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The main forms, institutional mechanisms and problems of the implementation of direct democracy in Slovak Republic are analyzed in the article. The Constitution establishes the following forms of direct democracy in Slovakia: referendums, petition campaigns and the removal of the President from office (national level); community gathering, local referendum and regional referendum (level of territorial self-government).The main focus is on the peculiarities of constitutional regulation and the political functioning of the referendum. The referendum is held in Slovak Republic at national, regional and local level. The experience of holding the Slovak referendums testifies to the low turnout of citizens. In 1993-2015, there were eight national referendums, but only one in 2003 was recognized as validKey issues, which essentially complicate the procedure of the referendum conducting, have been determined. It is concluded that the referendum institute in Slovak Republic has often been used to achieve narrow political goals. The politicization of the referendum is connected with the political parties, the struggle between the authorities and the opposition.The article shows the reasons for the lack of interest of citizens in implementing the mechanisms of direct democracy in Slovak Republic.Development of direct democracy is considered as a key prerequisite for further democratization of Slovakia's political system. The need to improve the legal regulation of direct democracy and referendums in Slovak Republic is also stressed in the article. ; У статті проаналізовано основні форми, інституційні механізми і проблеми реалізації прямої демократії в Словацькій Республіці. Основна увага зосереджена на особливостях конституційного регулювання та політичного функціонування інституту референдуму. Зроблено висновок, що інститут референдуму в Словаччині часто використовувався для досягнення політичних цілей. Політизація референдуму пов'язана з партіями, боротьбою між владою і опозицією. Акентовано увагу на причинах слабкого зацікавлення громадян в реалізації механізмів прямої демократії в Словацькій Республіці.

The institutional, legal, organizational, financial conditions of functioning of civil society in the Slovak Republic are highlighted in the article.The author focuses on the peculiarities of the activities of non-governmental organizations. The quantitative and qualitative characteristics of non-governmental organizations are analyzed.The problematic aspects of functioning of civil society in modern Slovakia are singled out: imperfect legal regulation of the activities of non-governmental organizations; unfinished construction of an institu- tional mechanism for interaction with the state; weak integration of the non-governmental sector into the system of decision-making; fragmentation of non-governmental organizations; limited financial resources and instability of the activities of civic organizations; growing distrust of the political elite, parties and mech- anisms of democracy; increase of political apathy of citizens; reduction of civic participation; activization of subjects of uncivil society (radicals and extremists).Relations between the government and the third sector in Slovak Republic were difficult for different approaches of the ruling coalition to cooperate with public organizations. The role of non-governmental organizations in the struggle against authoritarian tendencies in 1994-1998 was emphasized.The attention is focused on the negative trends of social development in Slovakia that require the attention of the state and civil society. ; У статті висвітлено інституційно-правові, організаційні, фінансові умови функціонування громадянського суспільства в Словацькій Республіці. Основна увага зосереджена на особливостях діяльності неурядових організацій. Виокремлено проблемні аспекти функціонування громадянського суспільства в сучасній Словаччині. Наголошено на негативних тенденціях суспільного розвитку в Словаччині, які вимагають уваги держави та громадянського суспільства.

The institutional, legal, organizational, financial conditions of functioning of civil society in the Slovak Republic are highlighted in the article.The author focuses on the peculiarities of the activities of non-governmental organizations. The quantitative and qualitative characteristics of non-governmental organizations are analyzed.The problematic aspects of functioning of civil society in modern Slovakia are singled out: imperfect legal regulation of the activities of non-governmental organizations; unfinished construction of an institu- tional mechanism for interaction with the state; weak integration of the non-governmental sector into the system of decision-making; fragmentation of non-governmental organizations; limited financial resources and instability of the activities of civic organizations; growing distrust of the political elite, parties and mech- anisms of democracy; increase of political apathy of citizens; reduction of civic participation; activization of subjects of uncivil society (radicals and extremists).Relations between the government and the third sector in Slovak Republic were difficult for different approaches of the ruling coalition to cooperate with public organizations. The role of non-governmental organizations in the struggle against authoritarian tendencies in 1994-1998 was emphasized.The attention is focused on the negative trends of social development in Slovakia that require the attention of the state and civil society. ; У статті висвітлено інституційно-правові, організаційні, фінансові умови функціонування громадянського суспільства в Словацькій Республіці. Основна увага зосереджена на особливостях діяльності неурядових організацій. Виокремлено проблемні аспекти функціонування громадянського суспільства в сучасній Словаччині. Наголошено на негативних тенденціях суспільного розвитку в Словаччині, які вимагають уваги держави та громадянського суспільства.

