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The purpose of this paper is to assess the development of relations between Russia and the two Western power centres, the United States of America and the European Union, in 2003 – 2004. It goes without saying that it would be quite problematic and risky to formulate an unequivocal evaluation of this dynamic phenomenon. The author, however, sought to identify and determine the key trends of development. This was done through a search for answers to more specific questions: what was the strategy of Russia's foreign policy, how did it interact with the goals and aspirations of the USA and EU, and, finally, toward what – convergence or alienation – did evolve the dialogue between the global power centres that are of greatest importance for the Central and Eastern European countries. These tasks have dictated the trinomial structure of the paper. The first part deals with the changes in the Russian foreign policy strategy in recent years. It shows how, upon sensible assessment of its opportunities, Russia abandoned its former rush-about and concentrated on the inclusion of the CIS states (the Ukraine in particular) in its political orbit. The second and the third part of the paper analyse the peculiarities and ups and downs of Russia's relations with the USA and the EU respectively. Despite certain variations, the development of these relations increasingly shows signs of alienation and cooling, which were partly masked by the intention of the EU larger Member States, in particular of the Germany, to maintain good relations with Russia at any cost. Finally, a brief overview of the culminating event in the Russian–Western relations – the Ukrainian "orange revolution" – is presented at the end of the paper, supplemented by a broader summarisation of the period under consideration. The underlying idea of the summary is that the so-called "value gap" has been widening in the Russian-Western relations in recent years.

The statement drafted by the Diplomatic Service of the USA on the 28th day of July 1922 specified in the concealed form temporariness of self-dependence of the state system of Lithuania and, at the same time, Latvia and Estonia, as long as the Bolshevist Russia exists, as well as conditionality of the states by acknowledging their governments only, and not the states themselves. In principle, it was in line with the vision favored by the westerners: the vision of national governments of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia in the composition of the democratic Russia. It was approved by governments of the USA, France, the Great Britain, and by leaders of the White Russians as well. The expression "complete recognition" contained in the statement of recognition meant de jure and de facto recognition that was not named directly by the Americans in the statement of recognition because of the planned in future relations with the future democratic Russia. Before the official, yet peculiar, diplomatic act, the Americans used to maintain informal relations with the Baltic States on the basis of indirect de facto recognition leaning upon the note of the 26th day of May 1919 addressed to admiral A. Kolchak, the official proclamation of which was avoided by the diplomacy of the USA (contrary to the grand states in Europe) until 1922. ; JAV diplomatinės tarnybos parengtas 1922 m. liepos 28 d. pareiškimas užslėpta forma fiksavo Lietuvos, kartu Latvijos ir Estijos, valstybingumo laikinumą – kol egzistuos bolševikinė Rusija, bei šių valstybių sąlyginumą pripažįstant tik jų vyriausybes, o ne valstybes. Iš principo tai atitiko vakariečių proteguojamą autonominės Lietuvos, Latvijos ir Estijos demokratinės Rusijos sudėtyje nacionalinių vyriausybių viziją. Tam pritarė ne tik JAV, Prancūzijos, Didžiosios Britanijos vyriausybės, bet ir baltųjų rusų vadovai. Pripažinimo pareiškime vartojama formuluotė "pilnas pripažinimas" reiškė pripažinimą de jure ir de facto. Amerikiečiai, numatydami savo santykius su būsima demokratine Rusija, šių sąvokų tiesiogiai pripažinimo dokumente neįvardijo. Iki oficialaus, tiesa, savotiško diplomatinio akto amerikiečiai su Baltijos valstybėmis palaikė neformalius santykius. Jų pagrindas buvo netiesioginis de facto pripažinimas, pagrįstas 1919 m. gegužės 26 d. nota admirolui A. Kolčakui. JAV, priešingai nei didžiosios Europos valstybės, iki 1922 m. jo oficialiai nepaskelbė.

In the article the scientific model of conceptual blending (developed by Mark Turner and Gilles Fauconnier) is applied to the analysis of ironic headlines. It is argued that irony's ability to make use of this mechanism partially accounts for the use of ironic references in news discourse. Irony is used as a means to reveal the compressions created via blending. An ironist employs the rules of blending to present a variety of eye-catching and brief headlines that contain compressions of Time, Space, Part-Whole, Role-Value, Intentionality, and Analogy/Disanalogy that are compressed into Uniqueness. The multiple compressions of an ironic reference do not only enable the ironist to communicate complex ideas and implications at the scale of human understanding but also facilitate the economy of space (i.e. the complex conceptual integration networks operate in a way that brings elements from a variety of mental input spaces into one blend). An overview of the Vital Relations and their compressions is supported by a number of ironic news headlines collected from popular Lithuanian and American online news websites.

