Suchergebnisse

Odnosi Rusije i Srbije od raspada Sovjetskog Saveza i SFR Jugoslavije aktualno je pitanje ne samo o budućnosti Srbije nego dometa i intenziteta utjecaja zapadnih integracija i/ili Rusije na Zapadnom Balkanu i JI Europi. Odnosi između Srbije i Rusije analizirani su s obzirom na pitanje smetaju li oni ulasku Srbije u EU i NATO. Analiza je podijeljena na razdoblje od 1991. do 2000. i poslije 2000. godine pri čemu su posebno izdvojene teme oko kojih se najintenzivnije razvijao odnos koji je u pitanju. Intenzitet odnosa između dvije zemlje promatran je prvenstveno kao posljedica pojedinačnih odnosa obje zemlje sa Zapadom, prvenstveno sa Sjedinjenim Državama i EU, pa se i oni analiziraju. Iako se kroz literaturu i pojedinačne događaje ne pokazuju jedinstvena mišljenja i informacije, zajedno pružaju temelj za zaključak da je ulazak Srbije u zapadne integracije, osim ulazak u NATO u određenom stupnju, prvenstveno određen pragmatičnim interesima Srbije, a ne Rusije kojoj je Srbija jednako tako interesna zona samo u pogledu aktualnih pragmatičnih pitanja, a ne nekog iracionalnog, sudbinskog savezništva. ; The relationship between Serbia and Russia since the break-up of Yugoslavia and the dissolution of the Soviet Union is a very timely topic of discussion: Beyond the political and economic future of Serbia, it bears on the scope and intensity of Western integration throughout the Balkans and SE Europe. To this end, contemporary Serbo-Russian relations are analyzed in terms of their potential impact on Serbia joining the EU and NATO. The analysis is divided into two periods, 1991-2000 and post-2000. The more critical issues in bilateral relations are emphasized. Understanding each country's separate relationship with the West -- particularly the USA and EU -- is an essential part of this analysis. Contradictory conclusions may be reached when arguments advanced in the literature or individual geo-political events are considered in isolation; but when available information is combined, there is a basis for concluding that ...

U ovom se radu istražuje mogu li "građanske tehnologije" (tehnologije koje potiču aktivno građanstvo) na efikasan način razvijati političku učinkovitost građana i mijenjati njihovu percepciju odgovornosti vlade. Anketirani su korisnici "građanskih tehnologija" na mrežnim stranicama iz SAD-a, UK-a, Kenije i Južnoafričke Republike. Temeljno je pitanje bilo jesu li određene građanske akcije nadzora, koje je moguće provesti putem tih mrežnih stranica, utjecale na promjenu mišljenja građana o tome reagiraju li vlade na građanski nadzor. Rezultati ukazuju na poboljšanu građansku učinkovitost, kao i na povećanu percepciju odgovornosti vlade. Između korisnika "građanskih tehnologija" koji dolaze iz proučavanih zemalja uočene su značajne demografske razlike koje su povezane sa širokim spektrom načina na koje građani koriste informacijske i komunikacijske tehnologije (IKT). Ipak, svima im je zajedničko povjerenje u učinkovitost tih tehnologija. Rezultati upućuju na to da objavljivanje i građanski nadzor vladinih informacija putem "građanskih tehnologija" povećavaju osjećaj vanjske učinkovitosti i percepciju odgovornosti vlade, kako u razvijenim zemljama tako i u zemljama u razvoju. ; This article examines whether civic technologies deliver an effective technique for developing the political efficacy of citizens and altering their perceived accountability of governments. Employing a survey-based methodology, a quantitative analysis was performed on the users of civic technology sites in the USA, UK, Kenya and South Africa. The primary question posed is whether the specific citizen monitoring actions facilitated by these sites cause a related effect in altering the extent to which citizens believe that governments are responsive to citizen-audit. The results indicate an enhancement in citizen efficacy and perceptions of government accountability. Notable differences detected in the user demographics between the countries studied demonstrate a wide spectrum of citizen usage; however, with common confidence displayed by respondents in the efficacy of the ICT. The findings indicate that the publication and citizen-audit of government information through civic technologies in developed and developing countries increases feelings of external efficacy and perceived government accountability.

The policy of pressure on Croatia as an illustrative -- although not isolated -- example has not inspired empirical & theoretical studies of this phenomenon. The discussion has remained at the level of everyday political discourse, even "coffee-house politics." Due to its extreme topicality, as well as its theoretical "solvency," the author has attempted with this essay to come up with a theoretical definition of the concept of pressure & to demonstrate on the Croatian example its goals, scope, dynamics, & future prospects & outcomes. Among the existing approaches, the author has chosen the "politico-economic approach" which defines the policy of pressure as a specific form of political communication between the "center" & the "periphery" in Wallerstein's "world system." The example of Croatia serves the author as an ideal-type model of such communication through a combination of political science & sociological analysis. In his opinion, & due to certain favorable contingencies, Croatia is the nearest to the ideal type of such communication. Due to a lack of systematic empirical data, the discussion naturally remains at the theoretical-hypothetical level, & should be understood as an invitation to further discussion & as an incentive for more extensive empirical research. However, since this is a very dynamic phenomenon, the question is: is the author's argumentation still valid today as it was at the time when the essay was written? There have been two changes: (1) the war on Kosovo which proves the author's hypotheses; & (2) a certain "thaw" in the relations between the international community (particularly USA) & Croatia (it is still unclear whether this change concerns the fundamental strategic trends or is solely a "politico-meteorological" phenomenon (the alteration of colder & warmer periods). This is why the author did not deem any alterations in the text necessary; one should wait & in the meantime expose the (hypo)theses to some critical scrutiny. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

