Suchergebnisse

AbstractThe transnational Ismaili community is made up of local communities of Ismailis living in over 25 countries around the world. Despite diversity within and between these communities, the 2.5–12 million Ismailis worldwide share a common identity as Ismaili. Various structures and resources are used to construct and maintain the community. These include an official language – English. In this article, I aim to explore the role of English in connection with Ismaili transnationalism. Drawing on ethnographic data collected during fieldwork in Northern Pakistan and Eastern Tajikistan, and on data taken from digital spaces, I will focus on the movement of local Ismailis away from Northern Pakistan and Eastern Tajikistan, and on the movement of people and ideas to Northern Pakistan and Eastern Tajikistan. I will thereby argue for the importance of including non-mobile individuals in conceptualizations of Ismaili transnationalism. In doing so, I will apply the concept of "motility", which points to interconnections between social and spatial mobility, and highlights the potential for mobility; and I will underline the role local settings play for transnational processes. In the course of the article, I also demonstrate that Ismaili transnationalism is not homogeneous. Instead, certain people, places and spaces emerge as more relevant to its construction and maintenance. This becomes coupled with access to English and has implications for this issue's focus on the relationship between South and Central Asian spaces.

Examines the impact of the recent mass-scale emergence of transnationalism in Canada on the types of communities with which individuals & institutions identify, especially in light of arguments that multiculturalism & transnationalism have promoted a "thin" citizenship that involves minimal shared values & a weak sense of belonging to Canada. A look at the various ways in which transnationalism & active citizenship are conceptualized is followed by an exploration of divergent & contradictory practices of both processes. An analysis of data from the ethnic diversity survey conducted by Statistics Canada & Canadian Heritage shows that there is absolutely no relationship between transnationalism & active citizenship when transnationalism is measured as both single & dual Canadian citizenship & active citizenship is measured as membership or participation in groups/social organizations. It is also indicated that there is no relationship between transnationalism & people's sense of belonging to Canada. Factors other than transnationalism which serve as predictors of active citizenship & a sense of belonging to Canada are considered. Tables. J. Lindroth

This review examines Kieu-Linh Caroline Valverde's conceptualization of "transnationalizing Viet Nam." It pays attention to Valverde's field research in both the United States and Vietnam, which allowed her to observe how transnational networks of music and the Internet forged collaborations among individuals in both countries, despite severed US—Vietnamese diplomatic ties. It also examines the book's treatment of the centrality of anti-Communism in Vietnamese diasporic politics and discourse, understanding Valverde's analysis of anti-Communist hostility and violence as an argument about the limits of ideological inflexibility in Vietnamese American communities. In addition, this review also juxtaposes Valverde's discussion of anti-Communism with other Southeast Asian American Studies scholars who interrogate the term's many meanings to foreground the larger project to which Valverde's project contributes—a critical approach alert to the long histories and multiple migrations that characterize overseas Vietnamese and compels a model of Vietnamese transnationalism and diaspora that is attentive to both pre-and post-Vietnam War contexts

AbstractThis study of Surinamese organizational networks in the Netherlands examines how ethnic and religious diversity among migrants from the same "homeland" influences their transnational involvement on the collective ‐‐ that is, associational ‐‐ level. Taken together, ethnic and religious diversity were found to generate lowly institutionalized transnational activities that are narrow in scope and fleeting in duration. Diversity within the migrant group thus discourages practices that address the Surinamese state or society as a whole, while transnationalism geared at the ancestral homeland rarely goes beyond the symbolic level. By having the entire migrant organizational network in the country of residence as its sample, this article reveals not only which organizations are transnationally active, but also which ones are not. It thus avoids "sampling on the dependent variable" ‐‐ a key criticism of transnational migration scholarship.

The new transnationalism studies the regular interactions between state & nonstate actors across national boundaries aimed at shaping political & social outcomes at home, abroad, & in the emerging sphere of global governance. What is new about the new transnationalism, & why should comparativists be concerned? First, a contemporary analysis of what used to be called domestic & international politics must include a systematic recognition of transnational influences. Second, comparativists have a great opportunity to apply their characteristic methods & theories to the study of transnational actors & emerging spheres of transnational governance. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract
This article analyzes the material networks, connections, and solidarities formed between revolutionary Iranian and Arab organizations in the Persian Gulf in the 1970s. In the context of decolonization and the Cold War, it explores how the Iranian Left engaged with the Dhufar Revolution (1965–76), which was crushed by a British-led colonial war that the shah of Iran and his forces supported. Using Persian, Arabic, and English sources, the author shows how a radical internationalism was forged through regional networks, a praxis of guerrilla warfare, and a common political struggle against imperialism and reactionary Gulf monarchs, tying together revolutionaries from both sides of the Gulf.