The article examines the concepts of authoritarianism and democracy in Turkey through an analysis of academic freedom. From its foundation, Turkish democracy has suffered from being hybrid, i.e., a combination of democratic and authoritarian elements. Since 2016, after the attempted coup d'état, Turkish parliamentarianism has been transformed into a one-man regime. This contribution analyses the new type of Turkish authoritarianism from its foundation, since the rise of Justice and Development Party (AKP), using the Gramscian concept of hegemony and the role of the intellectual. Then, the article presents an interview with a scholar still working in a Turkish university to better understand the state of academic freedom in Turkey. ; The article examines the concepts of authoritarianism and democracy in Turkey through an analysis of academic freedom. From its foundation, Turkish democracy has suffered from being hybrid, i.e., a combination of democratic and authoritarian elements. Since 2016, after the attempted coup d'état, Turkish parliamentarianism has been transformed into a one-man regime. This contribution analyses the new type of Turkish authoritarianism from its foundation, since the rise of Justice and Development Party (AKP), using the Gramscian concept of hegemony and the role of the intellectual. Then, the article presents an interview with a scholar still working in a Turkish university to better understand the state of academic freedom in Turkey.
This paper analyze the effect of green energy, carbon dioxide emission, and militarization on green economic development. This study uses Turkey as a research country. Autoregressive Distributed Lags (ARDL) model has been used to examine the time series data of Turkey over the years between 1980 and 2015.
This thesis is an attempt to describe what Alevism represents and what it means to be an Alevi in contemporary Turkey. From the 16th century, under the Ottoman Empire, the Alevis were marginalized and persecuted. Nowadays, they are still struggling for their recognition. Political and social events influenced the Alevi identity; therefore, it is still not clear whether it is a sectarian, an ethnic, a religious or a political group. The contemporary fragmentation of the Alevi communities and the lack of recognition of their religious affiliation by the Sunni based Republic of Turkey do not help in solving the Alevi issue. In order to reach my research objective, I conducted fieldwork and participant observation in Turkey, mainly in the city of Aydin and in close-by the village of Yenikoy. In addition, I conducted six semi-structured interviews and distributed nine questionnaires. Given the extremely sensitive topic of my research, informants have asked to remain anonymous. My sample shows that according to the Alevis I interviewed, Alevism represents both culture and lifestyle. Being an Alevi means being humane, tolerant, as well as open minded, secularized, respectful, available and caring. Alevis do not feel they are recognized by the state, which on the contrary is perceived as favouring Sunni groups through its policies and ongoing political rhetoric. Indeed, my results show that major tensions are precisely generated by the State, or by State policies. Moreover, as supported by contemporary studies, such an asymmetric relationship has a sort of a knock-on effect on the social interaction between Alevi and Sunni groups. Last but not least, my personal involvement and academic expectations have played a vital role throughout the fieldwork and in my research. Indeed, what in my case made the difference were the difficulties I experienced to get in contact with Alevi. Aydin is considered a progressive and open city and it has been described by my informants as 'comfortable' and 'relaxed'. Nevertheless, it does not mean that all Alevis were willing to disclose their own identity and speak about Alevism. Indeed, even if discrimination in Aydin was not visible, some Alevi people were afraid to reveal their own identity. Given the importance those events have played in my research, I am going to include an additional section at the end of the second part of the Introduction, where I will articulate the methodological caveats and challenges with data collection I encountered.