In the article the scientific model of conceptual blending (developed by Mark Turner and Gilles Fauconnier) is applied to the analysis of ironic headlines. It is argued that irony's ability to make use of this mechanism partially accounts for the use of ironic references in news discourse. Irony is used as a means to reveal the compressions created via blending. An ironist employs the rules of blending to present a variety of eye-catching and brief headlines that contain compressions of Time, Space, Part-Whole, Role-Value, Intentionality, and Analogy/Disanalogy that are compressed into Uniqueness. The multiple compressions of an ironic reference do not only enable the ironist to communicate complex ideas and implications at the scale of human understanding but also facilitate the economy of space (i.e. the complex conceptual integration networks operate in a way that brings elements from a variety of mental input spaces into one blend). An overview of the Vital Relations and their compressions is supported by a number of ironic news headlines collected from popular Lithuanian and American online news websites.

In the article the scientific model of conceptual blending (developed by Mark Turner and Gilles Fauconnier) is applied to the analysis of ironic headlines. It is argued that irony's ability to make use of this mechanism partially accounts for the use of ironic references in news discourse. Irony is used as a means to reveal the compressions created via blending. An ironist employs the rules of blending to present a variety of eye-catching and brief headlines that contain compressions of Time, Space, Part-Whole, Role-Value, Intentionality, and Analogy/Disanalogy that are compressed into Uniqueness. The multiple compressions of an ironic reference do not only enable the ironist to communicate complex ideas and implications at the scale of human understanding but also facilitate the economy of space (i.e. the complex conceptual integration networks operate in a way that brings elements from a variety of mental input spaces into one blend). An overview of the Vital Relations and their compressions is supported by a number of ironic news headlines collected from popular Lithuanian and American online news websites.

In the article the scientific model of conceptual blending (developed by Mark Turner and Gilles Fauconnier) is applied to the analysis of ironic headlines. It is argued that irony's ability to make use of this mechanism partially accounts for the use of ironic references in news discourse. Irony is used as a means to reveal the compressions created via blending. An ironist employs the rules of blending to present a variety of eye-catching and brief headlines that contain compressions of Time, Space, Part-Whole, Role-Value, Intentionality, and Analogy/Disanalogy that are compressed into Uniqueness. The multiple compressions of an ironic reference do not only enable the ironist to communicate complex ideas and implications at the scale of human understanding but also facilitate the economy of space (i.e. the complex conceptual integration networks operate in a way that brings elements from a variety of mental input spaces into one blend). An overview of the Vital Relations and their compressions is supported by a number of ironic news headlines collected from popular Lithuanian and American online news websites.

The master's work describes dynamics of European Union political relations with the USA and Russia in 1990-2016. The presumption is made that politic and economic relations are inseparable in today's world. It is also considered that political decisions made in states has a visible influence for state economy. The first section quite consistently describes the theoretical part of work. This section is used to define the concept of terminology. International Political Economy theories were identified and applied for each selected research object. The model of International Relations was created in this section for understanding this complex academic approach. Classified theories helped to identify main approach of IR which was the base for further analysis. Each major theory of International Political Economy was integrated with selected states political models. The second part thoroughly describes the EU political relations with USA and Russia. Methodology is discussed in this chapter. Initially, it discusses a methodology and selected explanatory indicators used in the selection of the final project in the longer part of the study. The analyze of adopted resolutions and importance for transatlantic cooperations is deeply analyzed in this section. This chapter underlines the stability of political relations, both sides willingness to cooperate and to develop both political and economic relations. This section is also used for a distinction of important agreements that allow the further development of cooperation. In the light of today's events in the world, this chapter focus on Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership agreement. The positive effect on economic stability and political cooperation were identified. The rest part of this chapter is used to analyze in detail quite problematic relations between the Eu and Russia. Much attention is paid to the problems which have caused difficult political and economic cooperation. The huge attention is paid for the presidency of Vladimir Putin because of the notable changes in Russia's approach to the EU. Putin's policy defines the main characteristic features which can not be ignored. The model of essential difference promoters was created. Particular attention is given to the European Union and the United States sanctions against Russia. This chapter analyze in details the reasons for sanctions adaptation and their impact on the Russian economy. Also in this section is identified and analyzed how the European Union works as a unit consisting of 28 different countries. The biggest attention is paid for reasons weakening the impact of sanctions

