Suchergebnisse

The main idea of this article is to describe the process of Turkish foreign policy evolvement during the rule of Justice and Development party (JDP). From weak economy and unstable political situation in 2001, JDP quickly formulated a new strategy of foreign policy and stabilized economy. In the article the Turkish foreign policy in the 21st century is divided into several stages which respond to different international threats and circumstances. The first stage was a peacekeeping stage when Turkey tried to stabilize the situation near its borders and implement peace initiatives for the purpose to find new markets and allies. As a result, Turkey formulated a new strategy of foreign policy, called "Zero Problems Policy" which aimed to create a ring of friendly countries on the borders. On the second stage, Turkish foreign policy was more active – Turkey tried to balance among regional power centers and confront with one of the most powerful actors – Israel. Confrontation with Tel Aviv was a preface to the third stage, and today under the influence of "Arab Spring" and desire to change its role in international relations, Turkey refused "Zero Problems Policy" strategy and turned to a new aggressive and revanchist idea – neo- Ottomanism. Ankara tries to build a new regional set of rules where Turkey will play a leading role.

The article is devoted to ideological issues in the Turkish party system in the context of the electoral process. The authors analyze the internal content and principles of ideological platforms of the leading parties in Turkey. The formal analysis of party programs allowed to determine the value of the ideology for the functioning of the parties. Besides, analysis of the results of opinion polls conducted by the Turkish public opinion research centers revealed the functionality of ideology in the context of election campaigns. The object of the study was the ideologies of 4 major political parties of Turkey, which entered National Parliament after elections in November 2015. These are conservative Justice and Development Party, the center-left Republican People's Party, the National Movement Party, the Democratic Party of peoples. Analysis of party programs and other official documents showed that all four parties clearly define their ideological identity and political position. However, despite the clarity of such ideological identification, analysis of the last two election campaigns in Turkey revealed a trend among major parties to refuse from the traditional ideological rhetoric and to practice populist methods of voters attracting. The paper discloses the contents of the political stratification of Turkish society, depending on the ideological preferences of representatives of various social groups. Causative factors of ideological discourse rise are considered in the context of inter-party competition of leading political forces of the Turkish Republic. A comparative analysis shows that the Republican People's Party and the Nationalist Movement Party are both doctrinal with distinct ideological postulates that have a national base. In contrast, the Justice and Development Party, as well as the People's Democratic Party are more pragmatic and charismatic at the same time. (author's abstract)

The article studies the influence of Russia and Turkey on the political development of the South Caucasus in 1918. The choice of 1918 year is conditioned by its transitivity in the relations of two countries with regard to the Caucasus region: peace treaty was concluded, but cooperation was not achieved yet. After the fall of the monarchy Russia entered the stage of reconstruction, while Turkey was on the verge of the final fall of the Young Turks. For both countries the territory of the South Caucasus became the stage of political struggle for realizing imperial ambitions and an attempt to prevent the final territorial disintegration of states. The author shows a difference between Russian and Turkish political approaches. Turkey acted directly, holding negotiations and introducing troops, while Russia had no contacts with Caucasus officials and tried to weaken the Turkish activity in the region through Germany. The conflict nature of the region, which had earlier been suppressed by the power of Russian monarchy, was revealed now. The author presents the political development of the South Caucasus in the form of evolution from the idea of autonomy within the Russian statehood to the proclamation of independence of Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia. Considering the South Caucasus political development in the international context is conditioned by dependence on external challenges, which determined the decisions and actions of Caucasian political elites. On the one hand, the newly formed Caucasian governments declared their independence at the international level. On the other hand, these governments were dependent on the leaders of world politics in achieving their goals. The participation of Russia and Turkey in the political processes in the South Caucasus was associated with the contradictory aims. Both parties didn't want to be eliminated from the Caucasian region. At the same time, they tried to avoid military conflict. The Turkish government's motivation to use the military power consisted in the need to protect the Muslim population, but not in opposition to Russia. In general, year 1918 marked two opposite perspectives for both countries: for Russia - the loss of the Caucasus as a territory and a sphere of influence; for Turkey - strengthening positions through the local Muslim population.

