AbstractContemporary global governance architecture has been described as fragmented, incoherent, and inefficient. The mandates of prominent international organizations (IOs) often overlap and coordination is regarded more as the exception than the rule. In this context, international institutions designed with an explicit coordination mandate hold significant promise. These assembled institutions (AIs), like the Global Environment Facility (GEF) and UNAIDS, formally incorporate IOs in their designs and seek to coordinate and bring coherence to their work in a given issue area. Although praised for their bold and innovative designs, little scholarly work has assessed the success of these institutions in fulfilling coordination mandates. The paper introduces AIs as an organizational form and sheds light on two challenges they face that provide barriers to coordination. First, concerns regarding status and material losses may cause relevant IOs to resist coordination despite ostensibly opting in to participate in the assembled institution. Second, the governing bodies of assembled institutions are weak relative to the prominent IOs incorporated in their designs. The home governing bodies of these institutions often do little to reinforce the importance of coordination, hampering performance. These challenges are illustrated in the case of the GEF and UNAIDS.
Antiretroviral therapy (ART), for those who have access, has revolutionised the morbidity and mortality consequences of HIV infection. By the end of 2010, 6.6 million people living with HIV in low- and middle-income countries were receiving ART, a dramatic 20-fold increase since 2001, saving millions of lives. In addition to the impact of ART on the health of those living with HIV, recent randomised controlled trials demonstrate the additional impact of ART in reducing HIV transmission. With this double effect, ART is a game changer in the response to AIDS. With other advances over the past year, we now have a set of effective tools to stop the transmission of the virus and to keep people living with HIV healthy and productive. It is now the collective responsibility of researchers and implementers, of governments, the private sector and civil society, to identify and overcome the challenges and translate the science into real results for people. At the recent United Nations High Level Meeting on AIDS, Member States endorsed ambitious targets including to reach 15 million people living with HIV with ART and to cut sexual transmission of HIV by half by 2015. The declaration also calls for additional resources of 22 to 24 billion dollars by 2015 as an investment that will yield returns in multiples.
A concise assessment of the risks to human health and the environment posed by exposure to chloral hydrate a chemical used in human and veterinary medicine as a sedative and hypnotic drug. Chloral hydrate and its metabolites are also formed as by-products when water is disinfected with chlorine. Release to the environment occurs from wastewater treatment facilities from the manufacture of pharmaceutical-grade chloral hydrate and from the waste stream during the manufacture of insecticides and herbicides that use chloral hydrate as an intermediate. For the general public the most important sour
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A concise assessment of the risks to the environment posed by ethylene glycol. The chemical is produced in large quantities for use as a chemical intermediate as an antifreeze in engine coolants and as a de-icer on airport runways and aeroplanes. Most release to the environment is to the hydrosphere with use for the de-icing of runways and aeroplanes accounting for the largest local release to surface waters. Concerning behaviour in the environment studies show little or no capacity to bind to particulates and no mobility in soil. Evidence likewise indicates a low likelihood of bioaccumulation
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A concise assessment of the risks to human health and the environment posed by exposure to 2-furaldehyde. The chemical is produced commercially for industrial use in the production of resins abrasive wheels and refractories refining of lubrication oils and solvent recovery. Although 2-furaldehyde is present in many food items as a natural product or contaminant emphasis is placed on the more important risks to health that occur in occupational settings. Concerning presence in the environment the highest reported emissions are from the wood pulp industry which releases 2-furaldehyde predominant
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The approval of the novel long-acting HIV injection; Cabenuva®- Cabotegravir and Rilpivirine injectable formulation) and the recent call by the World Health Organization for promoting community-based ART management, underscore the remarkable progress towards meeting the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) 95–95–95 targets by 2030. As the availability of antiretroviral therapy (ART) for the treatment of HIV/AIDS has increased in resource-limited settings, there has been a move to develop and implement alternative treatment delivery models such as Differentiated Service Delivery (DSD) in high prevalence countries to meet the global targets for HIV treatment while maintaining the quality of care. However, there is limited data on the involvement of community pharmacies in the delivery of ART within the community. Although, in western countries, several studies have documented the different roles community pharmacists can play in the management of HIV/AIDS. Community pharmacists are the most accessible and first points of health care for most clients. They are trusted, highly trained health care professionals. They should be incorporated and allowed to administer the Cabenuva® injection if the battle against the HIV pandemic is to be totally won. In this paper, we, therefore, aim to explore how the community pharmacist can be positioned in HIV service delivery regarding the administration of the Novel long-acting Cabenuva® injection formulation. It is therefore recommended that the Nigerian government embrace community pharmacy-led drug administration initiatives and embark on accredited training programmes for the profession in line with drug administration services. The government should also put in place necessary funding mechanisms for community pharmacists for the extra workload placed on them in administering injection drug formulation in their respective pharmacies.