The master's work describes dynamics of European Union political relations with the USA and Russia in 1990-2016. The presumption is made that politic and economic relations are inseparable in today's world. It is also considered that political decisions made in states has a visible influence for state economy. The first section quite consistently describes the theoretical part of work. This section is used to define the concept of terminology. International Political Economy theories were identified and applied for each selected research object. The model of International Relations was created in this section for understanding this complex academic approach. Classified theories helped to identify main approach of IR which was the base for further analysis. Each major theory of International Political Economy was integrated with selected states political models. The second part thoroughly describes the EU political relations with USA and Russia. Methodology is discussed in this chapter. Initially, it discusses a methodology and selected explanatory indicators used in the selection of the final project in the longer part of the study. The analyze of adopted resolutions and importance for transatlantic cooperations is deeply analyzed in this section. This chapter underlines the stability of political relations, both sides willingness to cooperate and to develop both political and economic relations. This section is also used for a distinction of important agreements that allow the further development of cooperation. In the light of today's events in the world, this chapter focus on Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership agreement. The positive effect on economic stability and political cooperation were identified. The rest part of this chapter is used to analyze in detail quite problematic relations between the Eu and Russia. Much attention is paid to the problems which have caused difficult political and economic cooperation. The huge attention is paid for the presidency of Vladimir Putin because of the notable changes in Russia's approach to the EU. Putin's policy defines the main characteristic features which can not be ignored. The model of essential difference promoters was created. Particular attention is given to the European Union and the United States sanctions against Russia. This chapter analyze in details the reasons for sanctions adaptation and their impact on the Russian economy. Also in this section is identified and analyzed how the European Union works as a unit consisting of 28 different countries. The biggest attention is paid for reasons weakening the impact of sanctions

The master's work describes dynamics of European Union political relations with the USA and Russia in 1990-2016. The presumption is made that politic and economic relations are inseparable in today's world. It is also considered that political decisions made in states has a visible influence for state economy. The first section quite consistently describes the theoretical part of work. This section is used to define the concept of terminology. International Political Economy theories were identified and applied for each selected research object. The model of International Relations was created in this section for understanding this complex academic approach. Classified theories helped to identify main approach of IR which was the base for further analysis. Each major theory of International Political Economy was integrated with selected states political models. The second part thoroughly describes the EU political relations with USA and Russia. Methodology is discussed in this chapter. Initially, it discusses a methodology and selected explanatory indicators used in the selection of the final project in the longer part of the study. The analyze of adopted resolutions and importance for transatlantic cooperations is deeply analyzed in this section. This chapter underlines the stability of political relations, both sides willingness to cooperate and to develop both political and economic relations. This section is also used for a distinction of important agreements that allow the further development of cooperation. In the light of today's events in the world, this chapter focus on Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership agreement. The positive effect on economic stability and political cooperation were identified. The rest part of this chapter is used to analyze in detail quite problematic relations between the Eu and Russia. Much attention is paid to the problems which have caused difficult political and economic cooperation. The huge attention is paid for the presidency of Vladimir Putin because of the notable changes in Russia's approach to the EU. Putin's policy defines the main characteristic features which can not be ignored. The model of essential difference promoters was created. Particular attention is given to the European Union and the United States sanctions against Russia. This chapter analyze in details the reasons for sanctions adaptation and their impact on the Russian economy. Also in this section is identified and analyzed how the European Union works as a unit consisting of 28 different countries. The biggest attention is paid for reasons weakening the impact of sanctions