The article analyzes the concepts of democracy which reflected in the writings of the French scientists of the second half of XX – beginning XXI century. Directions of modern political researches are considered through discussion between supporters of neoliberal (individualistic), socialist and pluralist (collectivistic) concepts of democracy. The author comes to the conclusion about the expediency of incorporating research results of French political scientists for the future establishment of the theory of political science in Ukraine and the development of democratic processes by combining liberal values with the values of solidarity and deep cooperation between the authorities and the public. ; У статті аналізуються концепції демократії, що знайшли відображення у працях французьких дослідників другої половини ХХ – початку ХХІ століття. Основні напрями сучасних політичних досліджень розкриваються автором через аналіз дискусії, що розгорнулась між прихильниками неоліберальної (індивідуалістської), соціалістичної та плюралістичної (колективістських) концепцій демократії. Автор доходить висновку про доцільність врахування результатів наукових розвідок французьких політологів у подальшому становленні теорії політичної науки в Україні та розвитку демократичних процесів на засадах поєднання ліберальних цінностей з цінностями солідарності, поглиблення взаємодії влади і громадськості.

After less than 120 years of fully fledged representative democracy, and with the crisis and possibly even the dead end of the existing way of production, questioning the future of democracy is back again. It is claimed that direct democracy may be the next step of the development of the political system. The present article considers a less ambitious project, presenting a possible upgrading of representative democracy in Slovenia, a country with a short history of functioning representative democracy and with the experience of an experiment in direct democracy, which collapsed together with the Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia. The article presents a model that should enable the widening of democratic participation in decision making, and discusses the possible engagement of increasingly educated civil society in political deliberation, making use of the internet and new media. The proposed Slovenian model of junctures of democracy emerged after intensive and prolonged discussion within the so-called "Free University" that emerged after public protests in 2013. As an example of good practice enabling reflection on the possible upgrading of representative democracy in Slovenia, we refer to the Finnish practice of e-democracy at the local level (in particular the Tampere case) and at the state level. ; Po manj kot 120 letih polno razvite predstavniške demokracije se ob krizi in možnem koncu obstoječega načina produkcije ponovno pojavljajo vprašanja o prihodnosti demokracije. Neposredno demokracijo mnogi vidijo kot naslednji možni korak v razvoju političnega sistema prihodnosti. Članek obravnava manj ambiciozen projekt in predstavlja možno nadgradnjo predstavniške demokracije v Sloveniji, državi s kratko zgodovino delovanja predstavniške demokracije in z izkušnjo poskusa uvedbe neposredne demokracije, ki je propadla skupaj s socialistično republiko Jugoslavijo. V prispevku je prikazan model, ki bi omogočil širjenje demokratične vključenosti v odločanje ; obravnavana je možnost sodelovanja vse bolj izobražene civilne družbe pri demokratičnem premisleku s pomočjo interneta in novih medijev. Predlagani model stičišč demokracije je nastal po daljši razpravi v okviru Svobodne univerze - razpravi, ki je vzniknila po javnih protestih leta 2013. Kot primer dobre prakse, ki omogoča refleksijo možne nadgradnje predstavniške demokracije v Sloveniji, uporabljamo finsko delovanje e-demokracije na lokalni ravni (mesto Tampere) in na državni ravni.