UNAIDS 90‐90‐90 targets and Fast‐Track commitments are presented as precursors to ending the AIDS epidemic by 2030, through effecting a 90% reduction in new HIV infections and AIDS‐related deaths from 2010 levels (HIV epidemic control). Botswana, a low to middle‐income country with the third‐highest HIV prevalence, and Australia, a low‐prevalence high‐income country with an epidemic concentrated among men who have sex with men (MSM), have made significant strides towards achieving the UNAIDS 90‐90‐90 targets. These two countries provide lessons for different epidemic settings. This paper discusses the lessons that can be drawn from Botswana and Australia with respect to their success in HIV testing, treatment, viral suppression and other HIV prevention strategies for HIV epidemic control. Botswana and Australia are on target to achieving the 90‐90‐90 targets for HIV epidemic control, made possible by comprehensive HIV testing and treatment programmes in the two countries. As of 2015, 70% of all people assumed to be living with HIV had viral suppression in Botswana and Australia. However, HIV incidence remains above one per cent in the general population in Botswana and in MSM in Australia. The two countries have demonstrated that rapid HIV testing that is accessible and targeted at key and vulnerable populations is required in order to continue identifying new HIV infections. All citizens living with HIV in both countries are eligible for antiretroviral therapy (ART) and viral load monitoring through government‐funded programmes. Notwithstanding their success in reducing HIV transmission to date, programmes in both countries must continue to be supported at current levels to maintain epidemic suppression. Scaled HIV testing, linkage to care, universal ART, monitoring patients on treatment over and above strengthened HIV prevention strategies (e.g. male circumcision and pre‐exposure prophylaxis) will all continue to require funding. The progress that Botswana and Australia have made towards meeting the 90‐90‐90 targets is commendable. However, in order to reduce HIV incidence significantly towards 2030, there is a need for sustained HIV testing, linkage to care and high treatment coverage. Botswana and Australia provide useful lessons for developing countries with generalized epidemics and high‐income countries with concentrated epidemics.
UNAIDS 90‐90‐90 targets and Fast‐Track commitments are presented as precursors to ending the AIDS epidemic by 2030, through effecting a 90% reduction in new HIV infections and AIDS‐related deaths from 2010 levels (HIV epidemic control). Botswana, a low to middle‐income country with the third‐highest HIV prevalence, and Australia, a low‐prevalence high‐income country with an epidemic concentrated among men who have sex with men (MSM), have made significant strides towards achieving the UNAIDS 90‐90‐90 targets. These two countries provide lessons for different epidemic settings. This paper discusses the lessons that can be drawn from Botswana and Australia with respect to their success in HIV testing, treatment, viral suppression and other HIV prevention strategies for HIV epidemic control. Botswana and Australia are on target to achieving the 90‐90‐90 targets for HIV epidemic control, made possible by comprehensive HIV testing and treatment programmes in the two countries. As of 2015, 70% of all people assumed to be living with HIV had viral suppression in Botswana and Australia. However, HIV incidence remains above one per cent in the general population in Botswana and in MSM in Australia. The two countries have demonstrated that rapid HIV testing that is accessible and targeted at key and vulnerable populations is required in order to continue identifying new HIV infections. All citizens living with HIV in both countries are eligible for antiretroviral therapy (ART) and viral load monitoring through government‐funded programmes. Notwithstanding their success in reducing HIV transmission to date, programmes in both countries must continue to be supported at current levels to maintain epidemic suppression. Scaled HIV testing, linkage to care, universal ART, monitoring patients on treatment over and above strengthened HIV prevention strategies (e.g. male circumcision and pre‐exposure prophylaxis) will all continue to require funding. The progress that Botswana and Australia have made towards meeting the 90‐90‐90 ...
