Suchergebnisse

America's nuclear energy industry is in decline. Low natural gas prices, financing hurdles, failure to find a permanent repository for high-level nuclear waste, reactions to the Fukushima accident in Japan, and other factors are hastening the day when existing U.S. reactors become uneconomic. The decline of the U.S. nuclear energy industry could be much more rapid than policy makers and stakeholders anticipate.

Quantitative data concerning the foreign policy behavior of the US for the 1950-1973 period were gathered to empirically map & describe changes in some of the salient dimensions of that policy. Analysis of the diachronic variation of over 170 indicators was conducted to uncover those aspects of US foreign policy which were: (1) subject to the most intertemporal variation, & (2) most sensitive statistically to significant long-term trends & short-term changes & cycles. The primary data set was the International Official Transactions of America (IOTA) Data Project at the U of South Carolina, which was derived from a macrocontent analysis of the Department of State Bulletin; this data bank was supplemented by data collected by other researchers. Univariate time-series analysis revealed a number of findings, summarized verbally in a propositional inventory. Particularly noteworthy were the consistent militarization of US foreign policy, the recurrent incidence of foreign military intervention, the random shift of US attention from one to another of the various regions of the globe, & the episodic fluctuation of public attitudes toward foreign policy issues. Some of the implications of the findings for theory-building are assessed in a concluding discussion. AA.

This project aims to advance knowledge in labour politics by focusing on the 'contentious politics of unemployment', i.e. the relationship between political-institutional approaches to employment policy and political conflicts mobilized by collective actors over unemployment in the public domain. It is designed to study this topic at national, international comparative, and transnational levels. Key objectives: (a) to generate new data for longitudinal and comparative analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships; (b) to study the potential for political participation 'from below' by citizens campaigning for the rights of the unemployed and the conditions under which existing organizational networks and policy dialogues transform in a more open civil policy deliberation; (c) to provide knowledge based on rigorous cross-national and EU-level transnational analyses allowing grounded empirical statements about the Europeanisation of the field.

As the contested and negotiated character of the employment policy field expresses itself both in the public domain and in the institutional arenas for interest mediation, we look both at political claim-making in the public space and policy deliberation within the polity. The overall design of the research has three main components: (a) mapping the field of political contention, i.e. structures of ideological cleavages and actor relationships, both longitudinally and cross-nationally; (b) examining the nature of the multi-organizational field extending from the core policy domain to the public domain, i.e. networks and channels of political influence between core policy actors and intermediary organizations, on one side, and civil society organizations and social movements representing the unemployed (including the unemployed themselves), on the other; (c) studying the nature of the interaction between EU-level and national policy-making by determining the channels of political influence that exist between European institutions and national policy domains in the field (the multi-level governance of employment policy), and examining to what extent there are new political opportunities for the bottom-up empowerment of citizens' organizations as a consequence of the emergence of the EU as an actor in the field. The body of data generated allows for longitudinal (1990-2002) and comparative (F, D, I, S, CH, UK) analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships in the unemployment issue-field. It is backed up by interviews conducted with key actors in the organizational field (policy actors, employers associations, trade unions, parties, NGOs and social movements) both at the national and transnational levels. Innovative attempts are made to establish networks and links between the involved actors as part of our dissemination strategy, which is key to the overall success of the project.