The article deals with the development of the institute of presidency through the prism of state-power relations, the electoral process and political transformations in the Slovak Republic. Noted that the process of democratic transformations in the Slovak Republic is closely linked to the development of the institute of presidency, which occupies a special place in the system of power relations.President of Slovakia has weak constitutional competences and his role includes mainly formal and representative functions. But the president's power manifests itself in the political practice, which M. Kovac, R. Schuster, I. Gasparovich, A. Kiska repeatedly testified to their activities.It is concluded that in the constitution 1992 many provisions were formulated vaguely and provoked institutional conflicts. Constitutional amendments (1999, 2001) partly reinstated the institutional balance in the system of power relations. Slovakia is dynamically reacting to political crises and is looking for the possibility of constitutionally improving the institution of the presidency.Special attention is given to the position of the president vis-a-vis the prime minister and the cabinet. All directly elected presidents in Slovakia have had occasional political conflicts with the government. However, the two disputing sides never escalated their conflicts in the manner characteristic of the period from 1994– 1998. During the period of 1994–1998, the relations between government and the opposition have always been strained during the whole period in consequence of concentration of power by the ruling coalition at the head of Meciar, oppression and restriction of parliamental oppositional actions and the president of Slovakia.The author comes to the conclusion, that the institution of presidency played an important role in the democratic transformation, legitimation and institutional consolidation of the political system in the Slovak Republic. ; У статті проаналізовано розвиток інституту президента крізь призму динаміки державно-владних відносин, електорального процесу і політичних трансформацій в Словацькій Республіці. Зроблено висновок, що в Конституції 1992 р. містилось чимало нечітких положень, які спровокували інституційні конфлікти. Конституційні зміни у 1999, 2001 рр. частково відновили інституційну рівновагу в системі владних відносин. Особлива увага приділяється аналізу позиції президента щодо прем'єр мністра та уряду.

Under present conditions, civic education is a requirement of the present day, an important factor in democratic transformations, changes in the value orientations of citizens. Hence, increasing attention to its analysis and improving the quality of implementation is an urgent necessity for many democratic states, and should start with a study of its periodization.Defining the issues and developing the periodization of civic education in the context of the development of democratic ideas in the second half of the XIX century. – іncluding by 2018, it is worth noting the following. By studying the historical retrospective of civic education, we outlined the six main periods of its development in the context of the ideas of democracy: 1) The period of crystallization of the ideas of democracy covered by the time frame of the second half of the XIX century provided for the gradual establishment of civic education as a universal doctrine based on the model of liberal democracy J. S. Mill and concepts of education of a «democratic citizen»; 2) The period of the adoption of democratic ideas, which began at the beginning of the XX century, marked the recognition of it as one of the basic priorities of democratic development of society and its transformation into a mass social phenomenon (the creation of the first European Association of Civic Education and the publication of sign labor played a significant role in these processes) American philosopher J. Dewey «Democracy and Education»); 3) The period of the first studies on civic education in the countries of established democracy (second half of the XX century) envisaged the beginning and implementation of the first fundamental studies on civic education in the countries of established democracy; 4) The period of change in the role of civic educa- tion in establishing democracy in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, which begins at the end of the XX century, envisaged the transformation of civic education from the tool of political indoctrination into a powerful factor in democratic change and the active role of citizens, in particular young people in the life of their own society; 5) The period of civic education in the context of global citizenship (the begin- ning of the XXI century) marked the new scale of its development, due to the dynamic changes in the world arena and the emergence of global citizenship, the formation of new tasks and the transformation into a permanent object of attention and priority the direction of the Council of Europe and the institutions of the European community, the state policy of many states; 6) The modern period of civic education in the context of digitalization and the search for new tools (2010-2018) is characterized by new challenges for civic education, associated with active information development, the emergence of citizenship and the new digital civic education mediated by digital technologies and online tools.Consequently, the study and study of the experience of the emergence and formation of civic education in the context of the development of ideas of democracy from the second half of the XIX century by 2018, allows us to characterize it as a complex multidimensional phenomenon that developed under the influence of many factors and trends, the significance and correlation of which is due to specific historical, socio-political and legal realities. Also, it will help to explore the various ways that different countries have used, responding to social challenges, carrying out a reflection of educational traditions and their dynamics of development, etc. ; У статті визначено проблематику періодизації громадянської освіти в контексті розвитку ідей демократії, зокрема виокремлено шість періодів: кристалізація ідей демократії (друга половина XIX ст.); утвердження демократичних ідей (початок XX ст.); первинні дослідження з громадянської освіти в країнах усталеної демократії (друга половина XX ст.); зміна ролі громадянської освіти зі встановленням демократії в країнах Центральної та Східної Європи (кінець XX ст.); громадянська освіта в контексті глобального громадянства (початок XXI ст.); громадянська освіта в умовах діджиталізації та пошук нових інструментів її впровадження (2010–2018 рр.). Виокремлено особливості, тенденції та характерні риси кожного з указаних періодів.

