the EU legislation, Croatia has the responsibility of translating the so called acquis communautaire, i.e. the total body of EU law, into Croatian and transpose it into its national legislation. The translation of the acquis must guarantee that the EU law is unequivocally interpreted and implemented and this can only be possible if the EU legal terminology is consistently and unambiguously used. Upon the Croatian accession to the EU, the Croatian translation of the acquis will be published in the special edition of the Official Journal of the EU and will become legally binding and used as the fundamental text for the interpretation and application of EU law in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

U prvom dijelu članka, autor ispituje pitanje trubadurske subjektivnosti. Subjekt pjesme najavljuje samogubljenje, napuštanje postojećeg stanja stvari i samopredavanje, ali u tome ne vidi tragediju, već izvor istinske radosti. Ljubav zaslužuje žrtvu, ona je vrijedna cjelokupnog ljudskog htijenja, ali nije konvencionalna ljubav, nije ni bračna ni porodična, već je eterična i poetična ljubav prema Gospi. Za sve što može biti vezano uz takvu ljubav smatramo da je daleko prikladniji prijevod radosna nauka jer preciznije označava trubadursku poantu od uobičajenog prijevoda vesela nauka. Ono što posebno začuđuje kod naslijeđenog rješenja potpuno je promašivanje trubadurske posebnosti jer se riječ nauka može dovesti s njom u vezu jedino ako se prethodno stavi pod znakove navoda (što je i Nietzsche izričito učinio). Riječju, autor zaključuje da je demokratski naučnik sretan i optimističan, dok Nietzscheov »radosni« naučnik ne preza svima javno pokazati svoje patničko lice. Trubadurska patnja zbog daleke i neostvarive ljubavi neobično je blizu Nietzscheovoj patnji u suvremenom svijetu koji kao da nije u stanju živjeti u svijetu dalekog i odsutnog Boga. ; In the first part of the paper, the author tackles the question of troubadour subjectivity. The subject of the poem announces the losing of oneself, abandonment of the existing state of affairs and self-surrender, but sees no tragedy in it, for a source of genuine joy. Love deserves sacrifice, it is worthy of all human desire, but it is not a conventional love, neither marital nor family love, rather, it is an ethereal and poetic love for Our Lady. For everything that may be related to such love, we believe that a far more appropriate translation of gaya scienza is a joyful lesson, for it signifies far more to mark the troubadour point than the usual [Croatian/Serbian] translation cheerful doctrine. What is notably striking about the inherited solution is the complete misapprehension of the troubadour point, as the word science can only be associated with the troubadour wisdom if it is previously put in quotes (which Nietzsche explicitly does). In short, the author concludes that a democratic scientist is happy and optimistic, while Nietzsche's »joyful« scientist does not hesitate to show his anguished face publicly. The troubadour's anguish for distant and unrealizable love is peculiarly close to Nietzsche's suffering in a modern world that seems unable to live in a world of a distant and absent God.