The article is devoted to an urgent problem dealing with the cooperation of the Turkish Republic and Azerbaijan Republic in the military sphere at the end of 20th – the beginning of 21st century. For Azerbaijan' s leaders Turkey has always been a special partner. This statement has an explanation. Ankara was the first state, which recognized the independence of Azerbaijan Republic. Moreover, Turkish government made great efforts to strengthen new state in different spheres. Military ties were one of the most important for both sides.
The cooperation between two states in the military sphere can be subdivided into several periods. The article gives the detailed analysis of normative documents concluded by the Republics' governments. The first period of military contacts (1990s) was the time of Turkish educational support. Ankara provided training assistance to the military forces of Azerbaijan. Military staff was restrained by Turkish instructors. Special uniform, armament and other equipment to make transformation was given to Baku by Turkish partners. Step by step, Azerbaijan' s military sphere was moving to Western standards. The year 1999 has become an important period for the military relations of Ankara and Baku. Since this year the military cooperation has extended and intensified, it is possible to name it as a new period of states' military collaboration. Turkish government gave financial aid to Ministry of Defense of Republic of Azerbaijan, provided the material and technical support to Baku for improving long-term military cooperation. In 2010 the Turkey-Azerbaijan Strategic Partnership Agreement was signed. It should be noticed that Baku refused to sign the agreement of Azerbaijan's participation in Collective security treaty organization, leaving the block of CSTO states headed by the Russian Federation. It's possible to say about the strengthening of the Baku-Ankara alliance. This action may lead to complication of Baku-Moscow relations and destabilize mutual relations. Mutual military ties between two Turkish states are shown in the context of Russia's interests in the region.

The article examines and analyzes the image of the Ottoman Empire as an enemy of Russia during the First World War, which was formed in the minds of its readers by domestic pre-revolutionary journalists on the pages of the periodical «Chronicle of the War of 1914–1917» in the first years of this military clash. This article can be useful to all those who are interested in both the history of World War I and the history of Russian journalism at the beginning of the XX century.

The paper considers is the transformation of the image of the Ottoman Empire in the publicistic texts by Ephraim Deinard, outstand ing Jewish writer and journalist of the turn of the 19th and 20th centu ries. The research was based on two Deinard's works, "Atidot Israel" ("The Future of Israel", 1892) and "Tzion be'ad mi?" ("Zion for Whom?", 1918), which deal with a variety of topics, including Deinard's opinion on the Ottoman Empire. In particular, the radical change of his position from the statements in "Atidot Israel" to those in "Tzion be'ad mi?" is observed. Deinard discusses the following three aspects, each case being a vivid example of this controversy: 1. The Ottoman government's attitude towards Jews and the pros pects of the collaboration of the Jewish community with the government; 2. The economic situation in the Ottoman Empire and its foreign policy; 3. The culture and cultural policy in the Ottoman Empire. Deinard's interest in Turkey was initially caused by his Zionist views, as the Land of Israel was part of the Ottoman Empire. Later, after World War I and especially after the Balfour Declaration in 1917, the Zionists placed their expectations on Britain, while Turkey, after losing the war and the territory so important for Jews, could no more be praised by Dei nard. In addition, Deinard had lived in the USA for more than 30 years by 1918, and it is merely logical that his publicistic works were aimed against the USA's enemy in World War I. This shift looks especially interesting when looked at through the context of the history of the Russian Jewish Enlightenment. A very simi lar process occurred in the ideology of the Russian maskilim in the 19th century. Throughout the 19th century, they believed that the Jews should be integrated in the Russian society and viewed the Russian government as their ally. The Russian authorities, correspondingly, tried to assimilate the Jews and to make them an integral part of the society. However, af ter the pogroms of 1880s, the authorities' attitude towards Jews changed dramatically, and so did that of the maskilim towards the government. Laws regarding Jews were tightened and became openly anti-Semitic, and the maskilim started to criticize the state instead of hoping for col laboration with it. Deinard's works used for this research date to a later period. More over, the aforementioned events influenced his positive attitude towards the Ottoman Empire: concerning the status of Jews in the both countries, Deinard opposed Turkey to Russia. Eventually, however, Turkey took the same place for Deinard as Russia did for his predecessors, the maskilim. His hopes for collaboration with the state were just as replaced by disap pointment and criticism. To conclude, the above similarity may suggest that the shift in Dein ard's views might have correlated with the change in the ideology of the Russian maskilim.

The strategic position of the South Caucasus prompted the regional players, Russia, Iran and Turkey, to seek more significant influence on this territory. Israel is not a direct actor in the South Caucasus. Still, the region is of great strategic importance for the foreign policy doctrine of the Israeli state, whose interests only intensified as Iran's influence had expanded after the lifting of sanctions in 2016. This article focuses on the region's importance to Israel in its regional and national security. Based on this, the paper identifies and analyzes Israel's geopolitical priorities and interests in the South Caucasus. The primary attention is paid to the main directions of Israel's foreign policy, focused on protecting its vital interests. Since the creation of the Israeli state, the central foreign policy doctrines have been researched. The main aspects of Israel's relations and interests with the region's states (particularly the role of Iran) have been analyzed. Israel's foreign policy is primarily tied to its deeply rooted historical traditions and is based on the principles of realism. Israel's interests and policy in the Caucasus have three main aspects: strategic - a means of encircling Iran, medium-term - the energy supply zone, short-term - a market for the sale of high-tech weapons and ammunition. At the same time, these dimensions pose a challenge for the three traditional regional players - Russia, Turkey and Iran - who are very reluctant to admit extra-regional actors. The novelty of the article lies in consideration of Israel as a new geopolitical actor in the South Caucasus in the triangle of relations between regional and local states, as well as a zone for ensuring Israel's geo-security. The main provisions and conclusions of the article can be used in scientific and pedagogical activities in assessing the issues of regional and national security, foreign policy and geopolitics of the South Caucasus.