Under present conditions, civic education is a requirement of the present day, an important factor in democratic transformations, changes in the value orientations of citizens. Hence, increasing attention to its analysis and improving the quality of implementation is an urgent necessity for many democratic states, and should start with a study of its periodization.Defining the issues and developing the periodization of civic education in the context of the development of democratic ideas in the second half of the XIX century. – іncluding by 2018, it is worth noting the following. By studying the historical retrospective of civic education, we outlined the six main periods of its development in the context of the ideas of democracy: 1) The period of crystallization of the ideas of democracy covered by the time frame of the second half of the XIX century provided for the gradual establishment of civic education as a universal doctrine based on the model of liberal democracy J. S. Mill and concepts of education of a «democratic citizen»; 2) The period of the adoption of democratic ideas, which began at the beginning of the XX century, marked the recognition of it as one of the basic priorities of democratic development of society and its transformation into a mass social phenomenon (the creation of the first European Association of Civic Education and the publication of sign labor played a significant role in these processes) American philosopher J. Dewey «Democracy and Education»); 3) The period of the first studies on civic education in the countries of established democracy (second half of the XX century) envisaged the beginning and implementation of the first fundamental studies on civic education in the countries of established democracy; 4) The period of change in the role of civic educa- tion in establishing democracy in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, which begins at the end of the XX century, envisaged the transformation of civic education from the tool of political indoctrination into a powerful factor in democratic change and the active role of citizens, in particular young people in the life of their own society; 5) The period of civic education in the context of global citizenship (the begin- ning of the XXI century) marked the new scale of its development, due to the dynamic changes in the world arena and the emergence of global citizenship, the formation of new tasks and the transformation into a permanent object of attention and priority the direction of the Council of Europe and the institutions of the European community, the state policy of many states; 6) The modern period of civic education in the context of digitalization and the search for new tools (2010-2018) is characterized by new challenges for civic education, associated with active information development, the emergence of citizenship and the new digital civic education mediated by digital technologies and online tools.Consequently, the study and study of the experience of the emergence and formation of civic education in the context of the development of ideas of democracy from the second half of the XIX century by 2018, allows us to characterize it as a complex multidimensional phenomenon that developed under the influence of many factors and trends, the significance and correlation of which is due to specific historical, socio-political and legal realities. Also, it will help to explore the various ways that different countries have used, responding to social challenges, carrying out a reflection of educational traditions and their dynamics of development, etc. ; У статті визначено проблематику періодизації громадянської освіти в контексті розвитку ідей демократії, зокрема виокремлено шість періодів: кристалізація ідей демократії (друга половина XIX ст.); утвердження демократичних ідей (початок XX ст.); первинні дослідження з громадянської освіти в країнах усталеної демократії (друга половина XX ст.); зміна ролі громадянської освіти зі встановленням демократії в країнах Центральної та Східної Європи (кінець XX ст.); громадянська освіта в контексті глобального громадянства (початок XXI ст.); громадянська освіта в умовах діджиталізації та пошук нових інструментів її впровадження (2010–2018 рр.). Виокремлено особливості, тенденції та характерні риси кожного з указаних періодів.

The goal of this article is to evaluate what the Czech and Slovak governments have done to protect their countries and try to assess why they have achieved different results for the first and second waves of the Covid-19 pandemic. The basis for such evaluation is the concept of collaborative governance, while qualitative research methods are used to achieve this goal. Based on comprehensive case studies and following analysis, the article suggests that in countries with limited quality of collaborative governance and no experience in similar pandemics, short-term "ultramobilisation" and positive results are indeed possible, but failures are non-avoidable in the long run. During the second wave of the pandemic, the weaknesses in governance resulted in massive governance failures. As a result, the governments' responses delivered very limited results in terms of prevalence of Covid-19. ; Namen članka je ugotoviti, kako sta češka in slovaška vlada zaščitili svoje države, ter presoditi, zakaj sta v prvem in drugem valu pandemije covida-19 dosegli različne rezultate. Tovrstna presoja temelji na konceptu sodelovalnega upravljanja, uporabljena pa je bila kvalitativna raziskovalna metoda. Na podlagi obsežnih študij primera in analize avtorji ugotavljajo, da so v državah z omejeno kakovostjo sodelovalnega upravljanja in brez izkušenj s podobnimi pandemijami kratkoročna "ultra-mobilizacija" in pozitivni rezultati sicer mogoči, vendar na daljši rok niso izključeni neuspehi. V drugem valu pandemije je namreč oslabljeno upravljanje privedlo do množičnih neuspehov. Posledično so rezultati vladnih odzivov na razširjenost covida-19 precej omejeni.