The master's work describes dynamics of European Union political relations with the USA and Russia in 1990-2016. The presumption is made that politic and economic relations are inseparable in today's world. It is also considered that political decisions made in states has a visible influence for state economy. The first section quite consistently describes the theoretical part of work. This section is used to define the concept of terminology. International Political Economy theories were identified and applied for each selected research object. The model of International Relations was created in this section for understanding this complex academic approach. Classified theories helped to identify main approach of IR which was the base for further analysis. Each major theory of International Political Economy was integrated with selected states political models. The second part thoroughly describes the EU political relations with USA and Russia. Methodology is discussed in this chapter. Initially, it discusses a methodology and selected explanatory indicators used in the selection of the final project in the longer part of the study. The analyze of adopted resolutions and importance for transatlantic cooperations is deeply analyzed in this section. This chapter underlines the stability of political relations, both sides willingness to cooperate and to develop both political and economic relations. This section is also used for a distinction of important agreements that allow the further development of cooperation. In the light of today's events in the world, this chapter focus on Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership agreement. The positive effect on economic stability and political cooperation were identified. The rest part of this chapter is used to analyze in detail quite problematic relations between the Eu and Russia. Much attention is paid to the problems which have caused difficult political and economic cooperation. The huge attention is paid for the presidency of Vladimir Putin because of the notable changes in Russia's approach to the EU. Putin's policy defines the main characteristic features which can not be ignored. The model of essential difference promoters was created. Particular attention is given to the European Union and the United States sanctions against Russia. This chapter analyze in details the reasons for sanctions adaptation and their impact on the Russian economy. Also in this section is identified and analyzed how the European Union works as a unit consisting of 28 different countries. The biggest attention is paid for reasons weakening the impact of sanctions

This master's thesis – "The Construction of USA Roles in National Security Strategies: Period After the Cold War" – questions what kinds of roles do the USA have in the world. The object of this work is the National Security Strategies of the United States of America after the Cold War. The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the roles' construction of the US, which are defined in the National Security Strategies. The main tasks were to analyze the role theory of international relations in the context of the US. Another task – to examine roles of the US in the National Security Strategies published after the Cold War. The main analysis was based on the construction of the roles: which of them repeats through the Strategies and how do they change during the years. The main outcome of this work is the definitions of the main roles of the US in the world. This thesis has three main chapters: at first, it gives structured analysis of role theory, then it explains the connection between role and identity through national interests and then it gives an analysis of National Security Strategies. Foreign policy of a state defines norms, which depends on national identity and the global context – neighboring countries, regions, subregions and global processes. Foreign policy is one of the main practices to construct and reveal the role of a state. The main document to define the US' vision of the state and connections with the world is National Security Strategy. This document highlights foreign policy's guidelines, main interests of a state, liabilities and the capacity of the security of the state. The exceptionalism of the US is what theorists define while talking about power distribution and roles in the world. The political decisions of the US have influence on the state itself and, more importantly, the remaining world. The national interests and actions form the roles of the US. The state links it with its promises and actions. That is why in the NSS you can find more about "outside" world, interactions between states and a vision of a global world. The analysis of the NSS reveals five roles of the US in the world: world leader, an example to the world, world policeman, world rescuer and mediator. They were the most repeated roles of the US. It is clear, that all roles of the US highlight its pursuit of authority and being the center of the world. As role theory states, role is not just how an "ego" sees itself, but also the expectations of the "alter" to an "ego". Being a mediator, the US has not only have the capacity of being one, but also other countries expect her to be one. Without doubt the salient role of the US is the one as a world leader. It is seen from the military capacity and, most of all, from the fact that interests of the US are equated to the interests of the whole world. Keeping this role the US can reach its national interests' implementation while having influence on other sates. As an "example to the world", the US creates more roles to itself. This way the US becomes not only it, but also the one that other countries tend to seek for help or authority. As role theory states, "the other" assigns its expectations to the US, this is how the role forms. This analysis revealed that although the US defines itself as a global leader and world policeman, it acts according to the interests of itself. American citizens can be safe in the world, that is guarded. Furthermore, as a mediator, the US gets even more benefits. This thesis adds to analysis of the US roles a broader view, because it takes a long period of time – almost 40 years. It fills the hole in researchers of the US roles with original names of the roles. The further works could be based on a deeper analysis of roles of the US – how do they apply to the real actions of the state. In other words, does the theory meet the practice.