Sovjetsko-afganistanski rat vodio se od 1979. do 1989. godine na prostoru Središnje i Južne Azije, u državi Afganistan. Započeo je intervencijom sovjetske vojske u Afganistanu ubrzo nakon što je Narodna demokratska partija Afganistana preuzela vlast u zemlji. Prvotni sovjetski cilj bio je stabilizirati političku situaciju u zemlji i omogućiti vladajućoj komunističkoj stranci neometano obnašanje vlasti. Tradicionalno afganistansko društvo pobunilo se prvo protiv vlade u Kabulu, a zatim se oružano suprotstavilo i sovjetskoj vojsci čime je započeo desetogodišnji krvavi rat u Afganistanu. Afganistanski pokret otpora sačinjavale su brojne mudžahedinske frakcije koje su osim protiv vlade u Kabulu i Sovjeta, ratovale i međusobno u borbi za poslijeratnu vlast u zemlji. Budući da se rat odvijao u vremenu Hladnog rata, on je poprimio šire geopolitičko značenje i u njega su se involvirale sve tadašnje svjetske i regionalne sile, uključujući i najvećeg hladnoratovskog neprijatelja SSSR-a, Sjedinjene Američke Države. Pomoć je mudžahedinima upućivana prvenstveno iz susjednog Pakistana, koji je i sam imao regionalni interes postaviti na vlast u Kabulu sebi prihvatljivu vladu. U nešto manjoj mjeri pokretu otpora pomoć je pristizala iz Narodne Republike Kine i Islamske Republike Irana, tako da se može reći kako su sve susjedne države Afganistana bile uključene u ratna zbivanja. Socijalistička Federativna Republika Jugoslavija na diplomatskom se polju uključila u traženje mirnog rješenja za završetak sukoba, a svoju je geopolitičku važnost crpila kao jedna od predvodnica Pokreta nesvrstanih zemalja. Sovjetska vojska bila je sasvim nepripremljena za gerilski tip rata kakav su mudžahedini vodili i uskoro se našla u pat poziciji¸ gdje se konačna pobjeda činila sve manje vjerojatnom. Dolaskom Mihaila Gorbačova na vlast u SSSR-u mijenja se vanjskopolitički kurs Moskve, pa su se sukladno tomu počela tražiti rješenja za napuštanje Afganistana i okončanje rata. Sovjetska vojska iz Afganistana se povukla početkom 1989. godine, no rat se u ...

Jedan od praktično i teorijski najvažnijih problema teritorijalne organizacije lokalne samouprave svodi se na dilemu uspostave jednog stupnja ili više stupnjeva lokalnih samoupravnih jedinica. Stupnjevanjem se odgovara na problem i potrebu integracije sustava lokalne samouprave te na potrebu povezivanja tog sustava sa širom državnom organizacijom. Nakon opće rasprave o prednostima i nedostacima stupnjevanja, opsežno je komparativno analizirano stanje u 39 zemalja, 23 razvijene i 16 tranzicijskih. Ustanovljena su četiri tipa teritorijalnih okvira za integraciju sustava lokalne samouprave, jednostupanjski, mješoviti ili segmentirani, dvostupanjski i trostupanjski. Kao glavni faktori koji uvjetuju izbor jednog od tih okvira u pojedinoj zemlji utvrđeni su: veličina lokalnih jedinica, njihovo monotipsko ili politipsko uređenje, veličina države izražena brojem stanovnika te oblik društvenog uređenja (federacije, unitarne države). ; The dilemma about the establishment of one or more levels of local self-government units is one of the most important problems of territorial organisation of local self-government. Levelling is structural answer to the problem and needs to integrate local self-government system itself and to integrate that system into a wider organisation of a state as a whole. At the beginning, the paper deals with general discussion about the advantages and disadvantages of levelling. The situation in almost forty countries has been analysed, including two groups of countries: developed democracies (Austria, Australia, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Ireland, Island, Italia, Japan, Luxemburg, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, and the USA) and transition countries (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Montenegro, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, and Serbia). Four different types of territorial frames for local self-govern mentsystem integration have been identified: one-tier, mixed or segmented, two-tier, and three-tier systems. Decision to select one of them is conditioned by the average size of local units, monotypic or polytypic design of territorial division of a country, the size of a country in terms of the number of inhabitants, and form of political organisation (federation or unitary state).

Nemogućnost dobivanja vozačke dozvole jedno je od važnih pitanja koja u osoba s epilepsijom vrlo negativno utječe na osjećaj kvalitete življenja. Međutim, jasno je da postoji veliki rizik od izazivanja prometne nezgode ako vozač dobije epileptički napadaj za vrijeme vožnje. Razlike u zakonskoj regulativi kojom se određuje jesu li osobe s epilepsijom sposobne upravljati motornim vozilima vrlo su velike između različitih država, u rasponu od potpune zabrane do kratkog intervala bez napadaja od samo tri mjeseca, kao npr. u nekim državama u SAD-u. Tijekom posljednjih nekoliko desetljeća u svjetskim razmjerima došlo je do znatnog napretka u otklanjanju neodgovarajućih restrikcija prilikom ostvarivanja prava na vozačku dozvolu u osoba s epilepsijom. Trend liberalizacije zasniva se na rezultatima istraživanja koji pokazuju da je rizik za sigurnost u prometu prihvatljiv ako se upravljanje motornim vozilima dopusti osobama s dobro kontroliranom epilepsijom. Čini se da će se sadašnji trend liberalizacije nastaviti, no potrebno je istovremeno provođenje kliničkih studija kojima će se nadgledati utjecaj liberalizacije propisa na sigurnost u prometu. ; The ability to drive is one of the greatest concerns of people with epilepsy (PwE) with a considerable impact on their quality of life. However, it is clear that there is a great risk of causing a traffic accident if a seizure occurs while a person is driving. There are great differences in legislations, which determine whether people with PwE are able to drive; they go from a complete ban in some countries to the seizure free interval of only three months that is required in some USA states. In the past few decades a great progress has been made in declining inappropriate restrictions for PwE in realizing their needs regarding driving. The trend of liberalization is based on the results of studies, which show that the risk for the public safety in traffic is acceptable, if individuals with well controlled epilepsy are allowed to drive. It seems that the current trend of liberalization will continue, but in the future, further clinical studies will be needed, which would be designed to monitor the influence of the liberalized regulations on traffic safety.