Стаття присвячена аналізу особливостей й основних тенденцій розвитку українського політичного режиму у порівняльній перспективі з політичним режимом Республіки Польща. Визначено основні тенденції розвитку політичного режиму України. ; The political mode in the period of systemic transformation is undoubtedly one of the main actors on the political scene, as he describes the basic activities of state-government institutions and the process of democratization.The article tries to make a comparative analysis of the political transformation of post-communist modes of Ukraine and Poland, as well as through the political transformation consider the main features of post neopatrumonialna system (create a class of rent-seeking political entrepreneurs, private use of public administrative resources, the key role of patronage-client relationships in structuring politico-economic process and space real political struggle). The main trends of the political regime in Ukraine.

Magistrsko delo obravnava probleme demokratizacije v skladu s politično polarizacijo v Gruziji. Vsebuje podrobno analizo političnih dogodkov od leta 1991 do danes, in prikazuje ustavne, pravne in politične razsežnosti oblikovanja države. Cilj dela je razumeti kako politična polarizacija vpliva na demokratični prehod in utrjevanje demokracije v Gruziji. V delu ugotavljamo, da je polarizacija v Gruziji že od nekdaj del politike, vendar je od leta 2012 pridobila večji pomen. Spopad med strankama Gruzijske Sanje in Združenim Nacionalnim Gibanjem je presegel politiko in se spremenil v "parlamentarne blokade" in ulično politiko. Obenem sta se v času pred volitvami pogosto začela pojavljati verbalno in fizično nasilje nad voditelji in podporniki strank ZNG. Sovražno politično okolje krepi enopartijsko vladavino in klientelistične odnose med voditelji strank in širšo družbo. Politika vpliva tudi na poslovni in gospodarski sektor, ki krepi revščino in neenakost ; hkrati pa polarizacija vpliva na medijska in družbena okolja. Kot kažejo zadnji politični dogodki v Gruziji, je lahko pritisk zahodnih zaveznikov edina sila za zmanjšanje polarizacije, s sprejetjem novega volilnega sistema, ki lahko spodbuja razvoj funkcionalne demokracije v Gruziji. ; The thesis examines the problems of democratization in line with the political polarization in Georgia. The thesis is concerned with a detailed analysis of political events from 1991 till today, portraying the constitutional, legal, and political dimensions of state-building. The goal of the thesis is to understand how much political polarization affects democratic consolidation/transition in Georgia. The finding of the thesis is that polarization in Georgia has always been part of politics. However, it took greater meaning since 2012. The confrontation between the Georgian Dream party and the United National Movement exceeded the politics into the "parliamentary blockages" and "street politics" The verbal and physical violence against UNM party leaders and their supporters became frequent in the runup of elections. The hostile political environment strengthens the one-party rule and clientelistic relations among party leaders and greater society. Politics does affect the business and economic sectors that influence poverty and inequality. Simultaneously, polarization has a spillover effect on media and social environments. The latest political developments in Georgia indicate that Western Allies pressure can be the only force to decrease polarization by adopting a new electoral system that can foster the development of functional democracy in Georgia.

Eastern Slovakia belongs to the most undeveloped NUTS II regions of the European Union. This region reaches high level of the unemployment rate, what together with the low production of GDP per capita forms unfavourable living conditions for its inhabitants. This article studies the development of the unemployment rate and the partial structures of unemployment in the region. It identifies key factors which affect the unemployment. It turns the attention to the potential of the region in the fight against the unemployment, from the point of view of its macro-regional and meso-regional position in the European space. It identifies specific subregions within the Eastern Slovakia and analyses its intraregional disparities in the context of labour market stability.