While dealing with the current migration challenges, the European Union is revealing the overall weakness of its institutional and political architecture, consequently failing to give practical implementation to all those fundamental rights, contained in several widely shared international and regional legal instruments, on which its own legitimacy and credibility as human rights protector are based. Instead of putting its common values and policies in practice through the elaboration of a coherent supranational strategy, the Union is diverting its action to a deal-making approach grounded on the collaboration with third countries or origin or transit, apparently directed to the externalization of its responsibilities in migration and asylum field. This approach risks however to undermine the protection of asylum seekers' rights and interests. The most indicative example of this tendency is given by the Statement that on 18 March 2016 the EU Heads of State or Government negotiated with the Turkish counterpart in order to manage the increasing influx of asylum seekers and irregular migrants coming mainly from the Middle East's States and reaching the Greek islands via Turkey, that masks, with the pretext of preventing the smuggling routes, a greater desire to halt the entries in the EU territory through a stronger control of borders and a semi-automatic return mechanism. This research is aimed in the first place at clarifying the legal nature of the Statement and more specifically whether it has to be considered or not as a binding deal and if yes who is/are the subject/s responsible for its enactment on the EU side. In the second place, the objective is that of putting in evidence the possible violations of human rights and European Migration Law that the execution of the commitments agreed would entail, the inherent deficiencies of the Greek asylum system and the necessity for the EU to develop a common strategy for migration management which is effectively compliant with its own rules and values. Moreover, the Statement is analysed in the light of the new proposed reform of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) and in particular of the Asylum Procedures Directive (APD), that risks further jeopardise asylum seekers' guarantees through a massive application of the 'safe third country' and 'first country of asylum' concepts. This unavoidably leads to question whether Turkey, beyond the efforts made in the alignment of its domestic legislation to the EU acquis, can be considered in practice as a 'safe country' in accordance with the EU standards, to where Syrians and migrants of other nationalities can be returned without incurring in the violation of their fundamental rights, such as the non-refoulement principle and the prohibition of torture and inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. In view of this current challenge, the EU should reflect on its role as a key unitary player on the international stage and build an alternative model of solidarity among Member States, which is fairer, more efficient and does not weaken asylum seekers' safeguard. Furthermore, also when acting on the external dimension the Union should endorse a strategy that is consistent with the principles and objectives affirmed by its primary Law, which should inspire not only Member States' policies at the internal level, but also the cooperation with third parties, ensuring a full respect of migrants' human rights.
The last twenty-five years of relations between Turkey and Israel are the most intense years of their diplomatic relations. From the 90s, when the two Countries had have good relations, to the deep crisis of 2010, the role of the two Countries in the region has radically changed for both the international context and the changes of governments in both Countries. This essay will take into account both the crucial historical moments of relations between the two Countries and the elements of theory of international relations that have fostered these steps and changes. Finally, there will be a brief comments about the latest upheavals (especially in Turkey but also in United States) and about prospects that could entail in relations with Israel. The energy issue is purposely neglected to focus on the political-economic one.
The last twenty-five years of relations between Turkey and Israel are the most intense years of their diplomatic relations. From the 90s, when the two Countries had have good relations, to the deep crisis of 2010, the role of the two Countries in the region has radically changed for both the international context and the changes of governments in both Countries. This essay will take into account both the crucial historical moments of relations between the two Countries and the elements of theory of international relations that have fostered these steps and changes. Finally, there will be a brief comments about the latest upheavals (especially in Turkey but also in United States) and about prospects that could entail in relations with Israel. The energy issue is purposely neglected to focus on the political-economic one.
This article is an outline of the cultural and literary atmosphere of the 1940s, invoving a consideration of Turkish translation policy in the country after Atatürk's death focusing on two apparently disconnected topics i.e. cultural planning policies and pseudotranslation. Thus, I will offer a brief overview of the Kemalist reforms, which deeply affected the cultural sphere of the country, such as the founding of the Translation Bureau (1940) considering the importance of the quest for a "Turkish Renaissance" behind its activities. Then, my analysis will turn to the practice of pseudotranslation, focusing on a specific case i.e. Topal Karganın Hatıraları (Memories of the Crippled Crow) which was published and presented as the Italian writer Pitigrilli's last work in 1946.