After the breakup of the USSR, and the several rounds of Post-Cold War enlargements of the Western integrations, once large space of newly independent and geopolitically uncontrolled European post-communist states, located between the EU, NATO and Russia, contracts geopolitically and 'wanders' strategically. The three states, Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova, located on Russia's western borders share about three thousand kilometers of borders with the EU and NATO, and about two thousand and five hundred kilometers with Russia, which implicates that they are prone to the geopolitical influences from their surroundings. This Interspace of the three states lies inside the strategic triangle comprised of: 1) Russia - geopolitically and militarily powerful state as well as a giant considering its energy reserves, which makes her relatively strong 'hard' power as well as a significant 'soft' power; 2) the EU - economic giant on the global level that is not unified enough; has domestic problems and is partially dependent on Russia when it comes to energy, a civilian power without 'hard' power that in its foreign relations relies on policies based on financial assistance, assurance, and attractiveness; 3) NATO, led by the USA - the most powerful military-political-security 'hard' power that exists today; it does not have the kind of influence on Europe and the Post-Soviet space that it had in the 90-ies. However, as a consequence of subordination of the Interspace that lasted for a couple of centuries, the common characteristics intrinsic to this space occur: ambiguous identities; deficits in the democratic practices; complicated, prolonged and incomplete transition; economic decline, demographic problems - all of which favor a strategic 'adoption' of the Interspace by the Kremlin, a former imperial master. At the same time, a relative marginalization of the Interspace is evident regarding the processes of Euro-Atlantic integration. After the unsuccessful attempts of 'pulling out' Kiev, Kishinev, and the South Caucasian Tbilisi from this Russian sphere of influence, the states positioned in the Interspace, together with Russia, comprise a regional security complex, a stabilized geopolitical 'Russosphere' that is a key part of the Kremlin's attempts for Eurasian reintegration under Russia's leadership. Adapted from the source document.