Сьогодні уряди багатьох країн використовують інформаційно-комунікаційні технології в системі державного управління, залучаючи до формування політики через електронні канали широке коло громадян, особливо на місцевому рівні. Використання електронних інструментів та інформаційно-комунікаційних технологій є важливою умовою успішної взаємодії органів державної влади з громадянським суспільством. Електронна участь забезпечує міцне партнерство між представниками влади та громадянами, призводить до зміцнення представницької демократії та її інструментів традиційного залучення громадян до процесу ухвалення державних рішень. У статті розглянуто застосування інструментів електронної участі на різних етапах формування державної політики, визначено їхній вплив та умови ефективного функціонування. ; Today, governments in many countries use information and communication technologies for public administration, involving to the formation of policies, through electronic channels, a wide range of citizens, especially at the local level. The use of electronic tools and information and communication technologies is an important condition for the interaction of public authorities with civil society. Electronic participation ensures a strong partnership between state authorities and civil society, leads to the strengthening of rep- resentative democracy and its tools of traditional engagement of citizens in the decision-making process. In the information society, an improved type of state communication with citizens through electronic channels is formed, namely through the filing of electronic petitions, electronic consultations, and the usage of state electronic services. Under conditions when citizens are delegated some of the powers, their competence, responsibility for the decisions and political culture are promptly increased.Citizens' interaction with state authorities should be based on partnership, equal and mutual respect for all participants of the discussion, active citizens' position with openness to compromises. It is important that citizens are united through new platforms of electronic communication, representing common ideas, scaling their influence. Information and communication technologies allow citizens receive greater partic- ipation in policy development and government decision-making. As a result, in the e-governance system, there will be new types of interaction between the state and civil society that involves openness, transparency and full confidence.In Ukraine, the introduction of information and communication technologies in public administration will strengthen democratic processes both at the central and at the local level. However, in Ukrainian realities, it should be remembered that, along with the development of the legal framework for e-governance and job description for civil servants, it is necessary to actively improve the technical infrastructure, attract international experience and investments to establish effective electronic communication between state authorities and the civil society. Taking into account international experience, Ukraine needs to fully reform the mechanisms and system of electronic channels for involving citizens in public administration, update and improve the regulatory framework of e-governance, introduce state-run training programs for civil serv- ants on the use of electronic tools for citizens' engaging, attracting investment in development technical infrastructure and information and communication technologies.This article discusses usage of electronic participation tools at the main stages of public policies formation procedure, determines their influence and conditions of effective functioning. The main purpose of the study is to determine the possibilities, dynamics of development and peculiarities of the electronic tools usage for participation in public administration.

Сьогодні уряди багатьох країн використовують інформаційно-комунікаційні технології в системі державного управління, залучаючи до формування політики через електронні канали широке коло громадян, особливо на місцевому рівні. Використання електронних інструментів та інформаційно-комунікаційних технологій є важливою умовою успішної взаємодії органів державної влади з громадянським суспільством. Електронна участь забезпечує міцне партнерство між представниками влади та громадянами, призводить до зміцнення представницької демократії та її інструментів традиційного залучення громадян до процесу ухвалення державних рішень. У статті розглянуто застосування інструментів електронної участі на різних етапах формування державної політики, визначено їхній вплив та умови ефективного функціонування. ; Today, governments in many countries use information and communication technologies for public administration, involving to the formation of policies, through electronic channels, a wide range of citizens, especially at the local level. The use of electronic tools and information and communication technologies is an important condition for the interaction of public authorities with civil society. Electronic participation ensures a strong partnership between state authorities and civil society, leads to the strengthening of rep- resentative democracy and its tools of traditional engagement of citizens in the decision-making process. In the information society, an improved type of state communication with citizens through electronic channels is formed, namely through the filing of electronic petitions, electronic consultations, and the usage of state electronic services. Under conditions when citizens are delegated some of the powers, their competence, responsibility for the decisions and political culture are promptly increased.Citizens' interaction with state authorities should be based on partnership, equal and mutual respect for all participants of the discussion, active citizens' position with openness to compromises. It is important that citizens are united through new platforms of electronic communication, representing common ideas, scaling their influence. Information and communication technologies allow citizens receive greater partic- ipation in policy development and government decision-making. As a result, in the e-governance system, there will be new types of interaction between the state and civil society that involves openness, transparency and full confidence.In Ukraine, the introduction of information and communication technologies in public administration will strengthen democratic processes both at the central and at the local level. However, in Ukrainian realities, it should be remembered that, along with the development of the legal framework for e-governance and job description for civil servants, it is necessary to actively improve the technical infrastructure, attract international experience and investments to establish effective electronic communication between state authorities and the civil society. Taking into account international experience, Ukraine needs to fully reform the mechanisms and system of electronic channels for involving citizens in public administration, update and improve the regulatory framework of e-governance, introduce state-run training programs for civil serv- ants on the use of electronic tools for citizens' engaging, attracting investment in development technical infrastructure and information and communication technologies.This article discusses usage of electronic participation tools at the main stages of public policies formation procedure, determines their influence and conditions of effective functioning. The main purpose of the study is to determine the possibilities, dynamics of development and peculiarities of the electronic tools usage for participation in public administration.