The general theoretical issues of set phrases have yet to be studied at the level of the requirements of modern linguistics, the position of such language units has not been clearly defined, and their boundaries with other phrases remain uncertain. Issues such as the nature of set phrases, their formation, types, and attitude to other linguistic units, especially words and sentences, features of development, still need to be addressed in linguistics. The article's author explains that set phrases from the point of view of the language are the most exciting units that express the spirit of the people. The main features of stable combinations are their nominative and communicative functions. The author also discusses the differences between set phrases and complimentary combinations of words. Particular attention is paid to connecting complex term combinations to stable combinations.

The article examines the stages of the national liberation struggle of the peoples of South- Eastern Europe against the Ottoman Empire. The Russian Empire supported the Christian population and helped the southern Slavs and the Greeks to get free from the Ottoman dependency. But Emperor Nicholas I opposed the revolution. The 1850s were marked by the strained political and economic relations between Russia, Turkey, Britain, France and other European States. The Bulgarian and the Greek bourgeoisie had moved from enlightment activity to the political one. Bulgarians, Serbs, Moldovans, Greeks joined the volunteers and defended national interests with the weapon in hands. During the Crimean war the Russian command created military units on the territory of the Danubian principalities. Volunteers fought on the Danube, in Moldavia and Wallachia, and the Crimea. They protected the borders, defended the bastions of Sevastopol. The subject of the research is the organization of volunteer groups, national and social composition of the groups. The role of volunteers was of an exclusive political significance. The number of volunteers in the ranks of Russian troops was insignificant. But the volunteers were guides of Russian policy in the Turkish lands. They represented the fighting core.

The collapse of the Soviet Union at the end of the twentieth century ended the pre-existing bipolar Cold War system and resulted in a unipolar moment in which the United States enjoyed a position of almost unchallenged global and civilizational leadership [Krauthammer 1991; Waltz 1993; Wohlforth 1999]. However, despite the initial elation of some Western politicians and analysts [Fukuyama 1992; Brooks, Wohlforth 2008; Kagan 2008], who hoped to see the triumph of the Western idea universally, this situation was relatively short-lived. Global dialogue soon moved beyond this moment of unipolarity toward its more conventional form, in which states struggle for power and influence and search for areas of mutually beneficial co-operation. At the beginning of the third decade of the twenty-first century, we see a qualitatively different world. There have been profound political changes since the post-Cold War unipolarity. In this world, the idea of civilization has become a virtual currency of international relations and global dialogue. Many analysts [Coker 2019; Acharya 2020; Stuenkel 2016; Higgott 2019] discuss the rise of civilizations in world affairs as the new sociopolitical reality. Countries such as Russia, China, India, Turkey, and Brazil are often considered civilizational states – challengers to the West. Historically, philosophers have oscillated between the idea of multiple civilizations, with the West being one civilization of many (Spengler, Huntington, Danilevsky), and a single and universal Western civilization (Hayek, Kant). The former approach became a cardinal frame of reference of the global discourse during the past decade.

Modern political leverage from western countries to Russia allows researchers to use domestic historical experience of 1920-1940s. International isolation of Soviet Russia induced the search of different ways out, including making concessionary agreements with foreign entrepreneurs. Since 1921 concessionary agreements were made between Soviet Russia/USSR and Germany, England, USA, Japan, Norway, Poland, Austria, Italy, France, Persia, Denmark, Finland, Latvia, Holland, Sweden, Estonia, Lithuania, Turkey, China and Mongolia. Soviet economy began attracting private foreign capital.

At the end of the 1920s Soviet government set a course to liquidate private property. Share of concessionary enterprises in the national economy decreased. But despite the absence of any new concessionary agreements since 1929, concessionary affairs in USSR lasted till mid-1940 and only with Japan because of its deep political meaning.

The author analyzes Japan concessions' activity, such as "Kita Karafuto Koogio Kabusiki Kaisha" and "Kita Karafuto Sekio Kabusiki Kaisha" in 1930-1940s (pre- and World War II period), workers' socio-economic conditions, relations between Japanese concessioners and Soviet authorities. Permanent infringements of concessionary agreements by Japan concessioners including concessions workers' food and goods supply, price making, Soviet workers' housing provision and dismissal, meeting safety requirements were registered. However, neither Japan concessioners dissolve their enterprises nor Soviet authorities annulled concessionary agreements. The author concludes that originally in 1925 granting concessions to Japan businessmen in USSR was among the conditions of Japan government diplomatic recognition of USSR. Further Japan concessions in USSR were deterrent factor from Japan military invasion to the Russian Far East.