Suchergebnisse

Der Beitrag zur europäischen Integration beschäftigt sich mit dem Religionspluralismus am Beispiel des (europäischen) Islam in der Türkei. In diesem Zusammenhang werden folgende Aspekte erörtert: (1) die islamische Prägung der Regierungspartei AK unter dem Parteiführer und Ministerpräsidenten T. Erdogan, (2) die Verankerung des Islam im Alltag, (3) Anzeichen der Säkularisierung, beispielsweise im Schulwesen, (4) kulturelle Konfliktlinien zwischen dem Islam und dem Christentum, (5) die Positionierung des Islam im Zuge des angestrebten EU-Beitritts der Türkei und im Zuge von steigendem Wohlstand, Mobilität und Emanzipation, also im Zuge des sozialen Wandels, (6) die konservative Gesellschaft in den ländlichen Gebieten sowie (7) der gelockerte, europäische Islam in den Städten der Türkei. Somit präsentiert sich der Islam in der Türkei als ein vielgestaltiges Phänomen, das zumindest in den urbanen Ballungsgebieten an Einfluss verloren hat. (ICG). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 1970 bis 2002.

The state of civil society in urban Turkey is discussed in reference to the potential coexistence of civil society & Islam. Although Western-style civil society, based on individualism & contractual relationship, is rarely found in Turkey, civic activities are often performed through voluntary associations & grassroots protests. This form of civil society, grounded in mutual trust, reciprocity, & interpersonal obligation, allows all citizens to freely choose alliances & shape their personal identities through mutual cooperation. Although critics have argued that civil society is not compatible with Islam, this distinctly Turkish form of civil society predated recent Islamic political succeses & has survived & even flourished during Islamic political rule. However, the continued vitality of civil society in Turkey demands a political structure that allows diversity & plurality, & it is concluded that politics, rather than Islam, should be the focus of future debates regarding civil society in the Middle East. 26 References. T. Sevier

Argues that the rapid social, cultural, economic, & political changes experienced by Turkey since the late 20th century must be considered within the context of the resurgence of Islam, which, in turn, has been framed by larger globalization processes. The role of Islam & cultural globalization in the modernization of Turkey is discussed, noting the coexistence of Western values & cultural patterns alongside local values & traditions. The multidimensionality of these change processes has generated a wide variety of discourses, strategies, identity claims, & clashes in all areas of social life. Case studies are offered of the impacts on 2 leading business organizations/pressure groups (TUSIAD & MUSIAD), regionally based industrialist/business groups (SIADs); civil society organizations; & local/popular patterns of cultural consumption. K. Hyatt Stewart

Argues that the rapid social, cultural, economic, & political changes experienced by Turkey since the late 20th century must be considered within the context of the resurgence of Islam, which, in turn, has been framed by larger globalization processes. The role of Islam & cultural globalization in the modernization of Turkey is discussed, noting the coexistence of Western values & cultural patterns alongside local values & traditions. The multidimensionality of these change processes has generated a wide variety of discourses, strategies, identity claims, & clashes in all areas of social life. Case studies are offered of the impacts on 2 leading business organizations/pressure groups (TUSIAD & MUSIAD), regionally based industrialist/business groups (SIADs); civil society organizations; & local/popular patterns of cultural consumption. K. Hyatt Stewart

A historical overview of Turkey's political parties & party system focuses on the process of institutional decay that has typified Turkish parties since the 1970s. The ideological polarization, fragmentation, & electoral volatility that has plagued the party system is described, along with the weakened organizational capabilities & declining public support faced by individual parties. It is maintained that Turkey's political parties are best described as "cadre or catch-all parties with strong clientelistic features." The social, ideological, & organizational characteristics of the Welfare Party (now the Virtue Party), the Motherland Party, the True Path Party, the Democratic Left Party, the Republican People's Party, & several smaller parties are described in depth. It is contended that the Turkish party system represents a case of deinstitutionalization with movement from a highly organized bipolar system to the current state of institutional decline in both the overall system & individual parties. Nonetheless, parties still dominate politics, & there has been considerable debate about ways to make parties more viable. The trend toward identity politics is discussed. 3 Tables. J. Lindroth

Examines women's agency in Turkish Islamic revivalism, focusing on the 1980s new veiling movement. The Islamist women's movement is situated along the continuum of Turkish women's activism before scrutinizing how Islamist women's identity is defined in terms of the Kemalist idea of the new Turkish woman & the Islamist construct of the traditional woman. It is argued that Islamist women's veiling in the public sphere confronts the legitimacy of the secular republic & stands in contention with secular women's groups. In addition, some Islamic women are redefining their identity with reference to Islamic sources to challenge the elite patriarchy. Together, these actions, termed "double patriarchy," curtail the possibility of Islamist women's political equality. Thus, demonstrated is how the identity claims of Islamist women are inhibited by the patriarchal Islamist elite & secular, Kemalist women. J. Zendejas