Migracijski val od 2014. do 2016. u kojem je velik broj djece i majki iz država Sjevernog trokuta na putu prema krajnjem odredištu SAD-u bio u tranzitu Meksikom okarakteriziran je krizom. Kriza je podrazumijevala postojanje prijetnje koja opravdava provođenje izvanrednih mjera. Teza rada je da pod utjecajem SAD-a Meksiko migrante u tranzitu smatra prijetnjom sigurnosti građanima Meksika, a ne ugroženim pripadnicima istoga kulturnoga kruga koje treba zaštititi. Stoga se prema njima ne odnosi u skladu s ciljem ljudske sigurnosti, već primjenjuje silu. Rad predstavlja studiju slučaja. U prvom odjeljku dani su prikaz vrsta migracija i poimanje migracija u kontekstu ljudske i građanske sigurnosti, dok su u drugom analizirani potisni i privlačni faktori migracija iz država Sjevernog trokuta. U trećem odjeljku prikazana je politika tranzitne države Meksika prema ilegalnim migrantima. U radu je izložen sud o migracijskoj politici Meksika prema migrantima u tranzitu. Zaključeno je da je iz perspektive ljudske sigurnosti politika bila »loša« jer je bila diskriminirajuća i u neskladu s kulturno-političkim kontekstom te moralnim i zakonskim normama. No gledano iz perspektive nacionalne sigurnosti politika je bila »dobra« jer je bila ostvariva, postigla je rezultate uz prihvatljiv trošak ljudi i sredstva i njome su obranjeni državni interesi Meksika – dobri odnosi sa SAD-om. ; This article will attempt to answer two questions; first, in what way did the Government of Mexico attempt to resolve the influx of a large number of migrants, children and family members, from the Northern Triangle countries (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras) who were transiting Mexico on their way to the United States in the 2014–2016 period? Second, why have migrants continued to arrive even after the adoption of the Mexican Programa Frontera Sur (PFS) of 2014, which was supposed to resolve the migration crisis and put an end to arrests and deportation? At the same time, the article will try to assess, according to Haines (2013), whether the Mexican post-2014 migration policy has been "good" (in line with the political and cultural context, achievable and effective with acceptable costs of staff and resources), or "bad" (discriminatory and incompatible with existing moral and legal norms). The thesis of the article is that under the influence of the United States, Mexico is treating migrants in transit as a security threat, rather than as members of the same cultural circle who require protection. So, instead of helping them, Mexico uses coercion to suppress them. While traditional threats are endangering the survival of the state, new threats to the state are also endangering individuals. The article consists of an introduction, three sections and a conclusion. The first section will provide an explanation of the relationship between migration and security (traditional national security and human security). The second section analyses the pull-and-push factors of migration from the Northern Triangle countries. This is followed by Mexico's transit policy towards illegal migrants, which is discussed in the third section. Case study research was used as a methodological strategy. The migration wave in the 2014–2016 period, consisting of many children and mothers from the Northern Triangle states transiting through Mexico on their way to the United States, was characterised as a crisis. A crisis implies the existence of a threat justifying the imposition of extraordinary measures. The issue of migrants in transit through Mexico was no novelty. Since the late 1980s, under the pressure of the United States, Mexico has been deporting migrants in transit back to their countries of origin. As Mexico has increasingly associated with the United States, there has emerged a growing need for greater compliance with "American requirements" and for the understanding of "American fears" of illegal migrants. After 11 September 2001, the fear became almost paranoid. Mexican presidents Fox, Calderon, and Nieto brought about and implemented a restrictive migration policy in line with the US policy, according to which migrants posed a threat to national security. Although repeatedly emphasising its intention to protect the migrants in transit, Mexico militarised and securitised its migration policy. This was particularly apparent after the 2014 Frontera Sur programme, which applied the same methods – arrest, deportation and denial of asylum – to the vulnerable population of women and children who largely satisfied the criteria for refugee status recognition. The PFS emphasised the intent to protect migrants, to better manage border crossings and to create security and prosperity zones in the south of the country. However, after two years of the programme's implementation it can be concluded that none of the objectives above have been achieved. Indeed, migrants in transit are additionally exposed to strife, suffering, and violations of their fundamental human rights, both by criminal organisations and the forces of law and order. Therefore, their transit has become much more uncertain than it was before. At the same time, human rights are violated by the state of Mexico itself, which denies migrants the right to asylum or recognition of humanitarian visas. The border in the south of the country has not become more secure. That PFS complies with US interests is apparent from the fact that the United States is its main source of funding, since it has managed to link the combat against drugs and migrants in transit via the Merida Initiative. The question is why have migrants continued to arrive despite everything mentioned above? It was their hope that somehow, they would reach the USA or, in the worst case, remain in Mexico. The most elementary human right, the right to life, is endangered in the countries of the Northern Triangle. In addition to personal insecurity, there are other human security threats in Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador forcing the citizens to flee and emigrate from political, economic, environmental, and health and food insecurity. With everything being said, it is not easy to evaluate the Mexican migration policy. From a perspective of human security, it was "bad" because it was discriminatory and incompatible with the cultural and political context, as well as with moral and legal norms. Evaluated from a national security perspective, it was "good" because it was achievable, it has yielded results with an acceptable cost of staff and resources and has achieved state interests – good relations with the United States. At the same time, it is one of the tools Mexico can use in the future if Trump should decide against Mexican interests (significant taxing of Mexican products or deporting the many Mexican citizens illegally residing in the United States). Since Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador belong to the same cultural (historical, religious and linguistic circle), it was presumed that Mexico would pursue a policy that favours migrants and their protection; however, that did not happen. The authors agree with Kimball (2007: 140) that in the long run, Mexico will not be able to simultaneously advocate and implement both the pro- and anti-immigrant policy. The problem of the migrant wave, mostly consisting of mothers and children from the Northern Triangle countries, who were in transit through Mexico during 2014–2016, was attempted to be resolved via securitisation rather than care about their security. Castles de Haas and Miller (2014: 5) state that in the case of Mexico, there is a proliferation of migration transition, since it is turning from an emigration into an immigration country. To be more specific, with Trump coming to power, Mexico is increasingly not just a transit country, but also an ultimate destination country. Trump's immigration policy regarding immigrants from Central America suffers from deep historical amnesia related to the role of the USA in the Central American conflict of the 1980s, which has significantly destabilised the region. Moreover, Trump denounces and demonises as dangerous criminals the families, women and children, who have fled from violence contributed to by the USA (Portillo Villeda and Miklos, 2017: 53–54). This is one of the reasons the number of arrested migrants from Central America on the southern border of the United States has significantly decreased, but the number of asylum seekers in Mexico has increased threefold. There is a hope that new Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador would perceive vulnerable Northern Triangle migrants more as a threat to human rather than national security.

This contribution to the discussion about Dag Strpic's book Karl Marx and the Political Economy of Modernity focuses on the author's assessment that the weakening of US economic hegemony is questionable, especially with regard to the future prospects of capitalism (and its development), and prefers to speak of a "redesign" thereof. Accordingly, this article analyses in detail three aspects of capitalism redesign: the causal, the contingent and the functional aspects. Regarding causality, the partial redistribution of leading roles in world economy is caused by the introduction of new methods, from industrial and media technology to financial speculations and new wars -- which make profit-making possible. Regarding contingency, the shift in the centre provides opportunity for a small number of countries, such as China, India and Brazil, which are endowed with capitalist "talent" (in the sense of combining the policy of resource mobilization with elements of positive evaluation of labour in the local culture), to climb the ladder of successful development. The functional aspects indicate the favourable effects of the shift in the centre not only for newcomers to the club of the most developed, but also to the USA. The financialization of (primarily American) economy, along with giving over leadership to other industrial powers in many branches of industrial production, and in the rate of economic growth -- i.e. with a "new division of labour" in the centre -- gives to the US some sort of "aristocratic" status in the world of capitalism. Such a status is not incompatible with the cyclic process of capitalism development. Instead of a dialectical leap toward socialism, it rather aspires to a partial restoration of feudalism, as a global order of strong states in the centre and weak or apparent states on the margins. This, however, is not the worst possible ending of modern history. If a much more pronounced decline of US economic power in favour of the newcomers were to occur, this would probably strengthen the brutality of capitalism rather than weaken it. Provided that, in the EU, the trend of further decomposition of the welfare state is stopped, and the indispensable balance between the requirements of economic growth and of social solidarity and general well-being is restored, only a genuine and comprehensive "Europeanization" of the capitalist system could make possible the emergence of a global capitalism with a human face, and probably also of a world state which would provide for a balanced development of all parts of the world. Adapted from the source document.