Now in its fifth year, the civil war in Syria has created one of the world's largest humanitarian and security crises. The crisis in itself contains the historical background to the situation of Syrian refugees. While the issue is subject to another discussion, it is important to refer to the Muslim refugee problem for a better understanding of today's situation. Approaches to the Muslim refugee crisis differ considerably throughout the world. Probably the most striking point is that while the West has sheltered Muslims, providing them with homes and jobs, the neighbouring countries sharing the same religion have ignored the Muslim population and done nothing. This is an important criticism directed at fellow Arabs who have always blamed the West for the refugee crisis and will be addressed in the article in detail. The number of Syrians seeking refuge in Turkey is currently close to 2 million. Turkey, implementing an "open door" policy to every Syrian crossing the border and issuing "temporary protection" status, has spent 5 billion dollars on the refugee crisis up to November 2014. For the Syrians in Turkey, the possibility of returning to their own country has been gradually decreasing due to the escalation of the civil war. The situation revealing the severity of the situation of Syrian asylum seekers points out that the issue has evolved into a complex problem that requires a multi-dimensional analysis in all its humanitarian, legal, political, social and financial aspects. This article is written mainly based on online research and a deep assessment of reports prepared by GOs, NGOs, the UN and other international agencies and various news pieces and articles. The policy of the Turkish Government has also been closely analysed by including the discourse of President of the Republic of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, in relation to the civil war that has evolved into a global refugee and human security crisis demanding urgent and coordinated humanitarian actions, apart from the military and political response.This article tries to explain Syrian asylum seekers' position in Turkey and Turkey's position from the perspective of human security and the rest of the world's perception. ; Nel suo quinto anno, la guerra civile in Siria ha creato una delle crisi umanitarie e di sicurezza più grande nel mondo. La crisi in sé contiene uno storico background alla situazione dei rifugiati siriani. Mentre la questione è soggetta a un'altra discussione, è importante riferirsi al problema del rifugiato musulmano per meglio capire la situazione attuale. Gli approcci alla crisi del rifugiato musulmano differiscono considerevolmente per tutto il mondo. Probabilmente il punto che colpisce di più è che, mentre l'Occidente ha protetto i musulmani fornendo ad essi casa e lavoro, i paesi vicini che condividono la stessa religione hanno ignorato la popolazione musulmana e non hanno fatto niente. Questa è un'importante critica diretta ai compagni arabi che hanno sempre incolpato l'Occidente della crisi dei rifugiati, e ciò è approfondito in dettaglio nell'articolo. Il numero dei siriani che hanno cercato rifugio in Turchia è attualmente vicino ai 2 milioni. La Turchia, mettendo in pratica la politica della "porta aperta" a ogni siriano che attraversa il confine e al quale attribuisce lo status di "temporanea protezione", ha speso 5 miliardi di dollari per la crisi dei rifugiati fino al novembre 2014. Per i siriani in Turchia, la possibilità di ritornare nel proprio paese è stata progressivamente in diminuzione a causa dell'intensificazione della guerra civile. La situazione che rivela la gravità della situazione dei siriani che ricercano asilo indica che la questione è evoluta in un problema complesso che richiede un'analisi multidimensionale in tutti i suoi aspetti umanitari, legali, politici, sociali e finanziari. Questo articolo è scritto principalmente basandosi su una ricerca online e un'approfondita valutazione dei reports preparati dalle organizzazioni governative (GOs), dalle organizzazioni non governative (NGOs), dalle agenzie dell'ONU e di altre agenzie internazionali e varie notizie e articoli. La politica del governo turco è stata analizzata includendovi il discorso del presidente della Repubblica di Turchia, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, relativamente alla guerra civile che è sviluppata in una crisi globale del rifugiato e della sicurezza, richiedente azioni umanitarie urgenti e coordinate, oltreché risposte militari e politiche. L'articolo spiega la posizione dei siriani che cercano asilo in Turchia e la posizione della Turchia dalla prospettive della sicurezza umana e della percezione del mondo.