Objectives: This project aims to advance knowledge in labour politics by focusing on the 'contentious politics of unemployment', i.e. the relationship between political institutional approaches to employment policy and political conflicts mobilized by collective actors over unemployment in the public domain. It is designed to study this topic at national, international comparative, and transnational levels. Key objectives: (a) to generate new data for longitudinal and comparative analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships; (b) to study the potential for political participation 'from below' by citizens campaigning for the rights of the unemployed and the conditions under which existing organizational networks and policy dialogues transform in a more open civil policy deliberation; (c) to provide knowledge based on rigorous cross-national and EU-level transnational analyses allowing grounded empirical statements about the Europeanisation of the field. Description: As the contested and negotiated character of the employment policy field expresses itself both in the public domain and in the institutional arenas for interest mediation, we look both at political claim-making in the public space and policy deliberation within the polity. The overall design of the research has three main components: (a) mapping the field of political contention, i.e. structures of ideological cleavages and actor relationships, both longitudinally and cross-nationally; (b) examining the nature of the multi-organizational field extending from the core policy domain to the public domain, i.e. networks and channels of political influence between core policy actors and intermediary organizations, on one side, and civil society organizations and social movements representing the unemployed (including the unemployed themselves), on the other; (c) studying the nature of the interaction between EU-level and national policy-making by determining the channels of political influence that exist between European institutions and national policy domains in the field (the multi-level governance of employment policy), and examining to what extent there are new political opportunities for the bottom-up empowerment of citizens' organizations as a consequence of the emergence of the EU as an actor in the field. A new body of data will be generated which will allow for longitudinal (1990-2002) and comparative (F, D, I, S, CH, UK) analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships in the unemployment issue-field. This will be backed up by interviews conducted with key actors in the organizational field (policy actors, employers associations, trade unions, parties, NGOs and social movements) both at the national and transnational levels. Innovative attempts will be made to establish networks and links between the involved actors as part of our dissemination strategy, which is key to the overall success of the project. Expected results: The success of this project is underwritten by the European dimension. It will provide the first systematic cross-national comparison of the contentious politics of unemployment based on original data. It has a high potential for being a path-breaking academic study in labour politics, social movements and Europe. The findings will feedback understanding to the actors in the field, facilitated through our dissemination strategy which aims to contribute toward a constructive social dialogue.

The paper deals with the European cooperation in outer space, which in the course of half a century has led to the creation of the European space policy, another European public policy. At the beginning of the paper, the definition framework for public policy was outlined and the European space policy was briefly presented. The analysis begins with an indication of the reasons for establishing cooperation for space, then it covers the history of European space efforts as well as the attempts to institutionalize that cooperation. In the further part of the paper, the process of working out the European space policy and the most recently announced European space programme are analysed. Finally, the conclusions resulting from the analysis give the answer to the questions raised in the paper about the ability to effectively design and execute the space policy, the results of implementation of particular space policy programmes, allocation of resources for the benefit of society, the position of the EU in international relations.

The nat'l myths of a country are an important clue to nat'l character. Such myths tap a diff & less verbalized source of PO than the typical opinion poll. Though many people may express superficial opinions which seem contradictory to these myths, it requires only the decision of a nat'l leader to galvanize unexpressed & half-conscious beliefs into a general public att. Many so-called shifts in PO are the result of the emergence of such beliefs following the stimulus applied by a nat'l leader. The US Gov response to the U-2 incident is selected as an example of this phenomenon,& an early US myth on truth-telling is examined for its possible relationship to the US nat'l policy on the U-2 incident. AA.

IT is one of the encouraging signs of the time that Walter Lippmann's essay on American foreign policy has become a nationwide best-seller. The jacket on the copy before me reports the marketing of 340,000, and doubtless by this time the figure has soared much higher. Those who assess the trends of the age should set that fact against the uproar of revolutionary spirits crusading anew for the ideals of 1917. Mr. Lippmann is an essential conservative, a thoughtful publicist not a demagogic candidate for office, and he stands far removed from the Lerners and Laskis. He is more concerned with saving the American Republic and Western Civilization than spreading an ideological gospel among political pagans not yet converted to the religion of 'democracy.' He knows, as all wise men know, that constitutional democracy, material progress, political and civil liberty flourish only in peace, and that peace depends on security. Therefore he seeks to discover what is that foreign policy which can be a 'shield of the Republic' and a safeguard for peace throughout the world. His book is a model of clarity and realism, composed in a truly Burkean temper of mind. To write upon this high level and at the same time reach a vast popular audience in a politically immature country, is a remarkable accomplishment. Probably no one but Lippmann could have done it.