1948. bila je prijelomna godina za jugoslavensko-američke odnose i američku vanjsku politiku prema Jugoslaviji. Nakon razlaza sa Staljinom, američka administracija formulirala je "strategiju klina" u svrhu održavanja Tita "na površini" te, osim ekonomske i vojne pomoći, pokrenula niz kulturnih programa namijenjenih približavanju Jugoslavije Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama. Članak analizira aktivnosti kao i kulturnu i intelektualnu atraktivnost Američke čitaonice u Zagrebu u jeku Hladnog rata kao dio američke javne i kulturne diplomacije. Nastao je na temelju usmenog intervjua te je popraćen međunarodnim arhivskim istraživanjem (National Archives at College Park i University of Arkansas Library, SAD; Arhiv Jugoslavije, Arhiv Josipa Broza Tita i Historijski arhiv grada Beograda, Beograd; Hrvatski državni arhiv, Zagreb; te Roosevelt Institute for American Studies Microfilm Collection). Autorica tvrdi da je kroz djelatnosti čitaonice, programe kulturnih razmjena, radio Glas Amerike, američkih paviljona na Zagrebačkom i Beogradskom velesajmu, kao i preko kulturnih gostovanja, američka vlada uspješno vezala jugoslavenski kulturni prostor za zapadne, američke trendove i tendencije. Kroz perspektivu osobnog svjedoka, direktorice United States Information Servicea (USIS) Zagreb, autorica izlaže uspjehe, granice i prostore pregovaranja američke javne diplomacije (public diplomacy) kao validnog instrumenta američke vanjske politike prema Titovoj Jugoslaviji. ; 1948 was a breakthrough year for the Yugoslav-American bilateral relations and the US foreign policy towards Yugoslavia. After the Tito-Stalin split, the US administration conceived a "wedge strategy" to "keep Tito afloat" and, besides economic and military aid, launched a series of cultural programs aimed at bringing Yugoslavia closer to the United States. The article analyzes the activities as well as the cultural and intellectual attractiveness of the American Library Zagreb at the height of the Cold War as part of the US public diplomacy strategy in socialist Yugoslavia. Based on an oral interview, the article relies on international archival research at the National Archives at College Park and the University of Arkansas Library, USA, the Yugoslav Archives, Josip Broz Tito's Archives, Belgrade's Historical Archives, Belgrade, the Croatian State Archives, and the Roosevelt Institute for American Studies Microfilm Collection. The author argues that through the library activities, the cultural exchange programs, the Voice of America, and the American pavilions at the Zagreb and Belgrade Fair, as well as through cultural visits, the US government successfully linked the Yugoslav cultural space to Western, American trends and tendencies. Through the perspective of a witness, the United States Information Service (USIS) director in Zagreb, the author presents the successes, boundaries and negotiating spaces of the US public diplomacy as a valid instrument of US foreign policy towards Tito's Yugoslavia.

Autorica je u radu na temelju analize prevladavajuće teme u znanstvenim radovima vodećih nacionalnih časopisa o javnoj upravi pokušala prikazati, a potom i usporediti upravne sustave Hrvatske, SAD-a, Kanade, Indije i Australije. Uvidom u tematsku strukturu časopisa pokušala je utvrditi javlja li se javna uprava u različitim državama kao sasvim različiti fenomen ili je riječ o jednakom fenomenu čija su specifična obilježja samo produkt različitih okolišnih (ekonomskih, socijalnih, povijesnih, geografskih, kulturnih, itd.) čimbenika u kojima su se ti upravni sustavi razvijali i koja su takva da omogućuju razmjenu najboljih ideja i praksi i daljnji razvoj upravnih sustava prema zajedničkom modelu. U radu se najprije opisuje istraživanje sadržaja znanstvenih časopisa o javnoj upravi kao metoda istraživanja u upravnoj znanosti. Autorica zatim izlaže tijek svog istraživanja i dobivene rezultate te konačno tumači rezultate dobivene istraživanjem. ; The paper analyses the thematic structure of scientific papers published in an American, an Australian, an Indian, a Canadian, and a Croatian journal dealing with public administration in the period 1999–2009. Based on this analysis, the administrative systems of the countries of origin are outlined and compared. The initial thesis is that the administrative systems of different countries differ because of various environmental conditions in which they have developed, but these differences are not so huge as to suggest that public administration in different countries is a completely different phenomenon. On the contrary, due to globalisation, uniqueness and divergence of various administrative systems are tending to withdraw, making room for the exchange of ideas and best practices, and to the development of national administrative systems according to a common model. The paper describes the analysis of themes as one of the research methods in administrative science and outlines some of the papers in which this method has been used. The author has analysed the results for each country individually, proceeding with an aggregate overview of thematic structures and administrative systems of the respective countries. The thematic structure of scientific papers as a copy of the studied administrative systems has shown that the USA and Australia are ideologically oriented towards economic values, as the countries of pragmatic culture, while Canada is oriented towards economic and traditional values. India can be considered to use its potentials for further development of the country, while Croatia is a country that is reforming its administrative system in accordance with democratic principles and other traditional values of the European continent. nevertheless, the research has shown that public administration core is the same in each of the analysed countries and that they are moving towards common understanding of what is an optimal organisation of public administration.

