Suchergebnisse

The term "freedom of expression" is quite broad and holistic. It includes, within its ambit, not only the conventional freedom of speech and freedom of media, but also the freedom of thoughts, cultural expression, conscience, and intellectual inquiry. Freedom of expression ensures an individual's right to express his/her views openly within the domain of constitution, which also contains the right to be criticial of the prevailing injustices, illegal, anti-social activities, and incompetence and failure of ¬¬¬the government. All this is with a guarantee of safety and without any apprehension or fear of retaliation. Freedom of expression, in contemporary times, also embraces the right to be informed and seek information by the public, to express opinions, and advocate amendments, including changing the regime without resorting to violent means through peaceful measures available in the public domain, with reasonable restrictions. In the past decade and half, Turkish experience as a transitional democracy presents an interesting case study to explain as to how the state of freedom of expression is causally related to the failure of the EU-driven reform process undertaken by the ruling AKP (Turkish: Adaletve Kalkınma Partisi) since the year 2002, when the party won the Parliamentary elections in Turkey for the first time. The issue about the press freedom and freedom of expression in Turkey has for very long time, attracted a great amount of scholarly attention and provoked extensive debate both inside and outside Turkey. Although Turkey remains one of the rare democracy in the West Asia, a region with strong monarchic and semi-monarchic tradition of government, a series of development in the past years has raised several interrogations about the qualitative and quantitative aspects of democracy in Turkey under the AKP.

Migration hat sich in den letzten Jahren zu einem der meistdiskutierten Phänomene entwickelt, sowohl innerhalb als auch außerhalb der akademischen Welt. Dieses Buch untersucht, wie syrische Flüchtlingsfrauen sozial, wirtschaftlich, kulturell, ethnisch und sexuell marginalisiert werden. Die Autorin analysiert, wie sich die in der türkischen Aufnahmegesellschaft produzierten Diskurse auf syrische Flüchtlingsfrauen und einheimische Frauen auswirken. Was denken diese Frauen über die aktuellen Ereignisse, ihren Status und die Schritte, die die syrische Regierung und auch NGOs bisher unternommen haben, um Lösungen für die Unsichtbarmachung von Frauen im öffentlichen Raum zu finden? In recent years, migration has become one of the most discussed phenomena, both within and outside the academic world. This book takes into account how Syrian female refugees are socially, economically, culturally, ethnically and sexually marginalized. The author analyzes how discourses produced in the Turkish host society affect Syrian female refugees and local women. What do these women think about the ongoing events, their status and the steps the Syrian government and NGOs as well have taken so far in order to produce solutions for women's invisibilization in the public sphere?

Hikama (Governance) is a peer reviewed academic journal published by the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies and Doha Institute for Graduate Studies (p-ISSN: 2708-5805), (e-ISSN: 2708-5813). Hikama seeks to broaden the understanding of the fields of public policy and public administration in the Arab World and reinvigorate the political and social elements of public policy. It is a space for academic thought and discussion on what Arab governments - with their values, institutions, and public bodies - are doing, and should aspire to do in order to nurture politically modern and socially just Arab societies. -- AHMED MOHSEN Doctoral candidate, Faculty of Political Science and International Relations, Sabahattin Zaim University, Turkey. Email: abdelrahman.ahmed@std.izu.edu.tr ; تحاول هذه الدراللسة الإجابة عن اللسؤال التالي: لماذا اختلفت الستجابة الأجهزة البيروقراطية والتنفيذية عند تصميم اللسياسات الصحية وتنفيذها تجاه أزمة جائحة فيرولس كورونا المستجد (كوفيد19) في دول تبدو متشابهة، كونها تملك ميراثا من المركزية والأنظمة الرئالسية، كما همي الحال في مصر وتركيا؟ وتنطلق فرضية الدراسة الرئيسة من أن الأزمة في بدايتها أعطت ملساحة أكبل للوزراء التنفيذيين والتكنوقراط والأجهزة البيروقراطية المتخصطة فمي اللسيالسات الطحية والوبائية للمساهمة بشكل أكبر فمي 'لاكلملم اللسياسات الطحية لمواجهة هذا الوباء، لكن الستمرار هذه الملساحة والستكمال تلك الأدوار ارتبط بعد ذلك بمدم توافر "القدرة السياساتية" التي تتيح لهؤلاء المسؤولين ذلك. تظهر الدراسة من خلال دراسة الحالة التركية والمصرية بصورة مقارنة، أنه كلما كانت الدولة أكثل مركزية، وكانت للأزمة التمي تواجهها طبيعة خاطة وغير مسبوقة، ولديها فمي الوقت نفسه قدرات سياساتية أعلل فمي تصميم السياسات، فإن هذا يساهم فمي تعزيز دور الخبراء والبيروقراطيين في تطميم اللسيالسات عل حلساب اللسيالسيين. ; This paper seeks to answer the following question: Why have the bureaucracies and executive arms of two highly centralized presidential regimes – Egypt and Turkey – produced such different responses to the Coronavirus crisis? Its basic hypothesis is that while the crisis did initially provide scope for ministers, technocrats and bureaucrats specialized in public health to play a greater part in making health policy, their ability to maintain this newfound influence depended on their "policy capability". Through a comparison of the two case studies, this article shows that the more centralized a state is, the more unprecedented the crisis is and the more policy capability it has, the greater the role bureaucrats play at the expense of politicians.

AK Parti (Turkey); political parties; Islam and politics; Turkey

Intro -- الإهداء -- الفهرس -- الفصل الأول: السياسة البريطانية تجاه تركيا وتأثيرها في الكورد -- الفصل الثاني: السياسة البريطانية تجاه تركيا ومتغيراتها تجاه الكورد -- الفصل الثالث: مشكلة الموصل في العلاقات البريطانية - التركية -- الفصل الرابع: السياسة البريطانية تجاه تركيا في ظل محاولات ترسيم الحدودالعراقية - التركية -- الفصل الخامس:- أثر سياسة بريطانيا تجاه تركيا في كوردستان الشمالية -- الملاحق