This master's thesis – "The Construction of USA Roles in National Security Strategies: Period After the Cold War" – questions what kinds of roles do the USA have in the world. The object of this work is the National Security Strategies of the United States of America after the Cold War. The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the roles' construction of the US, which are defined in the National Security Strategies. The main tasks were to analyze the role theory of international relations in the context of the US. Another task – to examine roles of the US in the National Security Strategies published after the Cold War. The main analysis was based on the construction of the roles: which of them repeats through the Strategies and how do they change during the years. The main outcome of this work is the definitions of the main roles of the US in the world. This thesis has three main chapters: at first, it gives structured analysis of role theory, then it explains the connection between role and identity through national interests and then it gives an analysis of National Security Strategies. Foreign policy of a state defines norms, which depends on national identity and the global context – neighboring countries, regions, subregions and global processes. Foreign policy is one of the main practices to construct and reveal the role of a state. The main document to define the US' vision of the state and connections with the world is National Security Strategy. This document highlights foreign policy's guidelines, main interests of a state, liabilities and the capacity of the security of the state. The exceptionalism of the US is what theorists define while talking about power distribution and roles in the world. The political decisions of the US have influence on the state itself and, more importantly, the remaining world. The national interests and actions form the roles of the US. The state links it with its promises and actions. That is why in the NSS you can find more about "outside" world, interactions between states and a vision of a global world. The analysis of the NSS reveals five roles of the US in the world: world leader, an example to the world, world policeman, world rescuer and mediator. They were the most repeated roles of the US. It is clear, that all roles of the US highlight its pursuit of authority and being the center of the world. As role theory states, role is not just how an "ego" sees itself, but also the expectations of the "alter" to an "ego". Being a mediator, the US has not only have the capacity of being one, but also other countries expect her to be one. Without doubt the salient role of the US is the one as a world leader. It is seen from the military capacity and, most of all, from the fact that interests of the US are equated to the interests of the whole world. Keeping this role the US can reach its national interests' implementation while having influence on other sates. As an "example to the world", the US creates more roles to itself. This way the US becomes not only it, but also the one that other countries tend to seek for help or authority. As role theory states, "the other" assigns its expectations to the US, this is how the role forms. This analysis revealed that although the US defines itself as a global leader and world policeman, it acts according to the interests of itself. American citizens can be safe in the world, that is guarded. Furthermore, as a mediator, the US gets even more benefits. This thesis adds to analysis of the US roles a broader view, because it takes a long period of time – almost 40 years. It fills the hole in researchers of the US roles with original names of the roles. The further works could be based on a deeper analysis of roles of the US – how do they apply to the real actions of the state. In other words, does the theory meet the practice.

This master's thesis – "The Construction of USA Roles in National Security Strategies: Period After the Cold War" – questions what kinds of roles do the USA have in the world. The object of this work is the National Security Strategies of the United States of America after the Cold War. The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the roles' construction of the US, which are defined in the National Security Strategies. The main tasks were to analyze the role theory of international relations in the context of the US. Another task – to examine roles of the US in the National Security Strategies published after the Cold War. The main analysis was based on the construction of the roles: which of them repeats through the Strategies and how do they change during the years. The main outcome of this work is the definitions of the main roles of the US in the world. This thesis has three main chapters: at first, it gives structured analysis of role theory, then it explains the connection between role and identity through national interests and then it gives an analysis of National Security Strategies. Foreign policy of a state defines norms, which depends on national identity and the global context – neighboring countries, regions, subregions and global processes. Foreign policy is one of the main practices to construct and reveal the role of a state. The main document to define the US' vision of the state and connections with the world is National Security Strategy. This document highlights foreign policy's guidelines, main interests of a state, liabilities and the capacity of the security of the state. The exceptionalism of the US is what theorists define while talking about power distribution and roles in the world. The political decisions of the US have influence on the state itself and, more importantly, the remaining world. The national interests and actions form the roles of the US. The state links it with its promises and actions. That is why in the NSS you can find more about "outside" world, interactions between states and a vision of a global world. The analysis of the NSS reveals five roles of the US in the world: world leader, an example to the world, world policeman, world rescuer and mediator. They were the most repeated roles of the US. It is clear, that all roles of the US highlight its pursuit of authority and being the center of the world. As role theory states, role is not just how an "ego" sees itself, but also the expectations of the "alter" to an "ego". Being a mediator, the US has not only have the capacity of being one, but also other countries expect her to be one. Without doubt the salient role of the US is the one as a world leader. It is seen from the military capacity and, most of all, from the fact that interests of the US are equated to the interests of the whole world. Keeping this role the US can reach its national interests' implementation while having influence on other sates. As an "example to the world", the US creates more roles to itself. This way the US becomes not only it, but also the one that other countries tend to seek for help or authority. As role theory states, "the other" assigns its expectations to the US, this is how the role forms. This analysis revealed that although the US defines itself as a global leader and world policeman, it acts according to the interests of itself. American citizens can be safe in the world, that is guarded. Furthermore, as a mediator, the US gets even more benefits. This thesis adds to analysis of the US roles a broader view, because it takes a long period of time – almost 40 years. It fills the hole in researchers of the US roles with original names of the roles. The further works could be based on a deeper analysis of roles of the US – how do they apply to the real actions of the state. In other words, does the theory meet the practice.

