Suchergebnisse

Der Beitrag verbindet eine emotionstheoretische Perspektive auf das »Phänomen Trump« mit einer Untersuchung der Rhetorik des mittlerweile abgewählten US-Präsidenten. Dabei werden wir erläutern, warum es für Trump so wichtig war, trotz der Corona-Pandemie Massen­veranstaltungen durchzuführen, indem wir diese mit Durkheim als Schauplätze der Erfahrung kollektiver Efferveszenz (d. h. einer gemeinschaftlichen rauschhaften Erregung) der Anhänger*innen eines im Weber'schen Sinne charismatischen Führers deuten. Daran anschließend widmet sich eine Analyse von Trumps Affektrhetorik seinem Entwurf binärer Freund-Feind-Schemata, der als Teil einer Strategie der »VerAnderung« bzw. des »Othering« nicht nur eine emotionale Stimmung der Angst und Wut schürt, sondern darüber hinaus ein erhebliches Konfliktpotenzial in sich birgt.

This essay is the relic of a projected history of 'individualism in politics'. That enterprise – the reasons for abandoning it will be transparent from what follows – prompted some reflections which may be of more general interest. For no habit is better established in the humanities and social sciences, as well as in political speech, than that of constituting a subject-matter for oneself by means of an -ism. And while there may be instances where the context makes this practice unproblematic, a survey of the past and contemporary record of -isms gives grounds for suspicion and reservations.

THIS ESSAY IS THE RELIC OF A PROJECTED HISTORY OF 'INDIVIDUALISM IN POLITICS'. THAT ENTERPIRSE-THE REASONS FOR ABANDONING IT WILL BE TRANSPARENT FROM WHAT FOLLOWS-PROMOTED SOME REFLECTIONS WHICH MAY BE MORE GENERAL INTEREST. FOR NO HABIT IS BETTER ESTABLISHED IN THE HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES, AS WELL AS IN POLITICAL SPEECH, THAN THAT OF CONSTITUTING A SUBJECT-MATTER FOR ONESELF BY MEANS OF AN -ISM. AND WHILE THERE MAY BE INSTANCES WHERE THE CONTEXT MAKES THIS PRATICE UNPROBLEMATIC, A SURVEY OF THE PAST AND CONTEMPORARY RECORD OF -ISMS GIVES GROUNDS FOR SUSPICION AND RESERVATIONS. A SENSIBLE, OR AT ANY RATE AN OBVIOUS, WAY TO BEGIN IS BY CONSIDERING THE ETYMOLOGY OF -ISMS. WHAT MAY BE LEARNT THERE IS THAT THE DERIVATION OF THE SUFFIX IS FORM THE GREEK -ISMOS OR -ISMA, EMPLOYED TO FORM NOUNS OF ACTION, GENERALLY BUT BY NO MEANS ALWAYS FROM VERBS. THIS LINGUISTIC HABIT WAS ASSIMILATED BY THE ROMANS, WHO LATINIZED THE MASCULINE FORM FO THE SUFFIX AS -ISMUS, AND FROM THEM IT PASSED EITHER DIRECTLY OR INDIRECTLY1 INTO ALL EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

This collection of quotes demonstrates the elegant simplicity of Ai Weiwei's thoughts on key aspects of his art, politics, and life. A master at communicating powerful ideas in astonishingly few words, Ai Weiwei is known for his innovative use of social media to disseminate his views. The short quotations presented here have been carefully selected from articles, tweets, and interviews given by this acclaimed Chinese artist and activist. The book is organized into six categories: freedom of expression; art and activism; government, power, and moral choices; the digital world; history, the h.

A major theme in political literature since the nineteen fifties has been a "unitotalitarian" approach to the study of modern dictatorships. The principal totalitarian "isms"—Fascism, Nazism and Communism—have been viewed as examples of one common species, containing no doubt some variations and differences; but practically, or operationally, the divergencies have been thought considerably less important than the similarities. The emphasis has been heavily on the structure and methods underlying the exercise of political control by the "Leader" and the "Party." In what is undoubtedly the outstanding modern study of the subject, Friedrich and Brzezinski have attempted to extrapolate predictive hypotheses from the common pattern of totalitarian dictatorship expressed in a familiar syndrome of six interrelated characteristics.

Abstract
The Putin phenomenon represents a complex and dynamic interaction between the character of the man, his policies and leadership style. After over two decades in office, we can ask whether there is such a thing as 'Putinism', and if so, what are its main features? What are the criteria to be considered an 'ism'? At the minimum, it requires some sort of 'grand strategy' that underpins policy in domestic and foreign policy, and which unites the two. A grand strategy is defined as some deep structure in domestic and foreign policy that transcends individual leaders and which has some overarching purpose. Putinism in this paper is considered a 'passive revolution', allowing a profound transformation to take place in society while the polity remains relatively static. One of the main criticisms levelled against Putin is that he is brilliant at tactics, above all in factional maneuvering, but lacks an over-arching vision of where Russia should go. This paper assesses whether Putin is ultimately an ephemeral phenomenon, or whether the era with which his name is associated will endure in history as a distinctive style of rule.