V magistrskem delu se osredotočamo na raziskovanje vloge in pomena podobe ter ugleda političnih akterjev v kontekstu sodobne demokracije. Podobo in ugled vidimo kot dve izmed ključnih determinant, na osnovi katerih se nekonsistentni in neodvisni volivci ter državljani nasploh odločajo, komu nameniti svoj glas na volitvah in zvestobo v daljšem časovnem obdobju. Dejstvo je, da se sodobni volivci distancirajo od političnih strank in sledijo bolj kratkoročnim vzgibom presoje kot na primer podobi, osebnosti in uspešnosti političnega akterja. Sodobna demokracija je tako v 21. stoletju doživela razpotje, hkrati smo priča politični pasivnosti državljanov. Politični akterji se zato vedno bolj obračajo k orodjem političnega marketinga za mobilizacijo državljanov z namenom, da si izborijo zmago na volitvah in se v politični areni obdržijo daljše časovno obdobje. Politični marketing uporabljajo za identifikacijo volivčevih potreb in želja, na osnovi katerih nato (iz)gradijo podobo in ugled političnega akterja. Cilj magistrskega dela je ugotoviti, kakšno vlogo in pomen ima izgradnja podobe in ugleda političnih akterjev v različnih pristopih političnega marketinga ter v sodobni demokraciji, spoznati trende sodobne demokracije, ki se osredotočajo na personalizacijo politike, znotraj katere bomo analizirali pomen podobe in ugleda, teorije in modele (iz)gradnje podobe in ugleda ter ponudili sistematičen model (iz)gradnje podobe in ugleda, ki ga je mogoče aplicirati v praksi. Na tem področju namreč zaznavamo manko raziskovanj, saj večina avtorjev priznava pomembnost podobe političnega akterja pri volivčevi izbiri, hkrati pa zanemarja konceptualno razumevanje, kako se podoba sploh (iz)gradi ter katere tehnike in strategije se uporabljajo v tem postopku. ; In the master's thesis, we focus on exploring the role and importance of the image and reputation of political actors in the context of modern democracy. We see the image and reputation as two of the key determinants, based on which inconsistent and independent voters and citizen generally decide to whom to give their vote at the elections and loyalty in a longer period of time. It is a fact that modern voters distance themselves from political parties and follow more short-term decision-making motives, like image, personality and success of the political actor. In the 21st century, modern democracy is thus at a crossroads because we are witnessing political passiveness. Political actors thus increasingly turn to political marketing tools for the mobilization of citizen in order to win the elections and remain in the political arena for a longer period of time. They use political marketing to identify the needs and desires of voters, based on which they then build the image and reputation of the political actor. The goal of the master's thesis is to find out the role and importance of building the image and reputation of political actors (in different approaches of political marketing) in modern democracy, identify the trends of modern democracy with focus on policy personalization, within which we will analyse the importance of image and reputation, theories and models for image and reputation building and offer a systematic model for image and reputation building, which can be applied in practice. In this field, we namely perceive a lack of researches, since the majority of authors recognize the importance of the image of the political actor in the voter's decision-making process, but neglect the conceptual understanding how the image is even built and which techniques and strategies are being used in this procedure.