This master's thesis – "The Construction of USA Roles in National Security Strategies: Period After the Cold War" – questions what kinds of roles do the USA have in the world. The object of this work is the National Security Strategies of the United States of America after the Cold War. The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the roles' construction of the US, which are defined in the National Security Strategies. The main tasks were to analyze the role theory of international relations in the context of the US. Another task – to examine roles of the US in the National Security Strategies published after the Cold War. The main analysis was based on the construction of the roles: which of them repeats through the Strategies and how do they change during the years. The main outcome of this work is the definitions of the main roles of the US in the world. This thesis has three main chapters: at first, it gives structured analysis of role theory, then it explains the connection between role and identity through national interests and then it gives an analysis of National Security Strategies. Foreign policy of a state defines norms, which depends on national identity and the global context – neighboring countries, regions, subregions and global processes. Foreign policy is one of the main practices to construct and reveal the role of a state. The main document to define the US' vision of the state and connections with the world is National Security Strategy. This document highlights foreign policy's guidelines, main interests of a state, liabilities and the capacity of the security of the state. The exceptionalism of the US is what theorists define while talking about power distribution and roles in the world. The political decisions of the US have influence on the state itself and, more importantly, the remaining world. The national interests and actions form the roles of the US. The state links it with its promises and actions. That is why in the NSS you can find more about "outside" world, interactions between states and a vision of a global world. The analysis of the NSS reveals five roles of the US in the world: world leader, an example to the world, world policeman, world rescuer and mediator. They were the most repeated roles of the US. It is clear, that all roles of the US highlight its pursuit of authority and being the center of the world. As role theory states, role is not just how an "ego" sees itself, but also the expectations of the "alter" to an "ego". Being a mediator, the US has not only have the capacity of being one, but also other countries expect her to be one. Without doubt the salient role of the US is the one as a world leader. It is seen from the military capacity and, most of all, from the fact that interests of the US are equated to the interests of the whole world. Keeping this role the US can reach its national interests' implementation while having influence on other sates. As an "example to the world", the US creates more roles to itself. This way the US becomes not only it, but also the one that other countries tend to seek for help or authority. As role theory states, "the other" assigns its expectations to the US, this is how the role forms. This analysis revealed that although the US defines itself as a global leader and world policeman, it acts according to the interests of itself. American citizens can be safe in the world, that is guarded. Furthermore, as a mediator, the US gets even more benefits. This thesis adds to analysis of the US roles a broader view, because it takes a long period of time – almost 40 years. It fills the hole in researchers of the US roles with original names of the roles. The further works could be based on a deeper analysis of roles of the US – how do they apply to the real actions of the state. In other words, does the theory meet the practice.

The principle of the separation of powers is one of the main principles in rule of law. It says that all three branches (the legislature, executive and judiciary) have to be separate enough to act independently and to have enough power to control two other branches at the same time. The control is necessary in preserving government from power concentration and lost of liberty. This principle was implemented when framing the governmental system in the USA and was named "checks and balances". Framing the complicated system of the separation and interdependence of powers, the Framers intended to save the nation from the tyranny and to secure the effective functioning of the governmental branches. The Framers were particular about the functions of Congress and the President, because they expected the most danger from the legislature, but did not trust the President also. J. Madison comprehensively justified the necessity of the separation of powers and its constitutional determination in "the Federalist" papers. Constitutional provisions determining the functions of the governmental institutions were adopted for the future changes and to resolve the conflicts arisen. In the long run, it was proved that the Framers were right: both the President and Congress are intended to transcend their functions, but there are the third branch – the Court – to execute its constitutional obligation in solving the conflicts arisen between Congress and the President and "balancing" two other branches. There have been analysed the development of the separation of powers between Congress and the President during the crises in this master thesis. The ninetieth century could be called the century when Congress prevailed (with rare exceptions) in the governmental system of the USA. Eventually, the Presidential power constantly grows in the twentieth century. When balancing two other branches the Court can not execute congressional functions – only Congress itself is able to resist the influence of the executive and to gain its former power back: Congress should balance the executive in the long run. The principle of the separation of powers eventually functions and implements goals established in the Constitution.