UNAIDS 90-90-90 targets and Fast-Track commitments are presented as precursors to ending the AIDS epidemic by 2030, through effecting a 90% reduction in new HIV infections and AIDS-related deaths from 2010 levels (HIV epidemic control). Botswana, a low to middle-income country with the third-highest HIV prevalence, and Australia, a low-prevalence high-income country with an epidemic concentrated among men who have sex with men (MSM), have made significant strides towards achieving the UNAIDS 90-90-90 targets. These two countries provide lessons for different epidemic settings. This paper discusses the lessons that can be drawn from Botswana and Australia with respect to their success in HIV testing, treatment, viral suppression and other HIV prevention strategies for HIV epidemic control. Botswana and Australia are on target to achieving the 90-90-90 targets for HIV epidemic control, made possible by comprehensive HIV testing and treatment programmes in the two countries. As of 2015, 70% of all people assumed to be living with HIV had viral suppression in Botswana and Australia. However, HIV incidence remains above one per cent in the general population in Botswana and in MSM in Australia. The two countries have demonstrated that rapid HIV testing that is accessible and targeted at key and vulnerable populations is required in order to continue identifying new HIV infections. All citizens living with HIV in both countries are eligible for antiretroviral therapy (ART) and viral load monitoring through government-funded programmes. Notwithstanding their success in reducing HIV transmission to date, programmes in both countries must continue to be supported at current levels to maintain epidemic suppression. Scaled HIV testing, linkage to care, universal ART, monitoring patients on treatment over and above strengthened HIV prevention strategies (e.g. male circumcision and pre-exposure prophylaxis) will all continue to require funding. The progress that Botswana and Australia have made towards meeting the 90-90-90 targets is commendable. However, in order to reduce HIV incidence significantly towards 2030, there is a need for sustained HIV testing, linkage to care and high treatment coverage. Botswana and Australia provide useful lessons for developing countries with generalized epidemics and high-income countries with concentrated epidemics.
In the last decade, gay men and other men who have sex with men (MSM) have come to the fore of policy debates about AIDS prevention. In stark contrast to global AIDS policy during the first two decades of the epidemic which excluded MSM from policy outside the West, UNAIDS now identifies MSM as "marginalized but not marginal" to the global AIDS epidemic. This dissertation provides an account of this controversial reversal of global AIDS policy and uses it as a point of departure for understanding the role of intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) like UNAIDS in the formation of global health priorities.In contrast to the emergence of other health and social policy issues, various studies observe that efforts to establish a global agenda for addressing HIV and AIDS have been highly concentrated within intergovernmental organizations. How and in whose interests do new priorities emerge within AIDS IGOs? Health policy researchers argue that IGOs have considerable influence in the formation and dissemination of health policies around the world. However, there is a particularly rich debate among sociologists and political scientists about whether and how IGOs can act autonomously and pursue policy priorities that are not supported by states. Because these organizations generally lack enforcement power and are dependent on states for financial resources and legitimacy, IGOs have traditionally been conceived as lacking autonomy to pursue their own policy interests independent of the interests of states. Yet, recent interventions by sociologists have shown how IGOs strategically navigate the demands of states and even attempt to reconfigure the external environment to promote alignment with the policy interests of the IGO. Nonetheless, concerns about resources continue to plague IGOs and often constrain their agency. In this dissertation I argue that a key limitation of existing studies on the autonomy and influence of IGOs is their narrow focus on the decision-making and agenda-setting stages of policy making. I extend sociological research on the influence and autonomy of IGOs by addressing how concerns about implementation shape the particular structures and strategies that AIDS IGOs adopt in order to pursue their own policy interests. Many of these strategies are not easily understood by existing theories of IGO behavior which argue that as bureaucracies, IGOs will seek to expand their autonomy and influence in a sector. In contrast, I argue that IGOs with limited power to enforce policy implementation by states are highly sensitive to an implementation-autonomy trade off and may actually give up some autonomy in decision-making in order to facilitate broader implementation by states. IGOs also face additional barriers to implementation due to decentralization of the organization at the regional- and country-level and competition from other IGOs, nongovernmental organizations, and bilateral and private donors. Using archival data from World Health Organization's Global Programme on AIDS and its successor, the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), two IGOs mandated by the United Nations to coordinate a global response to AIDS epidemic, I show in Chapter 1 how concerns about implementation have shaped decisions about the organizational structure of these