Tema disertacije je analiza djelovanja putem pravnopolitičkih mehanizama međunarodne zajednice, a prvenstveno misleći Europske ekonomske zajednice (kasnije Europske unije) na sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije u vremenu od 1990. g., tj. od trenutaka prvih znakova početaka krize, pa sve do kraja oružanih sukoba/ratova 1995. g. i potpisivanja Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma. Upravo vrijeme prvih znakova krize i početaka prvih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije bilo je vrijeme kada je Europska ekonomska zajednica stvarala Zajedničku vanjsku i sigurnosnu politiku. Ujedno jugoslavenska kriza odvijala se paralelno s stvaranja nove ujedinjene Europe koja se našla pred izazovom dokazivanja uloge regionalnog i globalnog igrača u kreiranju svjetske politike, te u dokazivanju mogućnosti samostalnog rješavanja eventualnih sukoba na svom teritoriju bez upliva politike Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Jugoslavenska kriza reflektirana kasnije kroz oružane sukobe i ratove predstavlja je test institucionalnom sistemu dotadašnje i buduće ujedinjene Europe, te je ista bila indikator, smjernica institucijskom razvoju Europske ekonomske zajednice, a uslijed same činenice nemogućnosti implementacija usvojenih politika/odluka kojima bi rješila krizu i spriječila sukobe. Oružani sukobi/ratovi i sama kriza na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije s vremenom je bila u suprotnosti s duhom buduće ujedinjene Europe nakon pada Berlinskog zida, a nemogućnost uporabe rješenja za kraj krize, oružanih sukoba i postizanje mira povlačilo je za sobom i pitanje održivosti takve zajednice. Prekrajanje granica silom od strane lokalnih politika na području bivše Jugoslavije s ciljem osiguranja življenja jednog naroda u jednoj državi bili su u suprotnosti s načelom uti possidetis iuris i vladavinom prava na koje se u stvaranju suvremene Europe nakon II. Svjetskog rata ista pozivala. Upravo kroz navedeno načelo međunarodnog prava, Europska ekonomska zajednica, a i kasnije Europske unija, kao i svi ostali dionici međunarodne zajednice uključeni u sprječavanju sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije svojim pravnopolitičkim mehanizmima navedeno načelo koje predstavljalo razloge/polazište svih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije nisu znale i mogle zaštiti. Činjenica djelovanja međunarodne zajednice, prvenstveno Europske ekonomske zajednice/Europske unije u skladu s izvorima europskog i međunarodnog javnog prava, te koristeći pravnopolitičke mehanizme koji su upravo proizlazili iz navedenih izvora, a bez mogućnosti fizičke, stvarne primjene istih prema onima na koje se odnosilo, kao i neaktivnost u angažiranju od početaka sukoba od strane Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, stvarali su subjektivni dojam da ne postoji politička volja oko temeljnih pitanja ključnih za sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira, kao ni volja zaštite međunarodnog prava na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije. Upravo željom za globalnom dominacijom u novom svjetskom poretku, kao i činjenica dokazivanja Europi da ne može samostalno upravljati i rješavati krize na svom području, Sjedinjene Američke Države preuzele su aktivnu ulogu u rješavanju krize koristeći pravnopolitičke mehanizme u skladu s odredbama međunarodnog javnog prava, čime su spriječile daljnje sukobe/ratove i postigle mir. Političkom reaktivacijom u odnosu na prostor bivše Jugoslavije, Sjedinjene Američke Države jasno su dokazale svoju političku dominaciju u rješavanju i "upravljanju krizom" na tlu Europe, a ujedno su očuvale svoj i kredibilitet NATO-a i same Europske unije. ; The topic of this dissertation is the analysis of acting through legal and political mechanisms of an international community, namely the actions the European Economic Community (later known as the European Union) had undertaken to prevent conflicts and achieve peace on the territory of the former Yugoslavia from 1990 and the first signs of a crisis up to the end of the armed conflicts/wars in 1995 and the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Just when the first signs of the crisis and the first armed conflicts began to appear in the former Yugoslavia, the European Economic Community created the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Also, the Yugoslav crisis took place in parallel with the creation of a new united Europe that faced the challenge of proving to be a regional and global force in the creation of the world policy, as well as proving its ability to independently resolve possible conflicts within its territory without interference from the policy of the United States. The Yugoslav crisis, later manifested in armed conflicts and wars, was a test of the institutional system of the former and future united Europe, a guideline for the institutional development of the European Economic Community, and an indicator of the inability to implement the adopted policies/decisions that would resolve the crisis and prevent conflicts. Armed conflicts/wars and the crisis in the former Yugoslavia were eventually contrary to the spirit of the future united Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the inability to find a solution to end the crisis and armed conflicts, as well as to achieve peace, raised the issue of sustainability of such a community. Redrawing the borders perforce by the local policies in the former Yugoslavia with the aim to ensure the settlement of one nation in one state was contrary to the principle of uti possidetis iuris and the rule of law relied upon by the modern Europe after World War II. The European Economic Community, and later the European Union, as well as all the other members of the international community engaged in conflict prevention and achieving peace in the former Yugoslavia, did not know how to use their legal and political mechanisms to protect the aforesaid principle which represented the reasons/starting point for all the armed conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. The action of the international community, primarily the European Economic Community/European Union in line with the sources of European and international public law, using the legal and political mechanisms stemming from the aforesaid sources, without the possibility of their actual implementation, as well as the USA's decision not to engage in the conflict from the beginning, created a subjective impression that there is no political will to tackle issues crucial for conflict prevention, achieving peace, and protecting international law in the former Yugoslavia. It was the desire for global domination in the new world order and the desire to show Europe the independence in managing and addressing the crises in its territory that enabled the USA to take an active role in addressing the crisis by using legal and political mechanisms in line with international public law provisions, which prevented further conflicts/wars and ensured peace. Political reactivation in the former Yugoslavia enabled the USA to clearly demonstrate its political domination in "crisis management" in Europe, whilst preserving its own credibility as well as the credibility of NATO and the European Union.