Examines women's agency in Turkish Islamic revivalism, focusing on the 1980s new veiling movement. The Islamist women's movement is situated along the continuum of Turkish women's activism before scrutinizing how Islamist women's identity is defined in terms of the Kemalist idea of the new Turkish woman & the Islamist construct of the traditional woman. It is argued that Islamist women's veiling in the public sphere confronts the legitimacy of the secular republic & stands in contention with secular women's groups. In addition, some Islamic women are redefining their identity with reference to Islamic sources to challenge the elite patriarchy. Together, these actions, termed "double patriarchy," curtail the possibility of Islamist women's political equality. Thus, demonstrated is how the identity claims of Islamist women are inhibited by the patriarchal Islamist elite & secular, Kemalist women. J. Zendejas

Various domestic & strategic considerations that have shaped US policy toward Turkey throughout the late 20th century are studied, noting that the Persian Gulf War established Turkey as a primary foreign policy concern. In addition, however, developments within Turkey & domestic political considerations have strongly influenced US policy toward Turkey. The influence that the Greek-American & Armenian-American lobbies have had on US foreign policy toward Turkey is considered. Advocates of stronger Turkish-American relations include the Jewish-American, defense manufacturing, & energy sector lobbies. Situations that have hindered the improvement of US-Turkey relations include reported human rights violations against Turkey's Kurdish population & the emergence of coalition governments in contemporary Turkey. Even though the US has taken multiple actions that were favorably received by the Turkish state (eg, committing to defense of Turkey during the Persian Gulf War), several policy decisions that have displeased Turkish officials are noted (eg, the inadequate provision of financial assistance after the 1999 earthquake). Sundry factors that will significantly influence the future of Turkish-American relations are highlighted, eg, Turkey's acquisition of EU membership. J. W. Parker

The nature of US-Turkey relations following the Persian Gulf War is studied, & problems that might hinder improving future relations are addressed. Although the US has actively pursued a strategic relationship with Turkey throughout the 1990s, reports of Turkey's human rights violations against its Kurdish population & political problems have somewhat damaged foreign policy negotiations. In addition, several potential developments that instill uncertainty into Turkish-American relations are identified, eg, Turkey's acquisition of EU membership. Moreover, unresolved problems concerning Iraq, Iran, Israeli-Turkish relations, the peace process in the Middle East, Russian-Turkish relations, Armenia, Turkey's impending acceptance into the EU, & Turkey's conflict with Greece over Cyprus could endanger US-Turkey relations. Several recommendations for facilitating the establishment of stronger bilateral relations are offered, eg, making frequent visitations to Turkey a part of the US President's foreign travel itinerary. J. W. Parker

Implications of the Islamic Refah Party's acquisition of power through democratic means in contemporary Turkey for civil society & future economic & political movements are examined. Although Turkey's poor economic conditions are perceived as contributing to the Refah Party's popularity, most of its support is derived from the party's attempt to create a just political system based on the God-believer covenant. Even though the Refah Party has permitted political pluralism in Turkey, it is maintained that Turkish citizens must be allowed to participate in politics as both individuals & members of political parties. Several limitations on Turkish citizens' political participation are discussed: segregation of citizens into small groups; religious organizations' attempts to stagnate individual development; potential corruption of Turkey's young generations by religious orders; & continued low status of women. Despite the uncertain prospects for establishing civil society in current Turkey, several factors that could combat social fragmentation & political insecurity are identified. J. W. Parker

The nature of relations between the Turkish state & Turkey's Kurdish population is examined. Several factors that have problematized Turkish-Kurdish relations in the past are identified including the Kurdish population's tendency to identify with Islam rather than the Turkish state & differences of opinion concerning the governance of the Kurds. Several internal & external costs of the Turkish state's failure to improve relations with the domestic Kurdish population are noted, eg, the EU's refusal of membership to Turkey & the complication of foreign relations with Middle Eastern nations. The question of whether the state can successfully negotiate with Abdullah Ocalan, the leader of the insurgent Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan group, to improve Turkish-Kurdish relations is considered. Possible scenarios for future Turkish-Kurdish relations are offered, eg, the state's passage of unilateral measures as a means of resolving Kurdish insurgency. After suggesting that the Turkish state is wasting its best opportunity in decades to better Turkish-Kurdish relations, multiple recommendations for including Turkey's Western allies in such negotiations are offered. J. W. Parker