Nei primi anni Sessanta, la Turchia conosce ampi movimenti migratori verso l'estero e in particolare verso la Germania Occidentale. Tra i turchi che emigravano molte furono le donne che partirono come operaie, rincorrendo il desiderio di una maggiore autonomia individuale e la voglia di fare esperienza diretta di una modernità europea di cui in Turchia – in un periodo di grande trasformazione politica, sociale e culturale - si assaporavano i primi segnali, molto più che per ragioni economiche. Nel corso degli anni la partecipazione femminile alla migrazione ha inciso in modo determinante nella ridefinizione delle politiche del lavoro oltre che delle pratiche familiari, delle relazioni di genere e intergenerazionali, fuori e dentro i confini della repubblica turca. Lo studio della migrazione turca offre, quindi, un quadro interpretativo particolare per comprendere le complesse dinamiche socio-culturali che hanno segnato la Turchia nel corso degli ultimi decenni. Grazie all'uso di fonti diversificate – fonti istituzionali, stampa, fonti orali - la relazione si propone di analizzare in una prospettiva di genere tanto le politiche destinate ai migranti turchi quanto i discorsi e le rappresentazioni che, soprattutto attraverso la stampa, si elaboravano attorno alla partecipazione femminile all'emigrazione. L'intento è di poter comprendere, attraverso la migrazione, i processi di trasformazione avvenuti sul piano politico e sociale rispetto alla definizione del ruolo della donna nella società turca in un periodo specifico – gli anni della migrazione regolamentata (1961-1973) ma che, tuttavia, sono all'origine di cambiamenti che segnano ancora oggi le politiche del paese.
La storia del movimento femminista turca traccia le sue origini al volgere del XIX secolo, in modo analogo a ciò che avviene in molti altri paesi. All'inizio del Novecento numerose sono le riviste femminili che promuovono un discorso femminista e il riconoscimento di diritti politici. La fondazione della repubblica nel 1923 segna un momento importante nell'affermazione della donna sulla scena pubblica e politica, grazie anche all'attenzione che Mustafa Kemal pone sul ruolo della donna nel processo di modernizzazione della nazione. È tuttavia tale attenzione che porta a considerare a lungo il percorso di emancipazione femminile in Turchia come il risultato di una politica dall'alto di cui le donne hanno usufruito senza esserne davvero promotrici. Se la storiografia più recente offre una rivalutazione del femminismo in epoca kemalista, si deve comunque constatare l'assenza di un movimento femminista nei decenni che seguono la proclamazione della repubblica. (Göle, 2002). Sin dagli anni Cinquanta il panorama associativo delle donne è popolato di associazioni "non politiche", "associazioni celebrative" che ritornano attive solo nei giorni di commemorazione della repubblica e di Atatürk (Tekeli, 2005). La rinascita del movimento femminista si fa risalire ai primi anni Ottanta quando alcune donne si impegnano attivamente nell'opposizione al regime instaurato con il colpo di Stato del 1980. Eppure negli anni Settanta, in un clima di profonda radicalizzazione politica e di violenza, esiste un'associazione, l'Ilerici Kadınlar Dernegi (Associazione delle donne progressiste, IKD), fondata nel 1975 e legata al Partito comunista illegale, che intraprende una serie di azioni rivendicative a favore di un miglioramento della situazione delle donne. Si tratta di un'associazione molto attiva che riesce a diffondersi sul territorio e a organizzare grossi eventi, nonostante in quegli anni ci sia nelle organizzazioni di sinistra, e tra le donne militanti, un profondo scetticismo verso l'ideologia femminista. Inoltre, vanta una fitta rete di relazioni con associazioni femministe straniere, di cui si serve quando la corte marziale ne decreta la chiusura. L'IKD anticipa la sorte di numerose organizzazioni politiche messe al bando dopo il colpo di Stato ma rappresenta anche un caso interessante di associazionismo che potrebbe aggiungere nuovi tasselli alla ricostruzione della genesi del femminismo in Turchia. L'articolo propone un'analisi dell'associazione, basata anche su fonti d'archivio dell'IKD, nel contesto del femminismo turco in età contemporanea.