The term Spatial Data Infrastructure (SDI) is not new and has already been present in the world for quite a long time. President Clinton's Executive Order 12906 from April 1994 played a crucial role and was an initiative in establishing National Spatial Data Infrastructure (NSDI). This Order induced briskly the building of NSDI and also of all additional counterparts in the USA and around the whole world. Besides NSDI, various other initiatives at regional (EUROGI, PCGIAP, …) and global level (GSDI) were also launched.In this paper, an overview of different initiatives and efforts in establishing SDI in Croatia will be presented. State bodies such as the Government and State Geodetic Administration have the main role in it in collaboration with public and commercial sector and also with academic community. As the main factor in creating a future SDI, State Geodetic Administration has launched several initiatives the goal of which is the installation of new technologies, equipment and procedures in map production and the establishment of digital topographic and cadastre databases. The arrangement and modernization of spatial records and the establishment of NSDI make the key factors for sustainable physical planning and land development at local and national level.In the next few years Croatia must solve numerous duties to arrange spatial records. These duties must be solved very conscientiously and in a reasonable period of time. It is very important for Croatian prosperity and for the fulfilment of the conditions set in the process of entering European and international integrations. ; Pojam infrastrukture prostornih podataka (Spatial Data Infrastructure - SDI) već je dulje vrijeme prisutan u svijetu. Presudnu ulogu i poticaj ka stvara-nju nacionalnih infrastruktura prostornih podataka imala je izvršna naredba 12906 američkog predsjed-nika Clintona iz 1994. godine. Donošenje ove naredbe potaknulo je ubrzan rad na izgradnji nacionalne infrastrukture prostornih podataka i svih dodatnih mjera u SAD-u, ali i diljem svijeta. Uz nacionalne infrastrukture prostornih podataka pokrenute su i različite inicijative na regionalnoj (EUROGI, PCGIAP .) kao i na globalnoj razini (GSDI).U radu će se dati pregled različitih inicijativa i napora koji su pokrenuti u Hrvatskoj po tom pitanju. Najveću ulogu u tome imaju državna tijela, u prvom redu Vlada i Državna geodetska uprava uz potporu i suradnju javnog i privatnog sektora te akademske zajednice. Državna geodetska uprava je kao glavni čimbenik u stvaranju buduće infrastrukture prostornih podataka pokrenula niz inicijativa koje imaju za cilj uvođenje novih tehnologija, oprema i postupaka pri izradi karata i stvaranju digitalnih i katastarskih baza podataka. Učinkovito upravljanje prostorom uz održivi razvitak zahtijeva uređenje i modernizaciju prostornih evidencija te uspostavu nacionalne infrastrukture prostornih podataka.U idućih nekoliko godina pred Hrvatskom su brojne zadaće i obaveze po pitanju uređenja prostornih evidencija. Tim zadaćama treba savjesno pristupiti i riješiti ih u razumnom roku, a što je od interesa kako za boljitak cijele države tako i za ispunjenje postavljenih uvjeta u procesu pristupanja europskim i svjetskim integracijama.

Proces osnivanja i početak rada televizije kao odjela Radija Zagreb i prve godine djelovanja Radiotelevizije Zagreb unutar Jugoslavenske televizije odigrali su se u samo deset godina – od sredine 50-ih do sredine 60-ih godina XX. stoljeća. Obrađivani period analiziran je iz izvornih dokumenata Radija Zagreb i Radiotelevizije Zagreb, djelomično sačuvanih u Arhivu poslovne dokumentacije Hrvatske radiotelevizije, tekstova objavljenih u internim tiskovinama obiju ustanova i radiodifuzije Jugoslavije, kao i zabilježenih sjećanja sudionika tih događaja. Da bi se dobio potpuniji uvid u obrađenu temu, prikazan je i kratki pregled nastanka televizije u svijetu. Većina podataka korištenih u ovom radu nalazi se u radnoj jedinici Arhivi i programsko gradivo Hrvatske radiotelevizije. ; The founding of any television broadcaster demands substantial financial investments because the production of programmes costs the same regardless of whether one is producing a programme for millions or several thousand viewers. Almost all television broadcasters began their development as parts of radio stations (BBC in the United Kingdom, CBS and NBC in the USA). The television broadcaster founded by Radio Zagreb as one of its departments is no exception. The rapid development of television in the technological and programmatic sense after World War II led to it taking away an increasingly large media space from other information and entertainment sources, so that it quickly became independent and grew into the dominant mass medium. Public television in Croatia (Yugoslavia) underwent the same development path as other public television broadcasters in Europe, albeit much later than the broadcasters that served as its role models (BBC and RAI) and in significantly tougher financial and social circumstances. The enthusiasm and professionalism of the people involved in the creation of television in Zagreb were of decisive importance for its later development. All those who joined the project showed a readiness to master something completely unknown and to learn on the go. Many have written about the time and circumstances in which television appeared in Croatia as the time of enthusiasts of Radio Zagreb. As Ivan Šibl said, the enthusiasm and passion of these people for the new medium was not curbed by the eternal lack of money or by the political and social circumstances of the time. Starting from almost nothing, on their on their own initiative, with much ingenuity, professionalism, and, above all, much love, they created the first television broadcaster in Yugoslavia. Sadly, instead of affirmation, this pioneering work of Radio Zagreb caused much envy and obstructions. Still, once they had begun, they became unstoppable. They learned on the go and, learning from their mistakes, created a programme of increasingly higher quality. Even though they planned to make a television network in Croatia in only a few years (1956–1960), the financial and political circumstances did not allow this, so the whole process dragged out for almost two decades. But they managed to create the foundations of modern television from almost nothing. The increasing viewership through the years is a clear indicator of the success of their work. No less important, in the time and in social conditions in which they lived, was their courage to consciously choose to broadcast foreign television programmes, because they could not influence the contents of Italian and Austrian television. Even though these were mostly sports, entertainment, and cultural programmes, they opened a 'window into the world' for their audience. In a way, the beginning of television in Zagreb is linked to football. Everything always began with the broadcasting of football matches, from persuading individuals to attracting viewers at the very beginning. Of course, the sports programme was always the most viewed part of the television programme. However, once they began to produce a television programme, they became unstoppable. Thanks to numerous enthusiasts, starting from just one small, makeshift studio, they created the foundations upon which most public—and private—television broadcasters in today's Croatia rest.