IGOs. In addition, I show how implementation concerns have promoted the adoption of particular strategies - organizational inreach, interorganizational cooperation, evidence-based advocacy, and bidirectional pressure - to align policy preferences among states, other organizations, and even their own staff. The use of these strategies by AIDS IGOs has had consequences beyond the decision-making phase of policy development. Drawing on a novel dataset compiled from five waves of UN Country Progress Reports on HIV/AIDS (2003, 2006, 2008, 2010, and 2012), I show in Chapter 2 that the use of these strategies has promoted the alignment of national AIDS programs with UNAIDS policies on MSM over time. On the ground, IGO interest in HIV among MSM has also provided new technologies for seeing MSM in hostile political contexts. As I show in a country-case study presented in Chapter 3, claims for the recognition of same-sex sexualities in Malawi have had the most institutional success within the national AIDS programs which increasingly identifies MSM as a key target for public health intervention. Additionally, links between Malawian organizations and transnational research and advocacy networks have provided a context in which (male) same-sex sexualities have become statistically visible and institutionalized, providing a basis for future grassroots mobilization. At the same time, however, IGO interest in MSM has reinvigorated opposition to homosexuality among Malawian political elites and ordinary citizens. In Chapter 4 I introduce original household survey data collected in Malawi in 2012 (N=1491). Building on qualitative findings from Chapter 3, I use these data to quantitatively examine the effects of variation in aid allocations across Malawi's administrative districts on attitudes toward homosexuality. Results show that in districts with higher levels of annual aid per capita, individuals hold more negative views of homosexuality. Thus while IGOs have had a substantial effect on state-level and donor-level adoption of policy priorities, they have had much less success in changing public views toward homosexuality on the ground. These results suggest that models of global diffusion that utilize policy change as an indicator for cultural change may be greatly overestimating cultural change on contentious issues like homosexuality.In sum, IGOs have become central actors in the formation, diffusion, and implementation of AIDS policy concerning same-sex sexualities. They develop new policy ideas and set priorities that may diverge substantially from the interests of member states, both rich and poor. However, IGOs also face considerable barriers to implementing their policy priorities: from reluctant states to the decentralization of staff across dozens of country offices to competition from other organizations and private donors. In this dissertation I show how barriers to implementation shape the structures and strategies of IGOs. As such, this work contends that IGOs are not simply disinterested forums in which states pursue their own interests or passive collections of rules and norms, but autonomous, influential, and self-interested actors that shape the policymaking process and the world around them, sometimes in unexpected and undesirable ways.
AbstractIntroductionUNAIDS 90‐90‐90 targets and Fast‐Track commitments are presented as precursors to ending the AIDS epidemic by 2030, through effecting a 90% reduction in new HIV infections and AIDS‐related deaths from 2010 levels (HIV epidemic control). Botswana, a low to middle‐income country with the third‐highest HIV prevalence, and Australia, a low‐prevalence high‐income country with an epidemic concentrated among men who have sex with men (MSM), have made significant strides towards achieving the UNAIDS 90‐90‐90 targets. These two countries provide lessons for different epidemic settings. This paper discusses the lessons that can be drawn from Botswana and Australia with respect to their success in HIV testing, treatment, viral suppression and other HIV prevention strategies for HIV epidemic control.DiscussionBotswana and Australia are on target to achieving the 90‐90‐90 targets for HIV epidemic control, made possible by comprehensive HIV testing and treatment programmes in the two countries. As of 2015, 70% of all people assumed to be living with HIV had viral suppression in Botswana and Australia. However, HIV incidence remains above one per cent in the general population in Botswana and in MSM in Australia. The two countries have demonstrated that rapid HIV testing that is accessible and targeted at key and vulnerable populations is required in order to continue identifying new HIV infections. All citizens living with HIV in both countries are eligible for antiretroviral therapy (ART) and viral load monitoring through government‐funded programmes. Notwithstanding their success in reducing HIV transmission to date, programmes in both countries must continue to be supported at current levels to maintain epidemic suppression. Scaled HIV testing, linkage to care, universal ART, monitoring patients on treatment over and above strengthened HIV prevention strategies (e.g. male circumcision and pre‐exposure prophylaxis) will all continue to require funding.ConclusionsThe progress that Botswana and Australia have made towards meeting the 90‐90‐90 targets is commendable. However, in order to reduce HIV incidence significantly towards 2030, there is a need for sustained HIV testing, linkage to care and high treatment coverage. Botswana and Australia provide useful lessons for developing countries with generalized epidemics and high‐income countries with concentrated epidemics.