Il capitolo analizza gli scritti di A. J. Toynbee come storico e corrispondente speciale del «Manchester Guardian» dal fronte della guerra greco-turca (1919-1922). In particolare, viene esaminato il passaggio avvenuto in Toynbee dall'iniziale filo-ellenismo a un atteggiamento decisamente filo-turco, illustrando l'importanza che ebbe nella sua elaborazione del concetto di "civiltà" e "contatto di civiltà", divenuto poi centrale nella sua filosofia della storia. L'attenzione si concentra sulle corrispondenze di guerra di Toynbee, sulla sua opera fondamentale The Western Question in Greece and Turkey (1922), sulle complesse questioni che lo hanno portato a dimettersi dalla cattedra Koraes che aveva al King's College. ; The chapter analyzes the writings of A. J. Toynbee as a historian and special correspondent for the «Manchester Guardian» from the front of the Greco-Turkish war (1919-1922). In particular, the passage that occurred in Toynbee, from the initial pro-Hellenism to a decidedly pro-Turkish attitude, is examined, illustrating the importance it had in elaborating the concept of "civilization" and "contact of civilization" which would later become central in his philosophy of history. The focus is on Toynbee's war correspondences, on his seminal work The Western Question in Greece and Turkey (1922), on the complex issues that led him to resign from the Koraes Chair he held at King's College.
SUMMARY The continuous enlargement of the excavations at Arslantepe, in the Malatya province of Eastern Turkey, together with the beginning of systematic surveys in the region and new studies on the modes of occupation of the first centuries on the III millennium BC, give us the unique opportunity to reconsider the occupation proper of Arslantepe and the organisation of the surrounding territory. Around 3000 BC we assist to a general social and political crisis in the site and in the Malatya plain, started with the collapse of the proto-state system of Mesopotamian influence and the establishment, at the beginning of the III millennium, of a different economic and political organisation of the territory, with a much stronger mobile character than in the past. The society of the second half of the IV millennium BC was based on an essentially rural population, sparsely distributed in the plain, which all converged to the central site of Arslantepe and was probably involved in a complex mechanism of local exchange, managed and regulated by the Arslantepe palace. On top of the ruins of the palace, settle, at the beginning of Early Bronze Age I, groups with very distinct architectural traditions, life modes and material culture. The ceramic material consisted mainly of hand made burnished vessels, with the characteristic bi-chrome red-black surfaces, which presents clear technological and stylistic analogies with the red-black productions of the palatial period, but new shapes. These ceramics are the expression of an extremely unitary style and taste, which strongly recalls similar Transcaucasian productions of the Kura-Araks type, and most of all those from Georgia and North-Eastern Anatolia, thus indicating an evident cultural interaction with those communities, or maybe even the physical presence of those groups in the Upper Euphrates valley and in the Malatya plain at the beginning of the III millennium BC. Next to this though, the ceramic production also evidences a continuity of traditions already consolidated in the region and a material culture of the first centuries of the III millennium with a strong local character. The Kura-Araks model which makes its appearance in the Malatya plain, could thus be one derived by the pastoral groups, who locally re-elaborated and modified it.
This paper presents a summary of the results of an ongoing archaeological research on the citadel of Şanlıurfa, Turkey. It briefly discusses the history of fortification in the area and the present state of knowledge. It than illustrates the sequence of construction of the citadel on the basis of a stratigraphic analysis of the archaeological remains preserved above ground at the citadel, together with the study of historical photos and a re-examination of the written sources. This research is contributing to a better understanding of the evolution process that led to the development of a mature military architecture in the area and of the building techniques that were employed in this context