Due to an increase in the prevalence of chronic diseases, medication use and their cost is rising rapidly. This scenario render chronic patients at an increased risk of experiencing drug therapy problems, subsequently leading to unfavourable clinical and economic outcomes. Thus, to ensure patients' optimal medication use and improve their clinical outcomes, a comprehensive and systematic management of medications is deemed crucial. Hence, Comprehensive Medication Management (CMM) services offered by trained pharmacists can fill this gap by decreasing the unnecessary and often harmful use of medicines and consequent resulting complications. Collaborative practice between pharmacists and gen- eral practitioners, together with patients' active participation in the definition of treatment regimens, plays an important role in the effectiveness of CMM services. CMM services is defined as the standard of care that ensures each patient's medications (prescription, non-prescription, alternative, traditional, vitamins, or nutritional supplements) are individ- ually assessed to determine that each medication is appropriate for the patient, effective for the medical condition, safe given the comorbidities and other medications taken, and that the patient is able to take them as intended. It includes an individualized care plan that achieves the intended goals of therapy with appropriate follow-up to determine actual patient outcomes. Apart from the USA, several countries (e.g. Australia, Canada and Brazil) have managed to integrate CMM services into their existing health care system at the primary care level. However, in Europe, in spite of the widespread recog- nition of the need for medication management services, initiation and implementation of CMM services are lagging behind. Hence, for CMM services to become a reality in Europe and elsewhere, numerous prerequisites need to be accomplished, including policies and legal regulations supporting the provision of CMM services on a much larger scale, clearly defined and standardized professional practice and common language shared among the pharmacists, and well trained and experienced practitioners providing full-time, direct patient care. ; Zbog porasta prevalencije kroničnih bolesti, potrošnja lijekova ubrzano raste. Uslijed toga, kronični bolesnici su izloženi povećanom riziku pojave terapijskih problema što dovodi do nepovoljnih kliničkih i ekonomskih ishoda liječenja. Stoga se smatra da je sveobuhvatno i sustavno upravljanje farmakoterapijom ključno za osiguranje optimalne uporabe lijekova kao i za poboljšanje kliničkih ishoda liječenja. Sveobuhvatna usluga upravljanja farmakoterapijom (engl. Comprehensive Med- ication Management Services, CMM services) koju provode posebno educirani ljekarnici može ponuditi rješenje za ovaj problem, smanjujući nepotrebnu, a često i štetnu primjenu lijekova te njene posljedične komplikacije. Kolaborativna prak- sa ljekarnika i liječnika obiteljske medicine, koja uključuje i aktivno sudjelovanje pacijenata u kreiranju terapijskih režima, važan je čimbenik koji doprinosi učinkovitosti CMM usluge. CMM usluga se definira kao standard skrbi koji osigurava da se svakom pacijentu pojedinačno procjenjuju svi lijekovi (u receptnom ili bezreceptnom režimu, biljni, tradicionalni), vitamini ili dodaci prehrani koje uzima, kako bi se za svaki od njih utvrdilo je li prikladan za pacijenta, je li učinkovit za pacijentovo zdravstveno stanje, je li siguran s obzirom na komorbiditete i druge lijekove koje pacijent uzima, te je li pacijent sposoban i u mogućnosti uzimati lijekove kako treba. Usluga sadrži individualizirani plan skrbi kojim se postižu predviđeni ciljevi terapije kao i odgovarajuće praćenje (follow-up) kako bi se utvrdili stvarni ishodi liječenja. Pored SAD-a, nekoliko je drugih zemalja (Australija, Kanada i Brazil) uspjelo integrirati CMM uslugu u svoje postojeće sustave primarne zdravstvene zaštite. Međutim, u Europi, unatoč raširenosti spoznaje o potrebi za upravljanjem farmakoterapijom, razvoj i implementacija CMM usluge zaostaje. Kako bi se CMM usluge realizirale u Europi i ostalim zemljama, potrebno je ispuniti brojne preduvjete, uključujući donošenje politika i zakonskih propisa koji podržavaju pružanje CMM usluga u mnogo većem obimu, ostvarivanje jasno definirane i standardizirane profesionalne prakse i zajedničkog jezika ljekarnika, te stvaranje dobro educiranih i iskusnih ljekarnika koji u punom radnom vremenu pružaju izravnu skrb pacijentima.