This study aims to examine the role of UNAIDS in efforts to reduce the rate of HIV / AIDS sufferers in Zimbabwe. The research method used is qualitative with secondary data techniques in the form of books, journals, documents, and various valid sources. All data were analyzed qualitatively. The results of this study indicate that UNAIDS as an international organization has become an aid and channel of foreign aid to Zimbabwe in collaboration with the Zimbabwean government to reduce the level of sufferers in the country. The existence of UNAIDS in Zimbabwe has affected the reduction of HIV / AIDS sufferers. However, this collaborative effort has constraints on Zimbabwe's unfavorable economic and human resource conditions. Apart from that, the cultural factor of society which is quite difficult to accept changes in something is also an obstacle. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui peran UNAIDS dalam upaya penurunan tingkat penderita HIV/AIDS di Zimbabwe. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data-data sekunder berupa buku, jurnal, dokumen, dan berbagai sumber valid. Seluruh data dianalisa secara kualitatif. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa UNAIDS sebagai sebuah organisasi internasional menjadi bantuan dan penyalur bantuan luar negeri kepada Zimbabwe bekerja sama dengan pemerintah Zimbabwe untuk mengurangi tingkat penderita di negara tersebut. Keberadaan UNAIDS di Zimbabwe telah mempengaruhi penurunan tingkat penderita HIV/AIDS. Namun, upaya kerjasama ini memiliki hambatan yakni kondisi perekonomian dan sumber daya manusia di Zimbabwe yang kurang baik. Selain itu faktor kebudayaan masyarakat yang cukup sulit menerima perubahan akan suatu hal juga menjadi salah satu hambatan.
In: Bulletin of the World Health Organization: the international journal of public health = Bulletin de l'Organisation Mondiale de la Santé, Band 82, Heft 3, S. 164-171
Little is known about the nutritional adequacy and feasibility of breastmilk replacement options recommended by WHO / UNAIDS / UNICEF. The study's aim was to explore suitability of the 2001 feeding recommendations for infants of HIV-infected mothers for a rural region in KwaZulu Natal, South Africa, specifically with respect to adequacy of micronutrients and essential fatty acids, cost, and preparation times of replacement milks. Nutritional adequacy, cost, and preparation time of home-prepared replacement milks containing powdered full cream milk (PM) and fresh full cream milk (FM) and different micronutrient supplements were compared. Costs of locally available ingredients for replacement milk were used to calculate monthly costs for infants aged one, three, and six months. (InWent/DÜI)
OBJECTIVE: Little is known about the nutritional adequacy and feasibility of breastmilk replacement options recommended by WHO/UNAIDS/UNICEF. The study aim was to explore suitability of the 2001 feeding recommendations for infants of HIV-infected mothers for a rural region in KwaZulu Natal, South Africa specifically with respect to adequacy of micronutrients and essential fatty acids, cost, and preparation times of replacement milks. METHODS: Nutritional adequacy, cost, and preparation time of home-prepared replacement milks containing powdered full cream milk (PM) and fresh full cream milk (FM) and different micronutrient supplements (2 g UNICEF micronutrient sachet, government supplement routinely available in district public health clinics, and best available liquid paediatric supplement found in local pharmacies) were compared. Costs of locally available ingredients for replacement milk were used to calculate monthly costs for infants aged one, three, and six months. Total monthly costs of ingredients of commercial and home-prepared replacement milks were compared with each other and the average monthly income of domestic or shop workers. Time needed to prepare one feed of replacement milk was simulated. FINDINGS: When mixed with water, sugar, and each micronutrient supplement, PM and FM provided <50% of estimated required amounts for vitamins E and C, folic acid, iodine, and selenium and <75% for zinc and pantothenic acid. PM and FM made with UNICEF micronutrient sachets provided 30% adequate intake for niacin. FM prepared with any micronutrient supplement provided no more than 32% vitamin D. All PMs provided more than adequate amounts of vitamin D. Compared with the commercial formula, PM and FM provided 8-60% of vitamins A, E, and C, folic acid, manganese, zinc, and iodine. Preparations of PM and FM provided 11% minimum recommended linoleic acid and 67% minimum recommended alpha-linolenic acid per 450 ml mixture. It took 21-25 minutes to optimally prepare 120 ml of replacement feed from PM or ...